Three-Day Week
The Three-Day Week was one of several measures introduced in the United Kingdom by the Conservative Government to conserve electricity, the generation of which was severely restricted owing to industrial action by coal miners. The effect was that from 1 January until 7 March 1974 (also the same month the 1973-74 oil crisis ended [1]) commercial users of electricity were limited to three specified consecutive days' consumption each week and prohibited from working longer hours on those days. Services deemed essential (e.g. hospitals, supermarkets and newspaper prints) were exempt.[2] Television companies were required to cease broadcasting at 10:30 p.m. during the crisis to conserve electricity,[3][4] although the restrictions were dropped after a general election was called.
Background
Throughout the mid-1970s, especially 1974 and 1975, the British economy was troubled by high rates of inflation. To tackle this, the government capped public sector pay rises and publicly promoted a clear capped level to the private sector. This caused unrest among trade unions as wages did not keep pace with price increases. This extended to most industries including coal mining, which provided the majority of the country's fuel and had a powerful trade union.
By the middle of 1973, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) – drawn from a workforce who almost wholly worked for the National Coal Board – was becoming more militant with the election of Mick McGahey as vice-president. The national conference passed resolutions for a 35% wage increase, regardless of any government guidelines, and for the election of a Labour government committed to "true socialist policy" including nationalisation of land and all key monopolies.[5]
As inflation increased, miners' wages became less valuable and, by October 1973, average wages were 2.3% lower than recommended by the Wilberforce Inquiry. In November 1973, the National Executive Committee of the NUM rejected the pay offer from the NCB and held a national ballot on a strike. The vote was rejected by 143,006 to 82,631. However, an overtime ban was implemented with the aim of halving production. This action hurt the coal industry and was unpopular amongst the British media, although the Trades Union Congress supported the NUM's actions.[5]
The Three-Day Week
To reduce electricity consumption, and thus conserve coal stocks, the prime minister, Edward Heath, announced a number of measures on 13 December 1973, including the "Three-Day Work Order", which came into force at midnight on 31 December. Commercial consumption of electricity would be limited to three consecutive days each week.[2] Heath's objectives were business continuity and survival and to avoid further inflation and a currency crisis. Rather than risk a total shutdown, working time was reduced to prolong the life of available fuel stocks. Television broadcasts were to shut-down at 10:30 p.m. each evening, and most pubs were closed.[5] The television broadcasting restrictions were introduced on 17 December 1973, suspended for the Christmas and New Year period, and lifted on 8 February 1974.[6]
Strike vote
On 24th January 1974, 81% of NUM members voted to strike, having rejected the offer of a 16.5% pay rise.[7] In contrast to the regional divisions of other strikes, every region of the NUM voted by a majority in favour of strike action. The only area that did not was the Colliery Officials and Staff Association (COSA) section. Some administrative staff had joined another union, APEX, to distance themselves from the increasing militancy of the NUM. APEX members did not strike, which led to resentment amongst NUM members.[5]
In the aftermath of the vote, there was speculation that the army would be used to transport coal and man power stations. McGahey called in a speech for the army to disobey orders, and either stay in the barracks or join picket lines, if they were asked to break the strike. In response, 111 Labour MPs signed a statement to condemn McGahey. He responded "You can't dig coal with bayonets." [5]
Results by NUM area
Taken from Douglass, David John (2005). Strike, not the end of the story. Overton, Yorkshire, UK: National Coal Mining Museum for England. p. 24..
Area / Groups | Total votes | Votes for strike action | % of total votes | Votes against strike action | % of total votes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Yorkshire | 54,570 | 49,278 | 90.30 | 5,292 | 9.70 |
Nottingham | 28,284 | 21,801 | 77.08 | 6,483 | 22.92 |
South Wales | 26,901 | 25,058 | 93.12 | 1,843 | 6.85 |
Durham | 17,341 | 14,862 | 85.70 | 2,479 | 14.30 |
C.O.S.A. | 15,368 | 6,066 | 39.47 | 9,302 | 60.53 |
Scotland | 16,587 | 14,497 | 87.40 | 2,090 | 12.60 |
Midlands | 12,309 | 9,016 | 73.25 | 3,293 | 26.75 |
Derbyshire | 10,679 | 9,242 | 86.54 | 1,437 | 13.46 |
North-west | 8,637 | 7,084 | 82.02 | 1,553 | 17.98 |
Northumberland | 8,420 | 7,075 | 84.03 | 1,345 | 15.97 |
Durham mechanics | 5,937 | 4,590 | 77.31 | 1,347 | 22.69 |
Group no 2 (Scotland) | 4,834 | 3,929 | 81.28 | 905 | 18.72 |
Cokemen | 4,583 | 3,076 | 67.12 | 1,507 | 32.88 |
Power Group | 3,981 | 2,239 | 56.24 | 1,742 | 43.76 |
South Derbyshire | 2,604 | 1,827 | 70.16 | 777 | 29.84 |
Leicestershire | 2,519 | 1,553 | 61.65 | 966 | 38.35 |
Kent | 2,360 | 2,117 | 89.70 | 243 | 10.30 |
Northumberland mechanics | 2,191 | 1,816 | 82.88 | 375 | 17.12 |
North Wales | 1,200 | 952 | 79.33 | 248 | 20.67 |
Power group no 2 | 1,164 | 681 | 58.51 | 483 | 41.49 |
Durham enginemen | 896 | 543 | 60.60 | 353 | 39.40 |
Cumberland | 800 | 775 | 88.07 | 105 | 11.93 |
Yorkshire enginemen | 370 | 316 | 85.41 | 54 | 14.59 |
Total | 232,615 | 188,393 | 80.99 | 44,222 | 19.01 |
Election call
The strike began officially on 5 February and, two days later, Heath called the February 1974 general election while the three-day week was in force. His government emphasised the pay dispute with the miners and used the slogan "Who governs Britain?". Heath believed that the public sided with the Conservatives on the issues of strikes and union power.[5]
A few days before the election date, the Government's Pay Board reported that the NUM's case was basically sound in seeking to return miners' wages to the levels recommended by the Wilberforce Enquiry in 1972.[5]
NUM control of picketing
There had been some violence on miners' picket lines during the unofficial strike of 1969 and the official strike of 1972.[5] Aware of the damage that could be done to the Labour Party's electoral prospects by media coverage of picket-line violence, the NUM instituted strict controls over pickets.[5] Pickets had to wear armbands saying "Official picket" and had to be authorised by areas.[5] Unlike in 1972, students were discouraged from joining miners' picket lines.[5] Every picket line had to be authorised by the local NUM area with a chief picket to ensure that no violence took place.[5]
Media
Most of the media were strongly opposed to the NUM strike. An exception was the Daily Mirror, which ran an emotive campaign to support the NUM. Its edition on election day in 1974 showed hundreds of crosses on its front page to represent the miners who had died since nationalisation in 1947, accompanied by the message, "Before you use your cross, remember these crosses".[5]
Election result
The election resulted in a hung parliament: the Conservative Party took the largest share of the vote, but lost its majority, with Labour having a plurality in the House of Commons. In the ensuing talks, Heath failed to secure enough parliamentary support from Liberal and Ulster Unionist MPs; and Harold Wilson returned to power in a minority government. The normal working week was restored on 8 March, but other restrictions on the use of electricity remained in force.[2] A second general election was held in October 1974 cementing the Labour administration, which gained a majority of three seats.[8]
The new Labour government increased miners' wages by 35% immediately after the February 1974 election.[9] In February 1975, a further increase of 35% was achieved without any industrial action.[10]
In the campaign for the 1979 general election, after the Winter of Discontent running into that year, both main adversaries had startling graphic advertisements: Labour reminded voters of the Three-Day Week, with a poster showing a lit candle and bearing the slogan "Remember the last time the Tories said they had all the answers?"[11] The Conservatives ran against Labour Prime Minister James Callaghan who on his arrival back from a conference in Guadeloupe played down the crisis. The Conservatives' message prevailed, and Margaret Thatcher became prime minister.[12][13] Their main campaign slogan was "Labour Isn't Working".[14]
Notes
- ↑ 1973 oil crisis
- 1 2 3 "British Economics and Trade Union politics 1973–1974". The National Archives (UK Government records).
- ↑ "The UK in the 1970s". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 25 January 2012.
- ↑ "Transcription of Radio Times TV listing for 7 January 1974". The TV Room Plus. Retrieved 25 January 2012.
- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Douglass, David John (2005). Strike, not the end of the story. Overton, Yorkshire, UK: National Coal Mining Museum for England. p. 23-25.
- ↑ "TV Curb Lifted". The Times. 8 February 1974.
- ↑ BBC ON THIS DAY 7 February 1974 Heath calls snap election over miners
- ↑ "1974 Oct: Wilson makes it four". BBC News. 5 April 2005. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ↑ BBC ON THIS DAY 6 March 1974 Miners' strike comes to an end
- ↑ BBC ON THIS DAY 13 February 1975 Miners set for 35 per cent rises
- ↑ "The power of persuasion". Daily Express. 7 April 2010. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ↑ "1979: Election victory for Margaret Thatcher". BBC on this day. BBC News. 4 May 1979. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ↑ "Winter of Discontent: 30 years on". Business. BBC News. 6 September 2008. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
- ↑ "The Poster that Won the Election". Back space. September 2002. Retrieved 25 May 2012.