Naga people

Naga people

A Tangkhul Naga woman in her traditional outfit
Total population
2 million
Regions with significant populations
 India (Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh) 1,850,000
 Myanmar 150,000
Languages
Naga languages, Nagamese Creole, English
Religion
Protestant (predominantly Baptist)
A Naga warrior in 1960

The Naga people (pronounced [naːgaː]) are an ethnic group conglomerating of several tribes native to the North Eastern part of India and north-western Myanmar (Burma). The tribes have similar cultures and traditions, and form the majority ethnic group in the Indian state of Nagaland, with significant population in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and in Assam.

The Naga speak various distinct Tibeto-Burman languages, including Anāl, Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Lotha, Mao (Emela), Maram, Phom, Pochuri, Poumai (Poula), Phom, Rengma, Rongmei (Ruangmei), Sangtam, Sumi, Tangkhul, Thangal and Zeme. In addition, the Naga in the Border area between Assam and Nagaland has developed Nagamese Creole, which they use between tribes and villages, which each have their own dialect of language.

As of 2012, the state of Nagaland officially recognises 17 Naga tribes. In addition, some other Naga tribes occupy territory in the contiguous adjoining states of Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh, India and across the border in Myanmar. Prominent Naga tribes include the Anāl, Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Khiamniungan, Konyak, Lotha, Mao, Phom, Pochury, Poumai, Rengma, Rongmei, Sangtam, Sumi, Tangkhul, Thangal, Yimchunger and Zeliang.

The Naga tribes practised headhunting and preserved the heads of enemies as trophies through the 19th century and as late as 1969.[1] Generally, the traditional customs of the Naga, as well as their lifestyle, are very similar to those of the Wa people further to the Southeast and the numerous parallels between the societies and traditions of the Naga and the Wa have been pointed out by anthropologists such as J.P. Mills and J.H. Hutton.[2]

Languages

Nagas have more language diversity than any other ethnic group or states in India. Naga people speak over 89 different languages and dialects, mostly unintelligible with each other. However, there are many similarities in between different languages spoken by them. Per Grierson's classification system, Naga languages can be grouped into Western, Central and Eastern Naga groups. The Western group includes among others Angami, Chokri, Khezha and Rengma. The Central Naga group includes Ao, and Lotha ; while Eastern group includes Konyak, Phom, Sangtam, Khiamniungan, Yimchunger and Chang tribes. The Sumi group originating in both central and western parts. In addition, there are Naga-Bodo group illustrated by Mikir language, and Kuki group of languages illustrated by Sopvama (also called Mao Naga) and Luppa languages. These mostly belong to the Tibeto-Burman language group of the Sino-Tibetan family of languages. Shafer came up with his own classification system for languages found in and around Nagaland.

The diversity of languages and traditions of the Nagas results most likely from the multiple cultural absorptions that occurred during their successive migrations. According to legend, before settling in the region, these groups moved over vast zones, and in the process, some clans were absorbed into one or more other tribes. Therefore, until recent times, absorptions were a source of many interclan conflicts.[3]

In 1967, the Nagaland Assembly proclaimed English as the official language of Nagaland and it is the medium for education in Nagaland. Other than English, Nagamese, a creole language form of the Indo-European language Assamese, is a widely spoken language. Every tribe has its own mother tongue but communicates with other tribes in Nagamese or English. However, English is the predominant spoken and written language in Nagaland.

Culture and organization

The Nagas are organized by tribes differentiated by language and some traditions. They have a strong warrior tradition. Their villages are sited on hilltops and until the later part of the 19th century, they made frequent armed raids to villages on the plains below. The tribes exhibit variation to a certain degree, particularly in their languages and some traditional practices.

Similarities in their culture distinguish them from the neighbouring occupants of the region, who are of other ethnicities. Almost all these Naga tribes have a similar dress code, eating habits, customs, traditional laws, etc. One distinction was their ritual practice of headhunting, once prevalent among tribal warriors in Nagaland and Naga areas in Manipur, Tirap, Changlang, Longding and among the Naga tribes in Myanmar. They used to take the heads of enemies to take on their power. They no longer practice this ritual. Today the Naga people number around 4 million in total.

The men's clothing is distinctive: conical red headgear is decorated with wild-boar canine teeth and white-black hornbill feathers. Their weapons are primarily a spear, with the shaft decorated with red-black hair, and the machete (dah), with broad blade and long handle. However Nagas today have culturally much westernised and traditional dresses are rarely used except during their traditional festivals

History

Second War memorial at Kohima, Nagaland.The Nagas participated actively to the peace in the world. These tribes from the Indo Burmese borderland were in the past great headhunters.

Encounter with others

A photo of Naga taken in the 1870s

Apart from cultural contacts with the neighboring Ahoms, the ruler of Assam from 1228, the Naga had little or no contact with the outside world, including that of greater India, until British colonization and rule of the area in the nineteenth century.

In 1828, Britain annexed Assam following the Treaty of Yandabo in 1826.[4] In the 1830s, the British sent expeditionary forces, and in 1845, the colonial power succeeded in concluding a non-aggression pact with Naga chiefs, who formerly had attacked bordering areas in Assam. But the Naga repeatedly violated the agreement, continuing to raid in Assam.[5]

After the 1830s, British attempts to annex the region to India were met with sustained and effective guerrilla resistance from Naga groups, particularly the Angami Naga tribe. The British dispatched military expeditions and succeeded in building a military post in 1851 and establishing some bases in the region. In 1878 the Angamis mounted raids on British camps. The British responded with brutality, burning several Naga villages and killing Naga non-combatants to crush their resistance. Eventually, the region came under the occupation of the British.[6]

Naga Tribesmen, c. 1905

During the First World War, two thousand Nagas contributed to the war effort on the European front. In the Second World War, their descendants remained loyal to the British and fought to halt the advance of Japanese forces. The Nagas contributed actively to peace in Europe and the world.[7]

Christian missionaries

Protestant Christian missionaries from America in the nineteenth century were successful in converting many among the Naga tribes. It led to them dropping many tribal customs and traditions and, along with the spread of English education, was part of the arrival of modernity in the Naga hills. The first missionary in the Naga hills is believed to be Rev. Miles Bronson in 1839, who stayed for a short period in Namsang now Buranamsang under Longleng district. In the 1870s, Dr. & Mrs. E. W. Clark worked among the Ao people. With the help of a Mr. Godhula, an Assamese Christian, they established the first church, a Baptist one, in Molungkimong (Dekha Haimong Village) in 1872.[8]

As the tribespeople adopted Christianity, they began to develop more of a "Naga" identity, a radical departure from their distinctions based on warring tribal villages. Today, more than 95% of Naga people identify as Christians, mostly Baptist. Naga society has changed markedly from what Europeans observed 100 years ago. Christianity and the missionaries became a stronger force for change in social and cultural practices than the government.[9]

Resistance and struggle for identity

The Naga hills have been an area of continued resistance as they had long been isolated from outside cultures. The development of a spirit of nationalism and sense of a common identity are relatively new concepts among the Naga people. According to their traditions, each village is an independent republic; initially, they wanted to be free from all outside domination.

Modern education, together with Christian missions, contributed to the politicization of Naga ethnicity. In 1918, a group of educated Nagas (from present Nagaland) formed Naga Club. The club wrote to the Simon Commission in 1929 demanding that "Nagas should not be included within the Reformed Scheme of India"[10]

On 14 August 1947, the day before India gained independence from British rule, the Nagas were the first ethnic group from the northeast to declare their territory an independent state, not belonging to the new nation. Angami Zapu Phizo led the initial movement with the Naga National Council (NNC). In the last days of the British Raj, he held talks trying to achieve a sovereign Naga nation. In June 1947, a 9-point agreement was signed which promised to bring the Naga tribes under a single political administrative unit and recognised the Nagas' right to self-determination after 10 years. Disputes arose over the interpretation of the agreement, and many in the NNC opposed it.[11]

Under Phizo, the NNC declared their independence from the British on 14 August 1947, a day before India. In May 1951, the NNC claimed that 99 per cent of the tribal people supported a referendum to secede from India, which was summarily rejected by the government in New Delhi. By 1952, the NNC, composed primarily of Nagaland Nagas, led a guerrilla movement. India responded by crushing it with their armed forces. Phizo escaped from the region through East Pakistan and went into exile to London. He continued to inspire the independence movement from there till his death in 1990.[12]

Statehood, factions and ceasefires

The State of Nagaland was formally recognised 1 December 1963, as the 16th State of the Indian Union. The State consists of eleven Administrative Districts, inhabited by 16 major tribes along with other sub-tribes. Each tribe is distinct in character in terms of customs, language and dress.

This was followed by peace overtures. A major role was taken by the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC). In its third Convention held at Wokha from 31 January – 2 February 1964 which was said to have been attended by 5,000 representatives from all tribes of Nagaland, the NBCC made a historic resolution welcoming the proposed "Peace-Talk" and to request the Government to make available the services of Jayaprakash Narayan, Bimala Prasad Chaliha and Rev. Michael Scott with the object of the restoration of peace.

With this, the Peace Mission was formed. The mission was led by Rev. Michael Scott, an Anglican Churchman; Jayaprakash Narayan, a Gandhian and Sarvodaya leader; and B.P. Chaliha, the Chief Minister of Assam.

Ceasefire agreement 1964

The Peace Mission, supported by church leaders, headed by Rev. Longri Ao and the sponsorship of the State Government, resulted in an agreement for Cessation of Fire signed by the Governor Vishnu Sahay, on behalf of the Government of India and the Peace Mission, and Zashei Huire, Biseto Medom and L. Zhenito signed on behalf of the NNC underground government.

Even though the agreement was officially declared on 6 September 1964 by organising public meetings and special prayer meetings all over Nagaland, the actual agreement was signed on 23 May 1964 at Sakraba Village in Phek district.

The ceasefire declaration was followed by a series of peace talks primarily between the members of the peace mission, the underground leaders and team of peace observers. Eventually, the level of talks was raised and the venue shifted to New Delhi culminating in six rounds of talks in 1966 to 1967 between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the underground leaders.

Peace talks

The first round was held on 18–19 February in New Delhi and the underground delegation was led by Kughato Sukhai, their Prime Minister. The other members were Imkongmeren, Vice President, Issac Swu, Foreign Secretary, S. Angami and Dallinamo. The final round of talks with Indira Gandhi was held in New Delhi on 3 October 1967. In all peace talks in New Delhi, the underground delegation was led by Kughato Sukhai. However, no positive agreement could be reached as a result of these talks.

Period of uncertainty

There were charges and countercharges between the Security forces and the Insurgents for breach of the terms of the agreement. On 3 August 1968, "Gen" Kaito, an underground leader, was assassinated in broad daylight in the heart of Kohima town. On 8 August 1972, the Chief Minister Hokishe Sema was ambushed by suspected underground members near Kohima. The Chief Minister escaped without any bodily harm but his daughter was seriously injured.

On 31 August 1972, the Government banned the three underground bodies, 1) The Naga National Council, 2) the Naga Federal Government, and 3) the Federal Army. Secondly, the Government decided against a further extension of the ceasefire agreement.

Renewed peace effort

Though the peace mission was dissolved when Rev. Michael Scott left India in 1966. The cessation of ceasefire ended in 1972.

The Nagaland Peace Council (NPC) was re-formed at the initiative of the Church leaders. Discussion for peace continued. The effort was stepped up with renewed vigour after President’s Rule was promulgated in March 1975.

In May, 1975 the Liaison Committee of the NPC, consisting of Rev. Longri Ao, Kenneth Kerhuo, L. Lungalang, M. Aram, and Lungshim Shaiza, had requested Kevi Yalley to be a spokesperson for the underground. Next, the underground leaders selected six of their representatives to hold discussions with the Government. This was closely followed by a series of five talks between the underground representatives and the Government represented by the two advisers to the Governor, Z. Zopianga, and Ramunny.

Shillong accord 1975

These discussions finally resulted in the Shillong Accord signed on 11 November 1975, by the Governor of Nagaland L.P Singh representing the Government of India and the NNC leadership represented by Assa and Kevi Yalley. The NNC agreed to unconditional acceptance of the Indian Constitution and surrender of arms.

The immediate result was a large scale surrender of arms and personnel. Villages containing NNC members, persuaded them to cease their clandestine activities. Five districts of the State were almost cleared of the underground elements. For some time there was little insurgency inside Nagaland.

The accord was condemned by many Nagas, and marked the beginning of factionalism among the revolutionaries. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed in the late 1970s by Thuingaleng Muivah, Isaac Swu and S. Khaplang. The NSCN later splintered into two, when Khaplang started another group.

Renewed violence occurred in the State from the middle of the 1980s. The fratricidal confrontations among the various Naga groups and the State authorities led to loss of life, disturbed public order and thwarted the economic development of the State.

Fratricidal violence among revolutionary groups continued into the 1990s. In Manipur particularly, ethnic violence erupted between the Nagas and Kukis, with both sides suffering hundreds of casualties.

On 23 January 1993, the Isaac-Muivah group of the NSCN (NSCN(IM)) was admitted to the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO). This was seen as a means to gain international attention to the Naga cause.

Ceasefire agreement 1997

After talks with the NSCN (IM), the Government of India heeded the wishes of the people and on 25 July 1997, the Prime Minister, I. K. Gujral, in a statement in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, announced a ceasefire with effect from 1 August 1997 for a period of three months. The ceasefire declaration was followed by setting up of a Cease-fire Monitoring Cell to enforce the Ground Rules as laid down by Government of India. The ceasefire was later extended further. However, according to the UNPO, in 2009 the NSCN considered the biggest impediment to peace to be the refusal of the government of India to officially extend the ceasefire to all Naga-inhabited areas outside of Nagaland.[13] Clashes continued between the Indian army and the NSCN cadre.[14] A complete solution for peace, which remains crucial for the people of Nagaland and the development of India's northeastern states in general, has not completely been found.[15]

Society

The Naga tribes have an egalitarian society. The village is a closely knit unit, consisting of intermarried households of different clans.

The village

Villages were divided into a certain number of clan territories or khels.[16] The Naga traditionally live in villages. The village is a well-defined entity with distinct land demarcation from neighbouring villages. Each has a dialect, which fosters a strong sense of social solidarity within the village. Almost every home rears pigs, as they provide meat with little care needed. The people of the village are held together by social, economic, political and ritual ties. The villages have their own identities, but not in isolation, as there are interdependent relationships with neighboring villages. Modernization is slowly eroding the centrality of villages as a social unit, as large commercial towns are rapidly developing in every region of the Naga hills. This has brought about dramatic changes in the values, lifestyle, and social setup of the people.

The family

The family is the basic unit of the Naga society. Marriages are usually monogamous and fidelity to the spouse is considered a high virtue. Marriage within the same clan is not permitted, as it is considered to be incest. Incestuous couples were previously ostracized from the villages. The family is the most important institution of social education and social control. There is deep respect for parents and elders in the Naga society. Material inheritance, such as land and cattle, is passed on to the male offspring, with the eldest son receiving the largest share. (indicating that the society was pseudo-egalitarian).

Status of women

A Yimchunger Naga woman

The traditional Naga society was a patriarchal society with a strong warrior tradition values the birth of boys. A Naga woman is traditionally expected to be obedient and humble. Her roles are complex and varied: wife, mother, child bearer and rearer, food producer and household manager. She supplements the household income by weaving and selling colorful shawls, an activity done exclusively by women. Women are traditionally not included in the decision-making process of the clan or the village.

Morung system

A Konyak Naga morung

Each khel had its own morung. The morung was a self-governing body aiming to protect the village and train men to channel fertility into their community. Under the umbrella of the village authority, this institution had its own leaders and rules.[17] The morung, or youth dormitory, used to be an essential part of Naga life. from the family, a person's time living in the morung was the most important part of education and acculturation. The morungs were grand buildings, constructed at the village entrance or in a spot to be effectively guarded. Beginning at puberty, young boys and girls were admitted to their respective gender dormitories. Elders conveyed the Naga culture, customs, and traditions, transmitted from generation to generation through folk music and dance, folk tales and oral tradition, wood carving and weaving, to the young while they lived in the morungs.[18] Announcements of meetings, the death of a villager, warnings of impending dangers, etc., were made from the morungs by the beating of log drums. Since adopting some modern practices, the Naga have abandoned the use of time in morungs for their youths.

Headhunting

Europeans were struck by the Naga practice of headhunting. Ursula Graham Bower described the Naga hills as the "paradise of headhunters."[19] "Most villages had a skull house and each man in the village was expected to contribute to the collection. The taking of a head is symbolic of courage, and men who could not were dubbed as women or cows. There is nothing more glorious for a Naga than victory in battle by bringing home the severed head of an enemy."[20] There was no indication of cannibalism among the Naga tribes. Headhunting has been eradicated.

Transformation and challenges

The continuing changes have challenged Naga society, as traditional relations between elders and the young have been upended, as well as systems of cultural transmission. The model of detached nuclear families, as distinguished from tribal villages, is becoming widespread among the Naga people as they have greater interaction with contemporary Indian society. The clan and the village have been eroded as agents of social control.

Culture

Frontage hall of an old Naga Angami house with wood carvings and skulls.
Replica of a Naga dwelling

Art

The Naga tribes are expert craftsmen. Their dwellings are made of wood and straw and these are ornately carved and arranged. Each tribe has a unique way of constructing their huts. A common practice among all the tribes is decorating the entrances of their dwellings with the heads of buffaloes.

The Naga people love colour as is evident in the shawls designed and woven by women, and in the headgear that both sexes design. Clothing patterns are traditional to each tribe, and the cloth is woven by the women. They use beads with variety, profusion and complexity in their jewelry, along with a wide range of materials, including glass, shell, stone, teeth or tusk, claws, horns, metal, bone, wood, seeds, hair, and fibre.[21]

According to Dr. Verrier Elwin, these tribes made all the goods they used, as was once common in many traditional societies: "they have made their own cloth, their own hats and rain-coats; they have prepared their own medicines, their own cooking-vessels, their own substitutes for crockery.".[22] Craftwork includes the making of baskets, weaving of cloth, wood carving, pottery, metalwork, jewellery-making and bead-work.

Weaving of colorful woolen and cotton shawls is a central activity for women of all Naga tribes. One of the common features of Naga shawls is that three pieces are woven separately and stitched together. Weaving is an intricate and time consuming work and each shawl takes at least a few days to complete. Designs for shawls and wraparound garments (commonly called mekhala) are different for men and women.

Ancestral Naga Tribal Beads, Courtesy Wovensouls Collection

Among many tribes the design of the shawl denotes the social status of the wearer. Some of the more known shawls include Tsungkotepsu and Rongsu of the Ao tribe; Sutam, Ethasu, Longpensu of the Lothas; Supong of the Sangtams, Rongkhim and Tsungrem Khim of the Yimchungers; and the Angami Lohe shawls with thick embroidered animal motifs.

Naga jewelry is an equally important part of identity, with the entire tribe wearing similar bead jewelry.

The Indian Chamber of Commerce has filed an application seeking registration of traditional Naga shawls made in Nagaland with the Geographical Registry of India for Geographical Indication.[23]

Folk song and dances

Folk songs and dances are essential ingredients of the traditional Naga culture. The oral tradition is kept alive through the media of folk tales and songs. Naga folk songs are both romantic and historical, with songs narrating entire stories of famous ancestors and incidents. Seasonal songs describe activities done in a particular agricultural cycle. The early Western missionaries opposed the use of folk songs by Naga Christians as they were perceived to be associated with spirit worship, war and immorality. As a result, translated versions of Western hymns were introduced, leading to the slow disappearance of indigenous music from the Naga hills.[24]

Folk dances of the tribes are mostly performed in groups in synchronized fashion, by both men and women, depending on the type of dance. Dances are usually performed at festivals and religious occasions. War dances are performed mostly by men and are athletic and martial in style. All dances are accompanied by songs and war cries by the dancers. Indigenous musical instruments made and used by the people are bamboo mouth organs, cup violins, bamboo flutes, trumpets, drums made of cattle skin, and log drums.[25]

Festivals

The various Naga tribes have their own distinct festivals. To promote inter-tribe interaction, the Government of Nagaland has organized the annual Hornbill Festival since 2000. Another inter-tribe festival is Lui Ngai Ni. The tribe-specific festivals include:[26]

Festival Tribe Time Major center
Sekrenyi Angami February Kohima
Ngada Rengma November (last week) Kohima
Chiithuni Memei December/January Mao Naga
Kanghi Maramei December/January Maram
Chagaa, Hega n'gi Zeliangrong Communities - (Liangmei, Rongmei, and Zeme) December (last week) Tamenglong-Cachar
Tsukhenyi Chakhesang March/April Phek
Yemshi Pochury September/October Phek
Moatsü Ao May (first week) Mokokchung
Aoleang Konyak April (first week) Mon
Monyu Phom April (first week) Longleng
Miu Khiamniungan May (second week) Tuensang
Naknyu Lem Chang July (second week) Tuensang
Metemneo Yimchunger August (second week) Tuensang
Amongmong Sangtam September (first week) Tuensang
Tokhu Emong Lotha November (first week) Wokha
Tuluni Sumi July Zunheboto

Naga identity

The word Naga originated as an exonym.[27] Today, it covers a number of tribes that reside in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh states of India, and also in Myanmar.

Before the arrival of the British, the term "Naga" had been used in Assam to refer to certain isolated tribes. The British adopted this term for a number of tribes in the surrounding area, based on loose linguistic and cultural associations. The number of tribes classified as "Naga" increased significantly in the 20th century: as of December 2015, 89 tribes are classified as Naga by the various sources. This expansion in the "Naga" identity has been due to a number of factors including the quest for upward mobility in the society of Nagaland, and the desire to establish a common purpose of resistance against dominance by other groups. Some tribes, such as some of the smaller "Old Kuki" tribes have attempted to get absorbed into the Naga identity to increase their political profile. Some others, such as a section of Maring, consider themselves culturally distinct. In this way, the "Naga" identity has not always been fixed.[28]

The Ethnologue uses the term "Naga" to describe 34 languages in the Kuki-Chin-Naga family.[29] The Kuki of Nagaland have been classified as "Naga" in the past, but today are generally considered a non-Naga tribe. The Kuki have had good relations with the Naga in the past, but since the 1990s, conflicts have risen, especially in Manipur. The Naga nationalists in Manipur have made attempts to expel the Kukis from their area.

Notes and references

  1. Michael Fredholm (1993). Burma: ethnicity and insurgency. Praeger. p. 182. ISBN 978-0-275-94370-7.
  2. M. Fiskesjo, On the Ethnoarchaeology of Fortified Settlements in the Northern part of Mainland Southeast Asia
  3. Drouyer, Azevedo, Isabel, Drouyer, René, THE NAGAS -MEMORIES OF HEADHUNTERS vol.1, White Lotus, 2016, p. 7
  4. Tezenlo Thong, "A Clash of Worldviews: The Impact of Modern Western Notion of Progress on Naga Culture, 1832-1947," Journal of Race, Religion and Ethnicity, No. 2, 5 (2011): 1-37
  5. Upadhyay, R. Naga Insurgency - A confusion of war or peace (Paper No. 1256, 17 February 2005, South Asia Analysis)
  6. Consolidation of British Powers in the Naga Hills, Mamguis blog, Retrieved on 16 June 2009
  7. Drouyer, Isabel, Drouyer René, THE NAGAS: MEMORIES OF HEADHUNTERS, White Lotus, 2016, p.1
  8. Ao. Nagaland Baptist Church Council Celebrates Platinum Jubilee 1937-2012, A Concise History of Christian Missions in North East India-N. Toshi Ao 2012.
  9. Thong, Tezenlo (December 2010). "'Thy Kingdom Come': The Impact of Colonization and Proselytization on Religion among the Nagas" (PDF). Journal of Asian and African Studies. 45 (6): 595–609. doi:10.1177/0021909610373915. Retrieved 1 May 2012.
  10. Prongo, K. "Dawning Of Truth To Crown Indo-Naga Talks", ManipurOnline, 22 September 2002
  11. Ramunny, Murkot. "The 'ceasefire with the Nagas'", The Hindu, 4 July 2001
  12. Mujtaba, Syed Ali. "Nagaland peace talks still elusive", Global Politician, Retrieved on 18 June 2009
  13. UNPO.org. Nagalim. Retrieved on 25 September 2009
  14. Longkumer, Along. "Ceasefire Flaw or End Game?", Morunge Express, Retrieved 19 Dec 2009
  15. Drouyer, Azevedo, Isabel, Drouyer, René, THE NAGAS: MEMORIES OF HEADHUNTERS vol.1, White Lotus, 2016, p. 24.
  16. Drouyer, Azevedo Isabel, Drouyer, René, THE NAGAS: MEMORIES OF HEADHUNTERS vol.1, WHITE LOTUS, 2016, p. 35.
  17. Drouyer, Azevedo Isabel, Drouyer, René, THE NAGAS: MEMORIES OF HEADHUNTERS vol.1, White Lotus, 2016, p. 35.
  18. Shishak, Dr. Tuisem A. "Nagas and Education" Retrieved 19 June 2009
  19. Bowers, A C. Under Headhunters’ Eyes (Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1929), p 195
  20. Jamir, David Meren. A Study on Nagaland, A Theology of Justice in Cross-Cultural Mission (Lombard, Il: Bethany Theological Seminary, 1986)
  21. Ao, Ayinla Shilu. Naga Tribal Adornment: Signatures of Status and Self (The Bead Society of Greater Washington. September 2003) ISBN 0-9725066-2-4
  22. "Arts and crafts of the Nagas", Nagaland, Retrieved 23 June 2009
  23. "Naga shawls in for geographical registration", AndhraNews.net, 7 April 2008
  24. Shikhu, Inato Yekheto. A Re-discovery and Re-building of Naga Cultural Values: An Analytical Approach with Special Reference to Maori as a Colonized and Minority Group of People in New Zealand (Daya Books, 2007), p. 210
  25. Mongro, Kajen & Ao, A Lanunungsang. Naga Cultural Attires and Musical Instruments (Concept Publishing Company, 1999), ISBN 81-7022-793-3
  26. "Tourism: General Information". Government of Nagaland. Retrieved 2011-10-24.
  27. Christopher Moseley (6 December 2012). Encyclopedia of the World's Endangered Languages. Routledge. pp. 572–. ISBN 978-1-135-79640-2. Retrieved 8 September 2013.
  28. Arkotong Longkumer (4 May 2010). Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India. Continuum. pp. 6–7. ISBN 978-0-8264-3970-3. Retrieved 8 September 2013.
  29. Kuki-Chin-Naga, Ethnologue

Further reading

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