Presidency of James K. Polk

The presidency of James K. Polk began on March 4, 1845, when he was inaugurated as the 11th President of the United States, and ended on March 4, 1849. James K. Polk, a Democrat, assumed office after defeating Whig Henry Clay in the 1844 presidential election. Polk left office after one term, fulfilling a campaign pledge he made in 1844, and he was succeeded by Whig Zachary Taylor. A close ally of Andrew Jackson, Polk's presidency reflected his adherence to the ideals of Jacksonian democracy and manifest destiny.

Polk is often considered the last strong pre-Civil War president, having met during his four years in office every major domestic and foreign policy goal set during his campaign and the transition to his administration. When Mexico rejected the U.S. annexation of Texas, Polk achieved a sweeping victory in the Mexican–American War, which resulted in the cession by Mexico of nearly the whole of what is now the American Southwest. He ensured a substantial reduction of tariff rates by replacing the "Black Tariff" with the Walker tariff of 1846, which pleased the less-industrialized states of his native South by rendering less expensive both imported and, through competition, domestic goods. He threatened war with the United Kingdom over the issue of which nation owned the Oregon Country, eventually reaching a settlement in which the British were made to sell the portion that became the Oregon Territory. Additionally, he built an independent treasury system that lasted until 1913, oversaw the opening of the U.S. Naval Academy and of the Smithsonian Institution, the groundbreaking for the Washington Monument, and the issuance of the first United States postage stamp.

Scholars have ranked him favorably on lists of greatest presidents for his ability to promote, obtain support for, and achieve all of the major items on his presidential agenda. However, he has also been criticized for leading the country into war against Mexico, and for exacerbating sectional divides. Polk has been called the "least known consequential president" of the United States.^[1]

1844 election

In the early months of 1844 former president Martin Van Buren was the front-runner for the Democratic presidential nomination, and Polk, who desired to be party's vice-presidential nominee in the upcoming election,^[2] engaged in a delicate and subtle campaign to become his running mate.^[3] However, while he was held in high esteem and widely supported, Van Buren faced opposition from Southerners who feared his views on slavery; furthermore, his handling of the Panic of 1837 also aroused opposition from "entrepreneurial conservatives."^[3] Many Southerners supported the candidacy of former Vice President John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, the entrepreneurial conservatives rallied around Senator Lewis Cass of Michigan; former Vice President Richard Mentor Johnson also maintained a strong following among Democrats.^[3]

A key aspect of Polk's strategy to become vice president was winning control of the Tennessee delegation to the 1844 Democratic National Convention.^[4] Polk defeated a challenge for the state party's leadership by former Senator Alfred O. P. Nicholson, and Polk instructed the Tennessee delegates to support his vice presidential nomination while remaining neutral on the presidency, thus opening up the possibility of a deal between Polk and Van Buren in which Van Buren would choose Polk as his running mate in exchange for the Tennessee delegation's votes.^[4] Polk's maneuvering was opposed at the national level by two powerful Senators, Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri and James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, both of whom sought a vice president of a lesser stature so as to clear the way for their own respective presidential candidacies in 1848.^[5] The potential annexation of the Republic of Texas by President John Tyler upended the presidential race; while Van Buren and the Whig frontrunner, Henry Clay, opposed the annexation and a potential war with Mexico over the disputed territory,^[6] Polk and Andrew Jackson strongly supported territorial acquisition.^[7] Disappointed by Van Buren's position, Jackson instead decided to support Polk as the party's presidential candidate in the 1844 election, though Polk was skeptical that he could win that nomination.^[8] However, as Van Buren continued to receive opposition from the West and South, Polk's key lieutenant at the convention, Gideon Johnson Pillow, noted the possibility of Polk emerging as a compromise presidential nominee.^[9]

As the convention began on May 27, 1844, the key question was whether the convention would adopt a rule requiring the presidential nominee to receive the vote of 2/3 of the delegates.^[10] With the strong support of the Southern states, the two thirds rule was passed by the convention, effectively ending the possibility of Van Buren's nomination due to the strong opposition he faced.^[11] Van Buren won a majority on the first presidential ballot, but failed to win the necessary supermajority, and support for Van Buren faded on subsequent ballots.^[11] Cass, Johnson, Calhoun, and Buchanan also received votes on the first ballot, and Cass took the lead after the fifth ballot.^[12] As the balloting continued, anti-Cass forces from the Northeast led by George Bancroft rallied support for Polk.^[13] On the eighth presidential ballot, Polk won 44 of the 266 delegates, as support for all candidates other than Polk, Cass, and Van Buren dissipated.^[14] Following the eighth ballot, several delegates rose to speak in support of Polk's candidacy.^[14] Van Buren, then realizing that he had no chance of ever winning, threw his support behind Polk, who won on the next ballot. In doing so, he became the first "dark horse" candidate ever to win a major U.S. political party's presidential nomination.^[15] The following day, Senator Silas Wright of New York, a close Van Buren ally, offered the nomination as Polk's running mate. He declined, and the convention chose former Senator George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania.^[16]

Polk had not attended the convention, and when he learned of his nomination, he stated: "It has been well observed that the office of President of the United States should neither be sought nor declined. I have never sought it, nor should I feel at liberty to decline it, if conferred upon me by the voluntary suffrages of my fellow citizens." He then focused his efforts on unifying the splintered Democratic Party. His first reconciling was to pledge that he would only serve one term if elected. Polk hoped that this would win him the backing of Democratic leaders such as Cass, Calhoun, Benton, Buchanan, and Silas Wright, all of whom had presidential aspirations.^[17][18] Further, he avoided taking a position on the protectionist Tariff of 1842, but appealed to the key state of Pennsylvania by using rhetoric favorable towards tariffs.^[19] In New York, another key swing state, Polk's campaign was greatly aided by the gubernatorial candidacy of Wright, who managed to unite the factions of the New York Democratic Party.^[19] The potential annexation of Texas also threatened to divide the party between North and South, but Polk managed to appease most Southern party leaders without antagonizing Northern party leaders.^[20]

The abolitionist Liberty party nominated Michigan's James G. Birney.^[21] Delegates to the 1844 Whig National Convention nominated Henry Clay on the first ballot. Notwithstanding that Polk had been Speaker of the House of Representatives, Andrew Jackson's point-man in the Bank War, and governor of Tennessee, Whig stump speakers scorned Polk, mocking him with the chant "Who is James K. Polk?" in reference to Polk's relative obscurity (compared to either Van Buren or Clay).^[22] The party blanketed the nation with hundreds of thousands of anti-Polk tracts, accusing him of being a puppet of the "slaveocracy" and a radical who would destroy the United States over Texas.^[15]

As the election drew closer, it became clear that most of the country favored the annexation of Texas, and some Southern Whig leaders supported Polk's campaign due to Clay's anti-annexation stance.^[20] In June 1844, Clay attempted to hedge his position on annexation, but this attempt alienated anti-annexation Northerners while doing little to appease pro-annexation forces.^[23]

Polk won the election, receiving 170 Electoral College votes to Clay's 105, and a 49.5% plurality of the popular vote. His popular vote victory was a razor thin 38,367 votes. Polk lost both his birth state, North Carolina, and his state of residence, Tennessee; but won Pennsylvania and New York, where Clay lost votes to Birney.^[23] Had he won New York, Clay would have defeated Polk by a slim six-vote margin in the Electoral College.^[15]

During the post-election presidential transition period, President Tyler sought to complete the annexation of Texas. While the Senate had defeated an earlier treaty that would annex the republic, Tyler sought to pass a joint resolution through both houses of Congress.^[24] Due to disagreements regarding the extension of slavery, Senator Benton of Missouri and Secretary of State Calhoun disagreed on the best way to annex Texas, and Polk became involved in negotiations to break the impasse.^[24] With Polk's help, the annexation resolution narrowly cleared the Senate.^[24] In a surprise move two days before Polk's inauguration, Tyler extended to Texas a formal offer of annexation.^[25]

Inauguration

Polk was inaugurated as the nation's 11th president on March 4, 1845, in a ceremony held on the East Portico of the United States Capitol. Chief Justice Roger Tanney administered the oath of office. This was the first U.S. presidential inauguration to be reported by telegraph and to be shown in a newspaper illustration (in The Illustrated London News).^[26]

His inaugural address, written with the help of Amos Kendall, was a message of hope and confidence. At 4,476 words, it is the second longest inaugural address (behind only William Henry Harrison's 8,445 word address four years earlier). In it he touched on the Jacksonian principles that had guided his political career and Democratic Party positions that would guide his administration. A major theme of the speech was the nation's westward expansion. He detailed how important the addition of Texas to the Union was, and noted that Americans were moving into lands even further west (California and Oregon).^[27] He declared:

But eighty years ago our population was confined on the west by the ridge of the Alleghanies (by the Royal Proclamation of 1763). Within that period—within the lifetime, I might say, of some of my hearers—our people, increasing to many millions, have filled the eastern valley of the Mississippi, adventurously ascended the Missouri to its headsprings, and are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in valleys of which the rivers flow to the Pacific.^[28]

Administration

Cabinet

Polk governed with the help of his cabinet, in which he placed great importance. The Cabinet regularly met twice a week, and Polk and his six Cabinet members discussed all major issues during these meetings.^[29] Despite his reliance on his Cabinet, Polk involved himself in the minutiae of the various departments, especially regarding the military.^[30]

In selecting a new cabinet, Polk heeded Jackson's advice to avoid individuals who were themselves interested in the presidency, though he chose to nominate Buchanan for the crucial and prestigious position of Secretary of State.^[31][32] Polk wrote Van Buren and Wright with the intention of appointing an acceptable New Yorker to the position of Secretary of the Treasury, and the two recommended Azariah C. Flagg.^[33] Polk decided to nominate Senator Robert J. Walker of Mississippi to the position of Attorney General.^[33] Cave Johnson, a close friend and ally of Polk, would be nominated for the position of Postmaster General.^[33] Though Polk was personally close with the incumbent Navy Secretary, John Y. Mason, he sought to replace him due to Jackson's insistence that none of Tyler's Cabinet be retained.^[33] In his place, Polk would nominate George Bancroft, the historian who had placed a crucial role in Polk's nomination.^[33] For the position of Secretary of War, Polk sought to appoint Andrew Stevenson of Virginia, giving Polk's potential Cabinet three slave state leaders and three free state leaders.^[33]

Polk's Cabinet choices met with the approval of Andrew Jackson, who Polk met with in January 1845 for the last time, as Jackson would die in June 1845.^[33] However, after news of Buchanan's selection for State was leaked, Vice President Dallas (an in-state rival of Buchanan) and a slew of Southerners insisted that Walker receive the higher position at Treasury.^[34] Polk instead chose to nominate Bancroft as a compromise at Treasury while nominating Mason as Attorney General and a New Yorker, William L. Marcy, as Secretary of War.^[34] Polk had intended the Marcy appointment to mollify Van Buren, but Van Buren was outraged at the move, in part due to Marcy's affiliation with the rival "Hunker" faction.^[34] Marcy would emerge as an able and loyal member of Polk's Cabinet.^[29] Polk then further enraged Van Buren by finally choosing Walker for Treasury.^[35] Walker and Buchanan were important Democratic leaders.^[29] Though Polk respected Buchanan's opinion and Buchanan played an important role in Polk's presidency, the two frequently clashed over foreign policy and appointments.^[36] Polk frequently considered dismissing Buchanan from office, as he suspected Buchanan of placing his own presidential aspirations above service to Polk, but Buchanan always managed to convince Polk of his loyalty.^[37] After the outbreak of the Mexican-American War, Polk shook up his Cabinet, sending Bancroft to Great Britain as an ambassador, shifting Mason to his old position of Navy Secretary, and successfully nominating Nathan Clifford as Attorney General.^[38]

The Polk Cabinet
Office	Name	Term
President	James K. Polk	1845–1849
Vice President	George M. Dallas	1845–1849
Secretary of State	James Buchanan	1845–1849
Secretary of Treasury	Robert J. Walker	1845–1849
Secretary of War	William L. Marcy	1845–1849
Attorney General	John Y. Mason	1845–1846
	Nathan Clifford	1846–1848
	Isaac Toucey	1848–1849
Postmaster General	Cave Johnson	1845–1849
Secretary of the Navy	George Bancroft	1845–1846
	John Y. Mason	1846–1849

Goals

According to a story told decades later by George Bancroft, Polk set four clearly defined goals for his administration:^[39]

• Reestablish the Independent Treasury System.
• Reduce tariffs.
• Acquire some or all of Oregon Country.
• Acquire California and New Mexico from Mexico.

While his domestic aims represented continuity with past Democratic policies, successful completion of Polk's foreign policy goals would represent the first major American territorial gains since the Adams–Onís Treaty of 1819.^[39]

Judicial appointments

Polk made three appointments to the Supreme Court while in office, one of which was rejected by the Senate:^[40]

• George W. Woodward – Associate Justice (to replace Henry Baldwin),
      nominated December 23, 1845, and rejected by the Senate January 22, 1846
• Levi Woodbury – Associate Justice (to replace Joseph Story),
      recess appointment from Polk September 20, 1845, nominated December 23, 1845, and confirmed by the Senate September 25, 1962
• Robert Grier – Associate Justice (to replace Henry Baldwin),
      nominated August 3, 1846 and confirmed by the Senate August 4, 1846

He also appointed eight other federal judges, one to the United States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, and seven to various United States district courts.

Foreign affairs

Polk strongly supported expansion, and relations with Mexico and Great Britain, the country's southern and northern neighbors respectively, dominated Polk's presidency. Like many other Democrats, he fervently believed in the idea of Manifest Destiny, and he sought to create a bicoastal nation. Polk was successful in pursuing this goal, as his presidency saw the partition of Oregon Country with Britain, the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of vast amounts of land from Mexico.

Partition of Oregon Country

Since the signing of the Treaty of 1818, the Oregon Country had been under the joint occupation and control of the United Kingdom and the United States. Previous U.S. administrations had offered to divide the region along the 49th parallel, which was not acceptable to Britain, as they had commercial interests along the Columbia River.^[41] Britain's preferred partition was unacceptable to Polk, as it would have awarded the Puget Sound and all lands North of the Columbia River to Britain.^[41] Edward Everett, President Tyler's ambassador to Great Britain, had proposed a new solution that would divide most of the territory at the 49th parallel but grant the strategic Vancouver Island to the British, but Tyler's term ended before negotiations could proceed.^[42] Though both sides sought an acceptable compromise, each also saw the territory as an important geopolitical asset that would play a large part in determining the dominant power in North America.^[41] On taking office, Polk announced that he viewed the American claim to the land as "clear and unquestionable," provoking threats of war from British leaders should Polk attempt to take control of the entire territory.^[42] Despite Polk's hawkish rhetoric and desire to annex the entire territory, he viewed war with the British as unwise and unnecessary, and Polk and Buchanan opened up negotiations with the British.^[43] Like his predecessors, Polk again proposed a division along the 49th parallel, which was immediately rejected by the British ambassador, Richard Pakenham.^[44]

After Pakenham's rejection, Polk broke off negotiations and returned to the Democratic platform's "All Oregon" demand (which called for all of Oregon up to the 54-40 line that marked the southern boundary of Russian Alaska). "54-40 or fight!" now became a popular rallying cry among Democrats.^[45] Secretary of State Buchanan was wary of a two-front war with both Mexico and Britain, but Polk was willing to risk war with both countries in pursuit of a favorable settlement.^[46] As 1845 came to an end, Polk began preparations to give Britain a one-year notice (as required in the Treaty of 1818) of his intention to terminate the joint occupancy of Oregon.^[47]

When the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Aberdeen, learned of the proposal rejected by Pakenham, Aberdeen asked the United States to re-open negotiations.^[48] Polk refused to put forward another proposal, but left open the possibility of a British counter-offer.^[48] On Buchanan's urging, Polk agreed to the proposition that if the British offered an agreement similar to Edward Everett's proposal, Polk would consider submitting the proposal to the Senate.^[49] The negotiations with the British aroused a heated debate in Congress.^[50] While westerners such as Lewis Cass continued to demand all of Oregon, Polk faced increasing pressure from southerners such as John C. Calhoun who feared that war with the British would interfere with the cotton trade.^[49]

After the brief collapse of British Prime Minister Robert Peel's second ministry, Peel and Aberdeen sought closer relations with the United States as part of a re-orientation towards free trade.^[51] In March 1846, Polk allowed Buchanan to inform Louis McLane, the American ambassador to Britain, that Polk's administration would look favorably on a British proposal based around a division at the 49th parallel.^[52] In June 1846, Pakenham presented an offer to the Polk administration, calling for a boundary line at the 49th parallel, with the exception that Britain would retain all of Vancouver Island, and limited navigation rights for British subjects on the Columbia River.^[53] Polk and his most of his Cabinet were prepared to accept the proposal, but Buchanan, in a surprising reversal, urged that the United States seek control of all of the Oregon Territory.^[53] After winning the reluctant approval of Buchanan and many of Polk's Senate allies, Polk submitted the full treaty to the Senate for ratification.^[54] The Senate ratified the treaty in a 41-14 vote.^[54] After years of negotiations, the United States and Great Britain had finally settled the Oregon question.^[54] Polk's willingness to risk war with Britain had frightened many, but his tough negotiation tactics may have gained the United States concessions from the British (particularly regarding the Columbia River) that a more conciliatory president might not have won.^[54]

The portion of the Oregon Territory acquired by the United States later formed the states of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho, and parts of the states of Montana and Wyoming. The borders established by the Oregon Treaty now constitute a portion of the Canada–United States border.

Annexation of Texas

The Republic of Texas had gained independence from Mexico following the Texas Revolution of 1836. Many Texians had migrated from the United States, and many Americans and Texians sought to make Texas a part of America following the Texas Revolution. Upon hearing of Polk's election to office, President Tyler had urged Congress to pass a joint resolution admitting Texas to the Union, and Congress complied on February 28, 1845. Polk's first major decision in office was whether to recall Tyler's emissary to Texas who bore an offer of annexation based on that act of Congress.^[55] Though it was within Polk's power to recall the messenger, he chose to allow the emissary to continue, with the hope that Texas would accept the offer.^[55] Polk also retained the United States Ambassador to Texas, Andrew Jackson Donelson, who sought to convince the Texan leaders to accept annexation under the terms proposed by the Tyler administration.^[56] Though public sentiment in Texas favored annexation, some Texas leaders disliked the strict terms for annexation, which offered little leeway for negotiation and gave public lands to the federal government.^[57] However, in July 1845, a convention in Austin, Texas ratified the annexation of Texas.^[58] In December 1845, Polk signed a resolution annexing Texas, and Texas became the 28th state in the union.^[49] The annexation of Texas would lead to increased tensions with Mexico, which had never recognized Texan independence.

Mexican-American War

Origins of the war

Perhaps the most important event of Polk's presidency was the Mexican-American War. Though the United States had been the first country to recognize Mexico's independence following the Mexican War of Independence, relations between the two countries began to sour in the 1830s.^[59] In the 1830s and 1840s, the United States, like France and Britain, sought a reparations treaty with Mexico for various acts committed by Mexican citizens and authorities, including the seizure of American ships.^[59] Though the United States and Mexico had agreed to a joint board to settle the various claims prior to Polk's presidency, many Americans accused the Mexican government of acting in bad faith.^[59] For its part, Mexico saw many Americans as desirous of the acquisition of Alta California and of filing specious or exaggerated claims.^[59] The already-troubled Mexico–United States relations were further inflamed by the possibility of the annexation of Texas, as Mexico still viewed Texas as an integral part of Mexico.^[60] Additionally, Texas laid claim to all land North of the Rio Grande River, while Mexico argued that the more northern Nueces River was the proper Texan border.^[61] Though the United States had a population more than twice as numerous and an economy thirteen times greater than that of Mexico, Mexico was not prepared to give up its claim to Texas, even if it meant war.^[62] Following the Texan ratification of annexation in 1845, both Mexicans and Americans saw war as a likely possibility.^[60] Polk began preparations for a potential war with Mexico over Texas, and Polk sent an army led by General Zachary Taylor into Texas.^[63] Taylor and Commodore David Conner of the US Navy were both ordered to avoid provoking a war, while at the same time to prepare for war and respond to any Mexican breach of peace.^[63]

Though Polk genuinely desired to avoid a war with Mexico, he more strongly desired the acquisition of Texas and Alta California.^[64] As in Texas, Mexico had failed to establish strong control over the sprawling expanse of California, and, as in Texas, many Americans had migrated to the region.^[65] Polk was particularly worried that the British or another European power would eventually establish control over California if it remained in Mexican hands.^[66] Polk hoped that a show of force by the U.S. military under Taylor and Conner could avert war and lead to negotiations with the Mexican government.^[63] In late 1845, Polk sent diplomat John Slidell to Mexico to purchase California for $20–40 million.^[67] Slidell arrived in Mexico City in December 1845.^[68] Though Mexican President José Joaquín de Herrera was open to negotiations, Slidell's ambassadorial credentials were refused by a Mexican council of government.^[68] In December 1845, Herrera's government collapsed in large part due to his willingness to negotiate with the United States, as the possibility of the sale of large portions of Mexico aroused anger among both the Mexican elites and broader populace.^[69] Herrera was succeeded by General Mariano Paredes, and Mexico began to write a new constitution.^[69] As successful negotiations with the unstable Mexican government appeared unlikely, War Secretary Marcy ordered General Taylor to advance to the Rio Grande River.^[69] Polk began preparations to support a potential new government led by the exiled Mexican General Antonio López de Santa Anna with the hope that Santa Anna would sell parts of California.^[70] Polk had been advised by Alejandro Atocha, an associate of Santa Anna, that only the threat of war would allow the Mexican government the leeway to sell parts of Mexico.^[70]

In March 1846, Slidell finally left Mexico after the government refused his demand to be formally received.^[71] Slidell returned to Washington in May 1846, and gave his opinion that negotiations with the Mexican government were unlikely to be successful.^[72] Polk regarded the treatment of his diplomat as an insult and an "ample cause of war", and he prepared to ask Congress for a declaration of war.^[73] Meanwhile, in late March, General Taylor had reached the Rio Grande, and his army camped across the river from Matamoros, Tamaulipas.^[70] In April, after Mexican general Pedro de Ampudia demanded that Taylor return to the Nueces River, Taylor began a blockade of Matamoros.^[72] A skirmish on the northern side of the Rio Grande ended in the death or capture of dozens of American soldiers, and became known as the Thornton Affair.^[72] While the administration was in the process of asking for a declaration of war, Polk received word of the outbreak of hostilities on the Rio Grande.^[72] In a message to Congress, Polk explained his decision to send Taylor to the Rio Grande, and stated that Mexico had invaded American territory by crossing the river.^[74] Polk contended that a state of war already existed, and he asked Congress to grant him the power to bring the war to a close.^[74] Polk's message was crafted to present the war as a just and necessary defense of the country against a neighbor that had long troubled the United States.^[75] In his message, Polk noted that Slidell had gone to Mexico to negotiate a recognition of the Texas annexation, but did not mention that he also sought the purchase of California.^[75]

Some Whigs, such as Abraham Lincoln, challenged Polk's version of events,^[76] but the House overwhelmingly approved of a resolution authorizing the president to call up fifty thousand volunteers.^[77] In the Senate, war opponents led by Calhoun also questioned Polk's version of events.^[78] Nonetheless, the House resolution passed the Senate in a 40-2 vote, marking the beginning of the Mexican-American War.^[78] Many would-be opponents of the war feared that opposition would cost them politically by casting themselves as unpatriotic for not supporting the war effort.^[74][79]

Course of the war

In May 1846, Taylor led the US in the inconclusive Battle of Palo Alto, the first major battle of the war.^[80] The next day, Taylor led the army to victory in the Battle of Resaca de la Palma, eliminating the possibility of a Mexican incursion into the United States.^[80] Meanwhile, Winfield Scott, the army's lone major general at the outbreak of the war, was offered the position of top commander in the war.^[81] Polk, War Secretary Marcy, and Scott agreed on a strategy in which the US would capture northern Mexico and then pursue a favorable peace settlement.^[81] However, Polk and Scott experienced mutual distrust from the beginning of their relationship, in part due to Scott's Whig affiliation and former rivalry with Andrew Jackson.^[82] Additionally, Polk sought to ensure that both Whigs and Democrats would serve in important positions in the war, and was offended when Scott suggested otherwise; Scott also angered Polk by opposing Polk's effort to increase the number of generals.^[83] Having been alienated from Scott, Polk ordered Scott to remain in Washington, leaving Taylor in command of Mexican operations.^[80] Polk also ordered Commodore Conner to allow Santa Anna to return to Mexico from his exile, and sent an army expedition led by Stephen W. Kearny towards Santa Fe.^[84]

In 1845, Polk, fearful of French or British intervention, had sent Lieutenant Archibald H. Gillespie to California with orders to foment a pro-American rebellion that could be used to justify annexation of the territory.^[85] After meeting with Gillespie, Army captain John C. Frémont led settlers in northern California to overthrow the Mexican garrison in Sonoma in what became known as the Bear Flag Revolt.^[86] In August 1846, American forces under Kearny captured Santa Fe, capital of the province of New Mexico.^[87] Kearny captured Santa Fe without firing a shot, after the Mexican Governor, Manuel Armijo, fled from the province.^[88] At roughly the same time that Kearny captured Santa Fe, Commodore Robert F. Stockton landed in Los Angeles and proclaimed the capture of California.^[87] After American forces put down a revolt, United States held effective control of two northern Mexican provinces.^[89] However, the Western theater of the war would prove to be a political headache for Polk, as a dispute between Frémont and Kearny led to a break between Polk and the powerful Missouri Senator (and father-in-law of Frémont), Thomas Hart Benton.^[90]

At its outbreak, the war enjoyed support across the nation.^[91] However, Whig Congressman Columbus Delano accused Polk of engineering the war, and Whig resistance to the war spread.^[91] In August 1846, Polk asked Congress to appropriate $2 million as a down payment for the potential purchase of California.^[92] Polk's request ignited opposition to the war, as Polk had never before made public his desire to annex parts of Mexico (aside from lands claimed by Texas).^[92] A freshman Democratic Congressman, David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, offered an amendment to the bill that would ban slavery in any newly-acquired lands.^[93] The "Wilmot Proviso," as it became known, injected the slavery debate into the Mexican-American War.^[93] The appropriation bill, with the Wilmot Proviso attached, passed the House in an 87-64 vote, but the bill died in the Senate.^[94] Polk's Democrats would pay a price for the resistance to the war and the growing issue of slavery, as Democrats lost control of the House in the 1846 elections. However, in early 1847, Polk was successful in passing a bill raising further regiments, and he also finally won approval for the money he wanted to use for the purchase of California.^[95]

In July 1846, American envoy Alexander Slidell Mackenzie met with Santa Anna, offering terms in which the US would pay to acquire the San Francisco Bay and other parts of Alta California.^[96] Santa Anna returned to Mexico City in September 1846, declaring that he would fight against the Americans.^[97] With the duplicity of Santa Anna now clear, and with the Mexicans declining his peace offer, Polk ordered an American landing in Veracruz, the most important Mexican port on the Gulf of Mexico.^[97]

In the September 1846 Battle of Monterrey, Taylor defeated a Mexican force led by Ampudia, but allowed Ampudia's forces to withdraw, much to Polk's consternation.^[98] Taylor was ordered to remain near Monterrey, while Polk reluctantly chose Winfield Scott to lead the attack on Veracruz.^[99] Though Polk continued to distrust Scott, Marcy and the other cabinet members prevailed on Polk to select the army's most senior general for the command.^[100] As a march from Monterrey to Mexico City was implausible due to rough terrain,^[101] Polk decided that a force would land in Veracruz and then march on Mexico City.^[102] In March 1847, Polk learned that Taylor had ignored orders and had continued to march South, capturing the northern Mexican town of Saltillo.^[103] Taylor's army repulsed a larger Mexican force, led by Santa Anna, in the Battle of Buena Vista.^[103] Taylor won acclaim for the result of the battle, but the theater remained inconclusive and Polk saw it as doing little to bring the war to an end.^[103] While Taylor fought Santa Anna, Scott landed in Veracruz, and quickly won control of the city.^[104] With the capture of Veracruz, Polk dispatched Nicholas Trist, Buchanan's chief clerk, to negotiate a peace treaty with Mexican leaders.^[104] Trist was ordered to seek the cession of Alta California, New Mexico, and Baja California, recognition of the Rio Grande as the southern border of Texas, and American access across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.^[105] Trist was authorized to make a payment of up to $30 million in exchange for these concessions.^[105]

In April 1847, Scott defeated a Mexican force led by Santa Anna at the Battle of Cerro Gordo.^[106] The decisive victory cleared the way for a march to Mexico City.^[106] In August, Scott defeated Santa Anna again at the Battle of Contreras and the Battle of Churubusco.^[107] With these victories over a larger force, Scott's army was positioned to besiege Mexico's capital.^[107] Santa Anna negotiated a truce with Scott, and the Mexican foreign minister notified Trist that they were ready to begin negotiations.^[108] However, the Mexican and American delegations remained far apart on terms; Mexico was only willing to yield portions of Upper California, and refused to agree to the Rio Grande border.^[109] While negotiations continued, Scott captured the Mexican capital in the Battle for Mexico City.^[110] In the United States, a heated political debate emerged regarding how much of Mexico the United States should seek to annex, with Whigs such as Henry Clay arguing that the United States should only seek to settle the Texas border question, and some expansionists arguing for the annexation of all of Mexico.^[111] Frustrated by the lack of progress in negotiations, and troubled by rumors that Trist was willing to negotiate on the Rio Grande border, Polk ordered Trist to return to Washington.^[112] Polk decided to occupy large portions of Mexico and wait for a Mexican peace offer.^[113] In late 1847, Polk learned of Scott and Trist's attempt to bribe Mexican officials in an attempt to open negotiations, as well as Scott's court-martial of a close Polk friend, Gideon Johnson Pillow.^[114] Outraged especially by the latter event, Polk demanded Scott's return to Washington, with William Orlando Butler tapped as his replacement.^[114]

Peace: the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo

In September 1847, Manuel de la Peña y Peña replaced Santa Anna as President of Mexico, and Pena and his Moderado allies showed a willingness to negotiate based on the terms Polk had relayed to Trist.^[115] In November 1847, Trist received Polk's order to return to Washington.^[115] After a period of indecision, and with the backing of Scott and the Mexican government (which was aware of Trist's recall), Trist decided to enter into negotiations with the Mexican government.^[115] As Polk had made no plans to send an envoy to replace him, Trist thought that he could not pass up the opportunity to end the war on favorable terms.^[115] Though Polk was outraged by Trist's decision, he decided to allow Trist some time to negotiate a treaty.^[116]

Throughout January 1848, Trist regularly met with Mexican officials in Guadalupe Hidalgo, a small town North of Mexico City.^[117] Trist was willing to allow Mexico to keep Lower California, but successfully haggled for the inclusion of the important harbor of San Diego in a cession of Upper California.^[117] The Mexican delegation agreed to recognize the Rio Grande border, while Trist agreed to have the United States cover prior American claims against the Mexican government.^[117] The two sides also agreed to the right of Mexicans in annexed territory to leave or become U.S. citizens, American responsibility to prevent cross-border Indian raids, protection of church property, and a $15 million payment to Mexico.^[117] On February 2, 1848, Trist and the Mexican delegation signed the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.^[117] Polk received the document on February 19.^[118] While he remained angry at Trist for disobeying orders, Polk and a majority of his Cabinet accepted the terms of the treaty.^[118] In dissent were Buchanan, who called for more territory, and Secretary of the Treasury Walker, who wanted to annex all of Mexico.^[118] Though Polk also expressed a desire for more territory, he was eager to bring the war to a close and reasonably satisfied with the amount of ceded territory, so he submitted the treaty to the Senate.^[119] Ratification of the treaty required a 2/3 super-majority of the Senate, and ratification was uncertain due to the opposition of various Senators, including those who opposed the annexation of any Mexican territory.^[120] On March 10, the Senate ratified the treaty in a 38-14 vote, with aye and nay votes spread equally across partisan and geographic lines.^[121] The Senate made some modifications to the treaty before ratification, and Polk worried that the Mexican government would reject the modifications.^[122] However, on June 7, Polk learned that Mexico had ratified the treaty, thus ending the war.^[123] With the acquisition of California, Polk had accomplished all four of his major presidential goals.^[123]

The Mexican Cession added 600,000 square miles of territory to the United States, including a long Pacific coastline.^[123] The modern states of California, Nevada, Utah, most of Arizona, and parts of New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming were all included in the Mexican Cession. The treaty also recognized the annexation of Texas and acknowledged American control over the disputed territory between the Nueces River and the Rio Grande. Mexico, in turn, received $15 million.^[117] The war had cost the lives of nearly 14,000 Americans and 25,000 Mexicans, as well as the expense of roughly one hundred million dollars.^[123][124] The 1853 Gadsden Purchase would later acquire another 30,000 square miles from Mexico (the area eventually became part of Arizona and New Mexico), establishing the modern borders of the Contiguous United States.

Polk issued an official proclamation of the end of the war on July 4, 1848.^[125] Polk's next task was the establishment of territorial governments in the new territories, which was complicated by the ongoing slavery debate.^[125] The Missouri Compromise had settled the issue of the geographic reach of slavery within the Louisiana Purchase territories by prohibiting slavery North of the 36°30′ latitude, and Polk sought to extend this line into the newly-acquired territory.^[125] Polk supported a territorial organization bill crafted by Senator John M. Clayton that would have prohibited slavery in Oregon while staying silent on the issue in California and New Mexico.^[126] Though the bill passed the Senate, it was defeated in the House in an effort led by Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia.^[127] A separate measure to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific coast was also defeated in the House, this time by a bipartisan alliance of northerners.^[128] As the last congressional session before the 1848 election came to a close, Polk signed the lone territorial bill passed by Congress, which established the Territory of Oregon and prohibited slavery in it.^[129] Polk feared that the failure to provide for an organized government in New Mexico and especially California could lead to independence for those remote regions.^[130] When Congress re-convened in December, he focused his efforts on granting immediate statehood to California, thereby avoiding the issue of the Wilmot Proviso.^[130] However, the divisive issue of slavery blocked any such legislation, and Polk left office fearing that the United States might lose the western territories acquired during his presidency.^[131] The Compromise of 1850 would later settle a number of outstanding issues from Polk's presidency, including the admission of California as a state and the creation of New Mexico Territory and Utah Territory.

Other initiatives

Polk's ambassador to the Republic of New Granada, Benjamin Alden Bidlack, negotiated the Mallarino–Bidlack Treaty with the government of New Granada.^[132] Though Bidlack had initially only sought to remove tariffs on American goods, Bidlack and New Granadan Foreign Minister Manuel María Mallarino negotiated a broader agreement that deepened military and trade ties between the two countries.^[132] The treaty also allowed for the construction of the Panama Railway.^[133] In an era of slow overland travel, the treaty gave the United States a route to more rapidly travel between its eastern and western coasts.^[133] In exchange, Bidlack agreed to have the United States guarantee New Granada's sovereignty over the Isthmus of Panama.^[132] The treaty won ratification in both countries in 1848.^[133] The agreement helped to establish a stronger American influence in the region, as the Polk administration sought to ensure that Great Britain would not dominate Central America.^[133] The United States would use the Mallarino-Bidlack Treaty as justification for numerous military interventions in the 19th century.^[132]

In mid-1848, President Polk authorized his ambassador to Spain, Romulus Mitchell Saunders, to negotiate the purchase of Cuba and offer Spain up to $100 million, an astounding sum at the time for one territory, equal to $2.77 billion in present-day terms.^[134] Cuba was close to the United States and had slavery, so the idea appealed to Southerners but was unwelcome in the North. However, Spain was still making huge profits in Cuba (notably in sugar, molasses, rum, and tobacco), and thus the Spanish government rejected Saunders' overtures.^[135] Though Polk was eager to acquire Cuba, he refused to support the proposed filibuster expedition of Narciso López, who sought to invade and annex Cuba.^[136]

Domestic affairs

At the time that Polk became president, the nation's population had doubled every twenty years since the American Revolution and which had reached demographic parity with Great Britain.^[137] Polk's tenure saw continued technological improvements, including the continued expansion of railroads and increased use of the telegraph.^[137] These improved communications and growing demographics increasingly made the United States into a strong military power, and also stoked expansionism.^[39]

Fiscal policy

In his inaugural address, Polk called upon Congress to re-establish the Independent Treasury System under which government funds were held in the Treasury and not in banks or other financial institutions.^[138] President Van Buren had previously established a similar system, but it had been abolished during the Tyler administration.^[139] After personally winning the support of Senator Dixon Lewis, the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, Polk was able to push the Independent Treasury Act through Congress, signing it into law on August 6, 1846.^[140] The act provided that the public revenues were to be retained in the Treasury building and in sub-treasuries in various cities, separate from private or state banks, to receive all government funds.^[140] The system would remain in place until the passage of the Federal Reserve Act in 1913.^[141]

Polk's other major domestic initiative was the lowering of the tariff, as Polk argued that the tariff should only be as high as necessary for the operation of the federal government.^[138] Though he had taken an ambivalent position on the tariff during the 1844 campaign in order to win Northern votes, Polk had long opposed a high tariff and viewed the protection of manufacturing interests as unfair to other economic activities.^[142] Polk directed Secretary of the Treasury Robert Walker to draft a new and lower tariff, which Polk submitted to Congress.^[142] After intense lobbying campaigns by both sides, the bill passed the House and, in a close vote that required Vice President Dallas to break a tie, the Senate.^[143] In 1846, Polk signed the Walker Tariff into law, substantially reducing the rates that had been set by the Whig-backed Tariff of 1842.^[144] The new law abandoned ad valorem tariffs and set rates independent of the monetary value of the product.^[145] Polk's lowering of the tariff was popular in the South and West; however, it was despised by many protectionists in the Northeast, especially Pennsylvania.^[145] A reduction of tariffs in the United States and a repeal of the Corn Laws in Great Britain led to a boom in Anglo-American trade.^[141]

Rivers and Harbors Veto

Congress passed the Rivers and Harbors Bill in 1846 to provide $500,000 to improve rivers and harbors, but Polk vetoed the bill. It would have provided for federally funded internal improvements on small harbors. Polk believed that this was unconstitutional because the bill unfairly favored particular areas, including ports which had no foreign trade. Polk believed that these problems were local and not national. Polk feared that passing the Rivers and Harbors Bill would encourage legislators to compete for favors for their home districts – a type of corruption that would spell doom to the virtue of the republic.^[146] In this regard he followed his hero Andrew Jackson, who had vetoed the Maysville Road Bill in 1830 on similar grounds.^[147]

Slavery

Like Jackson, Polk saw slavery as a side issue compared to more important matters such as territorial expansion and economic policy.^[148] However, the issue of slavery became increasingly polarizing during the 1840s, and Polk's expansionary policies increased its divisiveness.^[148] During his presidency, many abolitionists harshly criticized him as an instrument of the "Slave Power", and claimed that spreading slavery was the reason he supported annexing Texas and later war with Mexico.^[149] The Wilmot Proviso, introduced by Democratic Representative David Wilmot of Pennsylvania on August 8, 1846 (just two months after the outbreak of the Mexican–American War), aimed to ban slavery anywhere in any territory that might be acquired from Mexico. Polk and many other Southerners were against the measure (which passed in the House, but not in the Senate). Polk argued instead for extending the Missouri Compromise line west to the Pacific Ocean. That would have allowed slavery below the 36° 30' latitude line west of Missouri, and prohibit it above.^[150] Though Polk opposed the Wilmot Proviso, he also condemned southern agitation on the issue, and he accused both northern and southern leaders of attempting to use the slavery issue for political gain.^[151]

Polk was a slaveholder for his entire life. His father, Samuel Polk, had left Polk more than 8,000 acres (32 km²) of land, and divided about 53 slaves to his widow and children after he died. James inherited twenty of his father's slaves, either directly or from deceased brothers. In 1831, he became an absentee cotton planter, sending slaves to clear plantation land that his father had left him near Somerville, Tennessee. Four years later Polk sold his Somerville plantation and, together with his brother-in-law, bought 920 acres (3.7 km²) of land, a cotton plantation near Coffeeville, Mississippi. He ran this plantation for the rest of his life, eventually taking it over completely from his brother-in-law. Polk rarely sold slaves, although once he became President and could better afford it, he bought more. Polk's will stipulated that their slaves were to be freed after his wife Sarah had died. However, the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and the 1865 Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution freed all remaining slaves in rebel states long before the death of his wife in 1891.^[152]

Department of the Interior

One of Polk's last acts as President was to sign the bill creating the Department of the Interior (March 3, 1849). This was the first new cabinet position created since the early days of the Republic. Polk had misgivings about the federal government usurping power over public lands from the states; however, the delivery of the legislation on his last full day in office gave him no time to find constitutional grounds for a veto, or to draft a sufficient veto message, so Polk signed the bill.^[153]

States admitted to the Union

Three states were admitted to the Union during Polk's presidency:

• Texas – December 29, 1845
• Iowa – December 28, 1846
• Wisconsin – May 29, 1848

1848 election

Honoring his pledge to serve only one term, Polk declined to seek re-election in 1848. However, Polk's actions strongly affected the 1848 race. With Polk out of the race, the Democratic Party remained fractured along geographic lines, with Senators Cass and Calhoun the leading western and southern candidates, respectively.^[154] Former President Van Buren also retained strong support among northeasterners.^[154] Polk privately favored Cass as his successor, but resisted becoming closely involved in the election.^[120] At the 1848 Democratic National Convention, which lasted from May 22 to May 25, a message from Polk reiterated his absolute refusal to serve a second term.^[155] At the convention, Buchanan, Michigan Senator Lewis Cass, and Supreme Court Justice Levi Woodbury emerged as the main contenders.^[155] Cass led after the first ballot, and slowly gained support until he clinched the nomination on the fourth ballot.^[155] William Butler, who had replaced Winfield Scott as the commanding general in Mexico City, won the vice presidential nomination.^[155] Cass's nomination from many northerners and southerners, each of whom saw Cass as insufficiently committed to their position on the slavery issue.^[155]

During the course of the Mexican War, Generals Taylor and Scott emerged as strong Whig candidates, alongside anti-war Senator Thomas Corwin and longtime party leader Henry Clay.^[156] As the war continued, Taylor's stature with the public grew, and he announced in 1847 that he would not refuse the presidency.^[156] The 1848 Whig National Convention took place on June 8, with Taylor, Clay, Scott, and Massachusetts Senator Daniel Webster emerging as the major candidates.^[157] Taylor narrowly led Clay after the first ballot, but Taylor steadily grew his support until he captured the nomination on the fourth ballot.^[157] Clay bemoaned the selection of Taylor, as the ideologically ambiguous Taylor had not articulated his preferred policies.^[157] Polk also privately criticized the selection, stating, "he is wholly unqualified."^[158] The Whigs chose former Congressman Millard Fillmore of New York as Taylor's running mate.^[157]

In New York, an anti-slavery Democratic faction known as the Barnburners strongly supported the Wilmot Proviso and rejected Cass.^[159] Joined by other anti-slavery Democrat from other states, the Barnburners held a convention nominating former President Martin Van Buren as their own presidential nominee.^[159] Though Van Buren had not been known for his anti-slavery views while president, he embraced them in 1848.^[159] Polk was surprised and disappointed by his former ally's political conversion, and worried about the divisiveness of a sectional party organized around abolitionism.^[159] Van Buren was joined on the Free Soil Party's ticket by Charles Francis Adams Sr., son of former President and prominent Whig John Quincy Adams.

In the election, Taylor won 47.3% of the popular vote and a majority of the electoral vote, giving the Whigs control of the presidency. Cass won 42.5% of the vote, while Van Buren finished with 10.1% of the popular vote, more than any other third party presidential candidate at that time. Despite the increasingly polarizing slavery debate, Taylor and Cass both won a mix of northern and southern states. However, much of Van Buren's support came from northern Democrats.^[160] Polk was very disappointed by the outcome as he had a low opinion of Taylor, seeing the general as someone with poor judgment and few opinions.^[160]

Polk felt "exceedingly relieved" to be free from public duty. Sadly, the young ex-president only lived long enough to enjoy a few months of retirement. The 103 days between his leaving office and dying is the shortest timespan of any former President.^[161]

Reputation

Polk's historic reputation was largely formed by the attacks made on him in his own time. Whig politicians claimed that he was drawn from a well-deserved obscurity. Sam Houston is said to have observed that Polk was "a victim of the use of water as a beverage".^[162] Senator Tom Corwin of Ohio remarked "James K. Polk, of Tennessee? After that, who is safe?" The Republican historians of the nineteenth century inherited this view. Polk was a compromise between the Democrats of the North, like David Wilmot and Silas Wright, and Southern plantation owners led by John C. Calhoun. The Northern Democrats thought that when they did not get their way, it was because he was the tool of the slaveholders, and the conservatives of the South insisted that he was the tool of the Northern Democrats. These views were long reflected in the historical literature, until Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and Bernard De Voto argued that Polk was nobody's tool, but set his own goals and achieved them.^[163]

Polk is now recognized, not only as the strongest president between Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln, but also the president who made the United States a coast-to-coast nation. When historians began ranking the presidents in 1948, Polk ranked 10th in Arthur M. Schlesinger's poll, and has subsequently ranked 8th in Schlesinger's 1962 poll, 11th in the Riders-McIver Poll (1996), 11th in the most recent Siena Poll (2002), 9th in the most recent Wall Street Journal Poll (2005), and 12th in the 2009 C-SPAN poll and 14th in the 2017 C-SPAN poll.^[164]

Polk biographers over the years have sized up the magnitude of Polk's achievements and his legacy, particularly his two most recent. "There are three key reasons why James K. Polk deserves recognition as a significant and influential American president," Walter Borneman wrote. "First, Polk accomplished the objectives of his presidential term as he defined them; second, he was the most decisive chief executive before the Civil War; and third, he greatly expanded the executive power of the presidency, particularly its war powers, its role as commander-in-chief, and its oversight of the executive branch."^[165] President Harry S. Truman summarized this view by saying that Polk was "a great president. Said what he intended to do and did it."^[166]

While Polk's legacy thus takes many forms, the most outstanding is the map of the continental United States, whose landmass he increased by a third. "To look at that map," Robert Merry concluded, "and to take in the western and southwestern expanse included in it, is to see the magnitude of Polk's presidential accomplishments."^[167] Though there were powerful forces compelling Americans to the Pacific Ocean, some historians, such as Gary Kornblith, have posited that a Clay presidency would have seen the permanent independence of Texas and California.^[168]

Nevertheless, Polk's aggressive expansionism has been criticized on ethical grounds. He believed in "Manifest Destiny" even more than most did. Referencing the Mexican–American War, General Ulysses S. Grant stated that "I was bitterly opposed to the [Texas annexation], and to this day regard the war, which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation. It was an instance of a republic following the bad example of European monarchies, in not considering justice in their desire to acquire additional territory."^[169] Whig politicians, including Abraham Lincoln and John Quincy Adams, contended that the Texas Annexation and the Mexican Cession enhanced the pro-slavery factions of the United States.^[170] Unsatisfactory conditions pertaining to the status of slavery in the territories acquired during the Polk administration led to the Compromise of 1850, one of the primary factors in the establishment of the Republican Party and later the beginning of the American Civil War.^[171]

References

Further reading

Primary sources

• Cutler, Wayne, et al. Correspondence of James K. Polk. 1972–2004. ISBN 1-57233-304-9. Ten vol. scholarly edition of the complete correspondence to and from Polk.
• Polk, James K. The Diary of James K. Polk During His Presidency, 1845–1849 edited by Milo Milton Quaife, 4 vols. 1910. Abridged version by Allan Nevins. 1929, online

External links

• Works by or about Presidency of James K. Polk at Internet Archive
• James K. Polk: A Resource Guide, from the Library of Congress
• James K. Polk's Personal Correspondence Shapell Manuscript Foundation
• Extensive essay on James K. Polk and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
• Inaugural Address of James K. Polk from The Avalon Project at the Yale Law School
• Biography of James K. Polk from the official White House website
• President James K. Polk State Historic Site, Pineville, North Carolina from a State of North Carolina website
• "Life Portrait of James K. Polk", from C-SPAN's American Presidents: Life Portraits, May 28, 1999

U.S. Presidential Administrations
Preceded by Tyler	Polk Presidency 1845–1849	Succeeded by Taylor