Suvarnabhumi

Crisa and Aureia, the Isles of Gold, near the Aurea Chersonese, the Golden Peninsula, near Java in the Indian Ocean, on the map of Andreas Walsperger, around 1448

Suvarṇabhūmi (Sanskrit: सुवर्णभूमि; Pali: Suvaṇṇabhūmi;Malay: Suwarna Bumi; Tagalog: ᜐᜓᜏᜈᜉᜓᜋᜒ (Suwarnapumi)[1]; Burmese: သုဝဏ္ဏဘူမိ, [θṵwʊ̀ɴna̰bùmḭ]; Khmer: សុវណ្ណភូមិ, Sovannaphoum; Thai: สุวรรณภูมิ, rtgs: Suwannaphum) is the name of a land mentioned in many ancient sources such as the Mahavamsa,[2] some stories of the Jataka tales,[3][4] and Milinda Panha.[5]

Suvaṇṇabhumī means "Golden Land" or "Land of Gold" and might be a region named Aurea Regio in "India beyond the Ganges" of Ptolemy, also referred to as the Golden Chersonese. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea refers to the Land of Gold, Chryse, and describes it as “an island in the ocean, the furthest extremity towards the east of the inhabited world, lying under the rising sun itself, called Chryse... Beyond this country... there lies a very great inland city called Thina”.[6] Dionysius Periegetes mentioned: “The island of Chryse (Gold), situated at the very rising of the Sun”.[7] Avienus referred to the Insula Aurea (Golden Isle) located where "the Scythian seas give rise to the Dawn".[8] Josephus speaks of the "Aurea Chersonesus", which he equates with the Biblical Ophir, whence the ships of Tyre and Israel brought back gold for the Temple of Jerusalem.[9] The city of Thina was described by Ptolemy's Geography as the capital city of the country on the eastern shores of the Magnus Sinus (Gulf of Thailand). Some have speculated that this country refers to the Kingdom of Funan. The main port of Funan was Cattigara Sinarum statio (Kattigara the port of the Sinae).[10]

There is a common misunderstanding that the Edicts of Ashoka mention this name. The truth is the edicts relate only the kings' names and never reference Suvarnabhumi in the text. Moreover, all of the kings referenced in the text reigned their cities in the region that located beyond the Sindhu to the west. The misunderstanding might come from a mixing of the story of Ashoka sending his Buddhist missionaries to Suvarnabhumi in "Mahavamsa" and his edicts.

Location

The location of Suvarnabhumi has been the subject of much debate, both in scholarly and nationalistic agendas. It remains one of the most mythified and contentious toponyms in the history of Asia.[11] Scholars have identified two regions as possible locations for the ancient Suvarnabhumi: Insular Southeast Asia or Southern India.[12] In a study of the various literary sources for the location of Suvannabhumi, Saw Mra Aung concluded that it was impossible to draw a decisive conclusion on this, and that only thorough scientific research would reveal which of several versions of Suvannabhumi was the original.[13]

Insular Southeast Asia theory

Ancient polities on Malay Peninsula and Sumatra. The island of Sumatra is often described as Suvarnadvipa ("Islands of Gold").

The term Suvarnabhumi ("Land of Gold"), is commonly thought to refer to the Southeast Asian Peninsula, including lower Burma and the Malay Peninsula. However there is another gold-referring term Suvarnadvipa (the Golden Island or Peninsula, where dvipa may refer to either a peninsula or an island),[14] which may correspond to the Indonesian Archipelago, especially Sumatra.[15] Both terms might refer to a powerful coastal or island kingdom in present-day Indonesia and Malaysia, possibly centered on Sumatra or Java. This is corresponds to the gold production areas traditionally known in Minangkabau highlands in Barisan Mountains, Sumatra, and interior Borneo.[15] An eighth century Indian text known as the "Samaraiccakaha" describes a sea voyage to Suvarnadvipa and the making of bricks from the gold rich sands which they inscribed with the name dharana and then baked.[16] These pointing out to the direction of western part of insular Southeast Asia, especially Sumatra, Malay Peninsula, Borneo and Java.

Benefited from its strategic location on narrow Strait of Malacca, the insular theory argued that other than actually producing gold, it might also based on such kingdom's potential for power and wealth (hence, "Land of Gold") as a hub for sea-trade and on vague descriptions provided by contemporary Chinese pilgrims to India. The kingdom referred as the center of maritime trade between China and India was Srivijaya. Due to the Chinese writing system, however, the interpretations of Chinese historical sources are based on supposed correspondences of ideograms – and their possible phonetic equivalents – with known toponyms in the ancient Southeast Asian civilizations. Hendrik Kern concluded that Sumatra was the Suvarnadvipa mentioned in ancient Hindu texts and the island of Chryse mentioned in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and by Rufius Festus Avienus.[17]

The interpretation of early travel records is not always easy. The Javanese embassies to China in 860 and 873 CE refer to Java as rich in gold, although it was in fact devoid of any deposits. Javanese would have had to import its gold possibly from neighbouring Malaya, Sumatra or Borneo, where gold was still being mined into the 19th century and where ancient mining sites located.[18] Even though Java did not have its own gold deposits, the texts make frequent references to the existence of goldsmiths, and it is clear from the archaeological evidence such as Wonoboyo Hoard, that this culture had developed a sophisticated gold working technology, which relied on the importing of substantial quantities of the metal.[19]

The Padang Roco Inscription of 1286 CE, states that an image of Buddha Amoghapasa Lokeshvara was brought to Dharmasraya on the Upper Batang Hari — the river of Jambi, transported from Bhumi Java (Java) to Suvarnabhumi (Sumatra), and erected by order of the Javanese ruler Kertanegara: the inscription clearly identifies Sumatra as Suvarnabhumi.[20]

Southern India theory

The other theory maintains that Ashoka's missionaries did not travel further east than Sri Lanka (called "Tamraparni" in the Mahavamsa) and identifies Suvarnabhumi as a toponym in the extreme South of present-day India, outside of Ashoka's empire but still on the subcontinent, possibly in the land of the Cholas or Pandyas. This theory is based on equally vague archaeological evidence in southern India and the claim that there is no independent evidence, either historical or archaeological, proving Ashoka's missionaries ever visited South-East Asia.

Bengal theory

Many claim that Suvarnabhumi was actually situated in central Bengal. In some Jain texts, it is mentioned that merchants of Anga (in present-day Bihar) regularly sailed to Suvarnabhumi, and ancient Bengal was in fact situated very close to Anga, connected by rivers of the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta. Bengal has also been described in ancient Indian and Southeast Asian chronicles as a "seafaring country", enjoying trade relations with Dravidian kingdoms, Sri Lanka, Java and Sumatra. Sinhalese tradition holds that the first king of Sri Lanka, Vijaya Singha, came from Bengal. Moreover the region is commonly associated with gold- the soil of Bengal is known for its golden color (gangetic alluvial), golden harvest(rice), golden fruits (mangoes), golden minerals (gold and clay) and yellow skinned people. Bengal is described in ancient Sanskrit texts as 'Gaud-Desh'(Golden/Radiant land). During the reign of the Bengal Sultans and the Mughal Empire, central Bengal was home to a prosperous trading town called "Sonargaon" (Golden village), which was connected to North India by the Grand Trunk Road and was frequented by Arab, Persian and Chinese travelers, including Ibn Batutta and Zheng He. Even today, Bengalis often refer to their land as 'Shonar Bangla' (Golden Bengal), and the national anthem of Bangladesh- Amar Shonar Bangla (My Bengal of Gold)- is based on this theme.

Other traditions

Due to many factors, including the lack of historical evidence, the absence of scholarly consensus, various cultures in Southeast Asia identify Suwannaphum as an ancient kingdom there and claim ethnic and political descendancy as its successors.[21] As no such claim or legend existed prior to the translation and publication of the Edicts, scholars see these claims as based in nationalism or attempts to claim the title of first Buddhists in South-East Asia.

Burman/Mon

In Burma, both the ethnic Burmans and the Mons claim that Suwannabhumi (သုဝဏ္ဏဘူမိ) was the Thaton Kingdom located on the Tenasserim coastal area centered on Thaton. This belief may stem from two references in the fourth century Sri Lankan history "Mahavamsa" and Dîpavamsa which told the story of the Ashoka missionaries (seven centuries removed), stating "Sona and Uttara were dispatched to Suvarnabhumi" and identifies this land with the contemporary (fourth century) area of Râmaññadesa or Thaton.[22] If true, however, it is unlikely that the people of this area were either Burman or Mon since, according to accepted archaeogical and historical evidence, the Tibeto-Burman peoples had not yet begun their migration into the peninsula and the Mon were just beginning to filter into and settle the Khorat area of modern-day Thailand in the third century BC.

Thailand theory

In Thailand, government proclamations and national museums insist that Suwannaphum was somewhere in the coast of central plain, especially at the ancient city of U Thong, which might be the origin of the Dvaravati Culture.[23] Although they have not based their claims on any historical records, the Thai government named the new Bangkok airport, Suvarnabhumi Airport, after the mythic kingdom of Suwannaphum, in celebration of this tradition. This tradition, however, is doubted by scholars for the same reason as the Burman claim. The migration of the Tai peoples into Southeast Asia did not occur until centuries later, long after the Pyu, Malays, Mons and Khmers had established their respective kingdoms.[24] Suphan Buri (from the Sanskrit, Suvarnapura, "Gold City") in present day southern Thailand, was founded in 877-882 as a city of the Mon-Khmer kingdom of Dvaravati with the name, Meuang Thawarawadi Si Suphannaphumi ("the Dvaravati city of Suvarnabhumi"), indicating that Dvaravati at that time identified as Suvarnabhumi.[25]

Funan theory

The oldest archaeological evidence of Indianized civilization in Southeast Asia comes from central Burma, central and southern Thailand, and the lower Mekong delta . These finds belong to the period of Funan or Nokor Phnom, present day Cambodia and South Vietnam including Thailand, Lao and South Vietnam], which was the first political centre established in Southeast Asia. Taking into account the epigraphic and archaeological evidence, the Suvarnabhumi mentioned in the early texts must be identified with these areas.[26] Of these areas, only Funan had maritime links with India through its port at Oc Eo. Therefore although Suvarnabhumi in time became a generic name broadly applied to all the lands east of India, particularly Sumatra, its earliest application was probably to Funan. The Chinese name, "Funan", may be a transcription of the "Suvaṇṇa" of "Suvaṇṇabhumī".

Philippine theory

Iron age finds in Philippines point to the existence of trade between Tamil Nadu and the Philippine Islands during the ninth and tenth centuries B.C.[27] The Philippines is believed by some historians to be the island of Chryse, the "Golden One," which is the name given by ancient Greek writers in reference to an island rich in gold east of India. Pomponius Mela, Marinos of Tyre and the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea mentioned this island in 100 BC, and it is basically the equivalent to the Indian Suvarnadvipa, the "Island of Gold." Josephus calls it in Latin Aurea, and equates the island with biblical Ophir, from where the ships of Tyre and Solomon brought back gold and other trade items. The Visayan Islands, particularly Cebu had earlier encounter with the Greek traders in 21 AD.[28][29] This notion was however, later dismissed by modern historians as merely alluding and comparing the Philippines' position to the Spanish economy with that of Ophir to Solomon's kingdom—the sudden discovery and colonisation of the Islands bringing wealth and prosperity to the realm.[30] Ptolemy locates the islands of Chryse east of the Khruses Kersonenson, the "Golden Peninsula," i.e. the Malaya Peninsula. North of Chryse in the Periplus was Thin, which some consider the first European reference to China. In about the 200 BC, there arose a practice of using gold eye covers, and then, gold facial orifice covers to adorn the dead resulting in an increase of ancient gold finds. During the Qin dynasty and the Tang dynasty, China was well aware of the golden lands far to the south. The Buddhist pilgrim I-Tsing mentions Chin-Chou, "Isle of Gold" in the archipelago south of China on his way back from India. Medieval Muslims refer to the islands as the Kingdoms of Zabag and Wāḳwāḳ, rich in gold, referring, perhaps, to the eastern islands of the Malay archipelago, the location of present-day Philippines and Eastern Indonesia.[31] [32]

The European search for the Isles of Gold during the Age of Discovery

The thirst for gold formed the most powerful incentive to explorers at the beginning of modern times; but although more and more extensive regions were brought to light by them, they sought in vain in the East Indian Archipelago for the Gold and Silver Islands where, according to the legends, the precious metals were to be gathered from the ground and did not need to be laboriously extracted from the interior of the earth. In spite of their failure, they found it difficult to give up the alluring picture. When they did not find what they sought in the regions which were indicated by the old legends and by the maps based thereon, they hoped for better success in still unexplored regions, and clutched with avidity at every hint that they were here to attain their object. The history of geography thus shows us how the Gold and Silver Islands were constantly, so to speak, wandering towards the East. Marco Polo spoke, in the most exaggerated language, of the wealth of gold in Zipangu, situated at the extremity of this part of the world, and had thus pointed out where the precious metals should preferably be sought. Martin Behaim, on his globe of 1492, revived the Argyre and Chryse of antiquity in these regions.[33] In 1519, Cristóvão de Mendonça, was given instructions to search for the legendary Isles of Gold, said to lie to "beyond Sumatra", which he was unable to do, and in 1587 an expedition under the command of Pedro de Unamunu was sent to find them in the vicinity of Zipangu (Japan).[34] According to Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, in 1528 Alvaro de Saavedra in the ship Florida on a voyage from the Moluccas to Mexico reached a large island which he took for the Isla del Oro. This island has not been identified although it seems likely that it is Biak, Manus or one of the Schouten Islands on the north coast of New Guinea.[35]


References

  1. Cebu, a Port City in Prehistoric and in Present Times. Retrieved September 05, 2008, citing Regalado & Franco 1973, p. 78
  2. “To Suvarnabhumi he [Moggaliputta] sent Sona and Uttara”; Mahānāma, The Mahāvaṃsa, or, The Great Chronicle of Ceylon, translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger, assisted by Mabel Haynes Bode, with an addendum by G.C. Mendis, London, Luzac & Co. for the Pali Text Society, 1964, Chapter XII, “The Converting of Different Countries”, p.86.
  3. Sussondi-Jātaka, Sankha-Jātaka, Mahājanaka-Jātaka, in Edward B. Cowell (ed.), The Jātaka: or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births, London, Cambridge University Press, 1897; reprinted Pali Text Society, dist. by Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969, Vol. III, p.124; Vol. IV, p.10; Vol. VI, p.22
  4. J. S. Speyer, The Jatakamala or Garland of Birth-Stories of Aryasura, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. I, London, Henry Frowde, 1895; reprint: Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1982, No.XIV, Supâragajâtaka, pp.453-462.
  5. R.K. Dube, “Southeast Asia as the Indian El-Dorado”, in Chattopadhyaya, D. P. and Project of History of Indian Science, Philosophy, and Culture (eds.), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1999, Vol.1, Pt.3, C.G. Pande (ed.), India's Interaction with Southeast Asia, Chapter 6, pp.87-109.
  6. Lionel Casson (ed.), Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Princeton University Press, 1989, p.91.
  7. Dionysios Oecumenis Periegetes (Orbis Descriptio), lines 589-90; Dionysii Orbis Terrae Descriptio
  8. Rufius Festus Avienus, Descriptio orbis terrae, III, v.750-779.Descriptio orbis terrae
  9. "Solomon gave this command: That they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was of old called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs to India, to fetch him gold."; Antiquities, 8:6:4.
  10. George Coedès, review of Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese (Kuala Lumpur, 1961), in T'oung Pao 通報, vol.49, parts 4/5, 1962, pp.433-439; Claudius Ptolemy, Geography, Book I, chapter 17, paragraph 4; Louis Malleret, L’Archéologie du Delta du Mékong, Tome Troisiéme, La culture du Fu-nan, Paris, 1962, chap.XXV, “Oc-Èo et Kattigara”, pp.421-54; "Mr Caverhill seems very fairly to have proved that the ancient Cattagara [sic] is the same with the present Ponteamass [Banteaymeas], and the modern city Cambodia [Phnom Penh] the ancient metropolis of Sinae, or Thina", The Gentleman’s Magazine, December 1768, "Epitome of Philosophical Transactions", vol.57, p.578; John Caverhill, “Some Attempts to ascertain the utmost Extent of the Knowledge of the Ancients in the East Indies”, Philosophical Transactions, vol.57, 1767, pp.155-174.
  11. Nicholas Revire, “Facts and Fiction: The Myth of Suvaṇṇabhūmi through the Thai and Burmese Looking Glass”, Academia, [2016].
  12. R. C. Majumdar, Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East, Vol. II, Suvarnadvipa, Calcutta, Modern Publishing Syndicate, 1937, Chapter IV, Suvarnadvipa, pp.37-47.Suvarnadvipa
  13. Saw Mra Aung, “The Accounts of Suvannabhumi from Various Literary Sources”, Suvannabhumi: Multi-Disciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (Busan University of Foreign Studies, Korea), vol. 3, no.1, June 2011, pp.67-86.
  14. Paul Wheatley (1961). The Golden Khersonese: Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. pp. 177–184. OCLC 504030596.
  15. 1 2 "Gold in early Southeast Asia". Archeosciences.
  16. Dube, 2003: 6
  17. H. Kern, "Java en het Goudeiland Volgens de Oudste Berichten", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, Volume 16, 1869, pp.638-648.; See also Gabriel Ferrand, "Suvarņadvīpa", in L'empire sumatranais de Crivijaya, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1922, p.121-134.
  18. Colless, 1975; Miksic, 1999: 19; Manning et al., 1980
  19. Wahyono Martowikrido, 1994; 1999
  20. Gabriel Ferrand, "Suvarņadvīpa", in L'empire sumatranais de Crivijaya, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1922, p.123-125; See also George Coedès, Les états hindouisés d'Indochine et d'Indonésie, Paris, De Boccard, 1948, p.337.
  21. Prapod Assavavirulhakarn, The Ascendancy of Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia, Chieng Mai, Silkworm Books, 2010, p.55.
  22. Dîpavamsa VIII. 12
  23. Damrong Rachanubhab, “History of Siam in the Period Antecedent to the Founding of Ayuddhya by King Phra Chao U Thong”, Miscellaneous Articles: Written for the Journal of the Siam Society by His late Royal Highness Prince Damrong, Bangkok, 1962, pp.49-88, p.54; Promsak Jermsawatdi, Thai Art with Indian Influences, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, 1979, pp.16-24. William J. Gedney, “A Possible Early Thai Route to the Sea”, Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 76, 1988, pp.12-16.
  24. The Siam Society: Miscellaneous Articles Written for the JSS by His Late Highness Prince Damrong. The Siam Society, Bangkok, B.E. 2505 (1962); Søren Ivarsson, Creating Laos: The Making of a Lao Space Between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945, NIAS Press, 2008, pp.75-82.
  25. Manit Vallibhotama, "Muang U-Thong", Muang Boran Journal, Volume 14, no.1, January–March 1988, pp.29-44; Sisak Wanliphodom, Suwannaphum yu thi ni, Bangkok, 1998; Warunee Osatharom, Muang Suphan Through Changing Periods, Bangkok, Thammasat University Press, 2004; The Siam Society, Miscellaneous Articles Written for the JSS by His Late Highness Prince Damrong, The Siam Society, Bangkok, B.E. 2505 (1962); William J. Gedney, “A Possible Early Thai Route to the Sea”, Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 76, 1988, pp.12-16.
  26. Pang Khat, «Le Bouddhisme au Cambodge», René de Berval, Présence du Bouddhisme, Paris, Gallimard, 1987, pp.535-551, pp.537, 538; Amarajiva Lochan, ”India and Thailand: Early Trade Routes and Sea Ports”, S.K. Maity, Upendra Thakur, A.K. Narain (eds,), Studies in Orientology: Essays in Memory of Prof. A.L. Basham, Agra, Y.K. Publishers, 1988, pp.222-235, pp.222, 229-230; Prapod Assavavirulhakarn, The Ascendancy of Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia, Chieng Mai, Silkworm Books, 2010, p.55; Promsak Jermsawatdi, Thai Art with Indian Influences, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, 1979, chapter III, “Buddhist Art in Thailand”, pp.16-24, p.17.
  27. "Tamil Cultural Association - Tamil Language". tamilculturewaterloo.org. Archived from the original on 2008-01-02.
  28. Cebu, a Port City in Prehistoric and in Present Times. Retrieved September 05, 2008, citing Regalado & Franco 1973, p. 78
  29. Mojares 2006, p. 85
  30. Truxillo 2001, p. 82
  31. Zabag. Retrieved September 02, 2008.
  32. Tirol, Jes.Bo-ol (Bohol) was a Land of Ophir: A Theory. The Bohol Chronicle Vol.LIII No.062 December 21, 2008.
  33. E.W. Dahlgren, “Were the Hawaiian Islands visited by the Spaniards before their Discovery by Captain Cook in 1778?”, Kungliga Svenska Vetenskapsakademiens Handlingar, Band 57. No.1, 1916-1917, pp.1-222, pp.47-48, 66.
  34. The Travels of Pedro Teixeira, tr. and annotated by W.F. Sinclair, London, Hakluyt Society, Series 2, Vol.9, 1902, p.10; H. R. Wagner and Pedro de Unamuno, “The Voyage of Pedro de Unamuno to California in 1587”, California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Jul., 1923), pp. 140-160, p.142.
  35. “Alvaro de Saavedra….anduvieron 250 Leguas, hasta la isla del Oro, adonde tomaron Puerto, que es grande, y de Gente Negra, y con los cabellos crespos, y desnuda”; Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, Madrid, 1601, Decada IV, libro III, cap.iv, p.60. June L. Whittaker, (ed.), Documents and Readings in New Guinea History: Pre-history to 1889, Milton, Jacaranda, 1975, pp,183-4.

See also

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