Kingdom of Kush

Kingdom of Kush
Kuluš
1070 BC–AD 350
Capital Kerma, Napata, Meroe
Languages Meroitic, Nubian languages, Egyptian[1]
Government Monarchy
History
   Established 1070 BC
  Capital moved to Napata 780 BC
  Capital moved to Meroe 591 BC
   Disestablished AD 350
Population
   Egyptian phase[2] est. 100,000 
   Meroite phase[2] est. 1,150,000 
Preceded by
Succeeded by
New Kingdom of Egypt
Nobatia
Makuria
Alodia
Aksumite Empire
Today part of  Sudan
 Egypt
 South Sudan

The Kingdom of Kush or Kush (/kʊʃ, kʌʃ/) was an ancient kingdom in Nubia, located at the confluences of the Blue Nile, White Nile and River Atbara in what is now Sudan and South Sudan.

The Kushite era of rule in Nubia was established after the Bronze Age collapse and the disintegration of the New Kingdom of Egypt. Kush was centered at Napata during its early phase. After King Kashta ("the Kushite") invaded Egypt in the 8th century BC, the Kushite emperors ruled as pharaohs of the Twenty-fifth dynasty of Egypt for a century, until they were expelled by the Assyrians under the rule of Esarhaddon.

During classical antiquity, the Kushite imperial capital was located at Meroe. In early Greek geography, the Meroitic kingdom was known as Aethiopia. The Kushite kingdom with its capital at Meroe persisted until the 4th century AD, when it weakened and disintegrated due to internal rebellion. The Kushite capital was eventually captured and burnt to the ground by the Kingdom of Aksum.

Name

Kush in hieroglyphs
k G1 S N25

.
k3š
Ku'sh

Head of a Kushite Ruler, ca. 716-702 B.C.E. Green schist, 2 3/4 x 2 1/16 x 2 9/16 in. (7 x 5.3 x 6.5 cm). Brooklyn Museum.

The native name of the Kingdom was recorded in Egyptian as k3š, likely pronounced /kuɫuʃ/ or /kuʔuʃ/ in Middle Egyptian when the term is first used for Nubia, based on the New Kingdom-era Akkadian transliteration as the genitive kūsi.[3][4][5]

It is also an ethnic term for the native population who initiated the kingdom of Kush. The term is also displayed in the names of Kushite persons,[6] such as King Kashta (a transcription of k3š-t3 "(one from) the land of Kush"). Geographically, Kush referred to the region south of the first cataract in general. Kush also was the home of the rulers of the 25th dynasty.[7]

The name Kush, since at least the time of Josephus, has been connected with the biblical character Cush, in the Hebrew Bible (Hebrew: כוש), son of Ham (Genesis 10:6). Ham had four sons named: Cush, Put, Canaan and Mizraim (Hebrew name for Egypt). According to the Bible, Nimrod, a son of Cush, was the founder and king of Babylon, Erech, Akkad and Calneh, in Shinar (Gen 10:10).[8] The Bible also makes reference to someone named Cush who is a Benjamite (Psalms 7:1, KJV).[9]

Some modern scholars, such as Friedrich Delitzsch,[10] have suggested that the biblical Cush might be linked to the Kassites of the Zagros Mountains (modern Iran).[11]

Origins

Mentuhotep II (21st century BC founder of the Middle Kingdom) is recorded to have undertaken campaigns against Kush in the 29th and 31st years of his reign. This is the earliest Egyptian reference to Kush; the Nubian region had gone by other names in the Old Kingdom.[12]

During the New Kingdom of Egypt, Nubia (Kush) was an Egyptian colony, from the 16th century BC governed by an Egyptian Viceroy of Kush. With the disintegration of the New Kingdom around 1070 BC, Kush became an independent kingdom centered at Napata in modern northern Sudan.[13]

The Kushites buried their monarchs along with all their courtiers in mass graves. Archaeologists refer to these practices as the "Pan-grave culture".[14] This was given its name due to the way in which the remains are buried. They would dig a pit and put stones around them in a circle.[15] Kushites also built burial mounds and pyramids, and shared some of the same gods worshiped in Egypt, especially Ammon and Isis. With the worshiping of these gods the Kushites began to take some of the names of the gods as their throne names.[7]

The Kush rulers were regarded as guardians of the state religion and were responsible for maintaining the houses of the gods.[16] Some scholars believe the economy in the Kingdom of Kush was a redistributive system. The state would collect taxes in the form of surplus produce and would redistribute to the people. Others believe that most of the society worked on the land and required nothing from the state and did not contribute to the state. Northern Kush seemed to be more productive and wealthier than the Southern area.[16]

Dental trait analysis of Kushite fossils dating from the Meroitic period in Semna, Nubia, found that they were closely related to Afroasiatic-speaking populations inhabiting the Nile Valley, Maghreb and Canary Islands. Among the examined ancient populations, the Kush people were nearest to the X-Group culture bearers and Christian era inhabitants of Semna, and more remotely to the Capsian makers, Byzantine period Egyptians from the Kharga Oasis, the Guanche autochthones of the Canary Islands, Roman/Byzantine period Egyptians from El Hesa, 12th Dynasty Egyptians from Lisht, Punic era Phoenicians from Carthage, and New Kingdom period Pharaonic Nubians from Soleb. Among the recent groups, the Kushites were morphologically closest to Shawia and Kabyle Berbers from Algeria, followed by Arabic-speaking Bedouins from Morocco, Tunisia and Libya. The Kush skeletons and these ancient and recent fossils were also phenotypically distinct from those belonging to recent Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan and Khoisan-speaking populations in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as from the Mesolithic period inhabitants of Jebel Sahaba in Nubia.[17]

Conquest of Egypt (25th Dynasty)

Maximum extent of Kush in 700 BC

Resistance to the early eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian rule by neighbouring Kush is evidenced in the writings of Ahmose, an Egyptian warrior who served under Nebpehtrya Ahmose (1539-1514 BC), Djeserkara Amenhotep I (1514-1493 BC) and Aakheperkara Thutmose I (1493-1481 BC). At the end of the Second Intermediate Period (mid sixteenth century BC), Egypt faced the twin existential threats -- the Hyksos in the North and the Kushites in the South. Taken from the autobiographical inscriptions on the walls of his tomb-chapel, the Egyptians undertook campaigns to defeat Kush and conquer Nubia under the rule of Djeserkara Amenhotep I (1514-1493 BC). In Ahmose's writings, the Kushites are described as bowmen, "Now after his Majesty had slain the Bedoin of Asia, he sailed upstream to Upper Nubia to destroy the Nubian bowmen."[18] The tomb writings contain two other references to the Nubian bowmen of Kush.

Sudan Meroe Pyramids – UNESCO World Heritage.[19]

Egypt's international prestige had declined considerably towards the end of the Third Intermediate Period. Its historical allies, the Semitic Canaanites of the Southern Levant, had fallen to the Middle Assyrian Empire (1365-1020 BC), and then the resurgent Neo Assyrian Empire (935-605 BC). The Semitic Assyrians, from the 10th century BC onwards, had once more expanded from their northern Mesopotamian homeland, and conquered a vast empire, including the whole of the Near East, and much of Asia Minor, the eastern Mediterranean, the Caucasus and ancient Persia.

In 945 BC, Sheshonq I and Libyan princes took control of the Ancient Egyptian delta and founded the so-called Libyan or Bubastite dynasty, which would rule for some 200 years. Sheshonq also gained control of southern Egypt by placing his family members in important priestly positions. In 711, King Sheshonq made Memphis his northern capital.[20] However, Libyan control began to erode as a rival dynasty in the delta arose in Leontopolis and Kushites threatened from the south.

25th Dynasty

Alara founded the Napatan, or 25th, Kushite dynasty at Napata in Nubia, now Sudan.. Alara's successor Kashta extended Kushite control north to Elephantine and Thebes in Upper Egypt. Kashta's successor Piye seized control of Lower Egypt around 727 BC,[21] creating the Twenty-fifth dynasty of Egypt. This continued until about 671 BC when they were deposed by the Neo-Assyrian Empire.

Why the Kushites chose to enter Egypt at this crucial point of foreign domination is subject to debate. Archaeologist Timothy Kendall offers his own hypotheses, connecting it to a claim of legitimacy associated with Gebel Barkal.[22] Kendall cites the Victory Stele of Piye at Gebel Barkal, which states that "Amun of Napata granted me to be ruler of every foreign country," and "Amun in Thebes granted me to be ruler of the Black Land (Kmt)". According to Kendall, "foreign lands" in this regard seems to include Lower Egypt while "Kmt" seems to refer to a united Upper Egypt and Nubia.[22]

Piye was defeated by the Assyrian king Shalmaneser V and then his successor Sargon II in the 720's BC. Piye's son Taharqa enjoyed some minor initial success in his attempts to regain Egyptian influence in the Near East. He aided King Hezekiah from attack by Sennacherib and the Assyrians (2 Kings 19:9; Isaiah 37:9), however disease among the besieging Assyrian army appears to have been the main cause of failure to take Jerusalem rather than any military setback, and Assyrian records indicate Hezekiah was forced to pay tribute. The Assyrian King Sennacherib then defeated Taharqa and drove the Nubians and Egyptians from the region and back over the Sinai into Egypt.

The power of the 25th Dynasty reached a climax under Taharqa. The Nile valley empire was as large as it had been since the New Kingdom. New prosperity[23] revived Egyptian culture.[24] Religion, the arts, and architecture were restored to their glorious Old, Middle, and New Kingdom forms. The Nubian pharaohs built or restored temples and monuments throughout the Nile valley, including Memphis, Karnak, Kawa, and Jebel Barkal.[25] It was during the 25th dynasty that the Nile valley saw the first widespread construction of pyramids (many in modern Sudan) since the Middle Kingdom.[26][27][28] Writing was introduced to Kush in the form of the Egyptian-influenced Meroitic script circa 700–600 BC, although it appears to have been wholly confined to the royal court and major temples.[29]

Between 674 and 671 BC the Assyrians, tiring of Egyptian meddling, began their invasion of Egypt under King Esarhaddon, the successor of Sennacherib. Assyrian armies had been the best in the world since the 14th century BC, and conquered this vast territory with surprising speed. Taharqa was driven from power by Esarhaddon, and fled to his Nubian homeland. Esarhaddon describes "installing local kings and governors" and "All Ethiopians I deported from Egypt, leaving not one to do homage to me".

However, the native Egyptian vassal rulers installed by Esarhaddon as puppets were unable to effectively retain full control for long without Assyrian aid. Two years later, Taharqa returned from Nubia and seized control of a section of southern Egypt as far north as Memphis from Esarhaddon's local vassals. Esarhaddon prepared to return to Egypt and once more eject Taharqa, however he fell ill and died in his capital Nineveh, before he left Assyria. His successor, Ashurbanipal, sent a Turtanu (general) with a small but well trained army which once more defeated Taharqa and ejected him from Egypt, and he was forced to flee back to his homeland in Nubia, where he died two years later.

Taharqa's successor Tanutamun attempted to regain Egypt. He successfully defeated Necho, the subject ruler installed by Ashurbanipal, taking Thebes in the process. The Assyrians, who had a military presence in the north, then sent a large army southwards. Tantamani was routed, and the Assyrian army sacked Thebes to such an extent it never truly recovered. Tantamani was chased back to Nubia, and never threatened the Assyrian Empire again. A native Egyptian ruler, Psammetichus I, was placed on the throne, as a vassal of Ashurbanipal.[23][30]

Move to Meroë

Aspelta moved the capital to Meroë, considerably farther south than Napata, possibly in 591 BC.[31] It is also possible that Meroë had always been the Kushite capital.

Historians believe that the Kushite rulers may have chosen Meroë as their home because, unlike Napata, the region around Meroë had enough woodlands to provide fuel for iron working. In addition, Kush was no longer dependent on the Nile to trade with the outside world; they could instead transport goods from Meroë to the Red Sea coast, where Greek merchants were now traveling extensively.

Wide view of Nubian pyramids in Meroë
Wide view of Nubian pyramids in Meroë

The Kushites used the animal-driven water wheel to increase productivity and create a surplus, particularly during the Napatan-Meroitic Kingdom.[32]

In about 300 BC the move to Meroë was made more complete when the monarchs began to be buried there, instead of at Napata. One theory is that this represents the monarchs breaking away from the power of the priests at Napata. According to Diodorus Siculus, a Kushite king, "Ergamenes", defied the priests and had them slaughtered. This story may refer to the first ruler to be buried at Meroë with a similar name such as Arqamani,[33] who ruled many years after the royal cemetery was opened at Meroë. During this same period, Kushite authority may have extended some 1,500 km along the Nile River valley from the Egyptian frontier in the north to areas far south of modern Khartoum and probably also substantial territories to the east and west.[34]

Kushite civilization continued for several centuries. In the Napatan Period Egyptian hieroglyphs were used: at this time writing seems to have been restricted to the court and temples.[35] From the 2nd century BC there was a separate Meroitic writing system.[35] This was an alphabetic script with 23 signs used in a hieroglyphic form (mainly on monumental art) and in a cursive form.[35] The latter was widely used; so far some 1278 texts using this version are known (Leclant 2000). The script was deciphered by Griffith, but the language behind it is still a problem, with only a few words understood by modern scholars.[35] It is not as yet possible to connect the Meroitic language with other known languages.[35]

Strabo describes a war with the Romans in the 1st century BC. After the initial victories of Kandake (or "Candace") Amanirenas against Roman Egypt, the Kushites were defeated and Napata sacked.[36] Remarkably, the destruction of the capital of Napata was not a crippling blow to the Kushites and did not frighten Candace enough to prevent her from again engaging in combat with the Roman military. Indeed, it seems that Petronius's attack might have had a revitalizing influence on the kingdom. Just three years later, in 22 BC, a large Kushite force moved northward with intention of attacking Qasr Ibrim.[37]:149

Alerted to the advance, Petronius again marched south and managed to reach Qasr Ibrim and bolster its defences before the invading Kushites arrived. Although the ancient sources give no description of the ensuing battle, we know that at some point the Kushites sent ambassadors to negotiate a peace settlement with Petronius. By the end of the second campaign, however, Petronius was in no mood to deal further with the Kushites.[37]:149 The Kushites succeeded in negotiating a peace treaty on favourable terms[36] and trade between the two nations increased.[37]:149 Some historians like Theodore Mommsen wrote that during Augustus times Nubia was a possible client state of the Roman Empire.

It is possible that the Roman emperor Nero planned another attempt to conquer Kush before his death in AD 68.[37]:150–151 Kush began to fade as a power by the 1st or 2nd century AD, sapped by the war with the Roman province of Egypt and the decline of its traditional industries.[38] Christianity began to gain over the old pharaonic religion and by the mid-sixth century AD the Kingdom of Kush was dissolved.[16]

Kush and Egyptology

On account of the Kingdom of Kush's proximity to Ancient Egypt — the first cataract at Elephantine usually being considered the traditional border between the two polities — and because the 25th dynasty ruled over both states in the 8th century BC, from the Rift Valley to the Taurus mountains, historians have closely associated the study of Kush with Egyptology, in keeping with the general assumption that the complex sociopolitical development of Egypt's neighbors can be understood in terms of Egyptian models.[39] As a result, the political structure and organization of Kush as an independent ancient state has not received as thorough attention from scholars, and there remains much ambiguity especially surrounding the earliest periods of the state. Edwards[39] has suggested that study of the region could benefit from increased recognition of Kush as a state in its own right, with distinct cultural conditions, rather than merely as a secondary state on the periphery of Egypt.

See also

Notes

  1. Török, László. The Kingdom of Kush: History and Civilization. Brill. p. 49. ISBN 978-9004104488. Retrieved 21 February 2017.
  2. 1 2 Stearns, Peter N., ed. (2001). "(II.B.4.) East Africa, c. 2000–332 B.C.E.". The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged (6th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-395-65237-4.
  3. Goldenberg, David M. (2005). The Curse of Ham: Race and Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (New ed.). Princeton University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0691123707.
  4. Spalinger, Anthony (1974). "Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the First Invasion of Egypt". Orientalia, NOVA SERIES, Vol. 43 pp. 295-326, XI.
  5. Allen, James P. (2013-07-11). The Ancient Egyptian Language: An Historical Study. Cambridge University Press. p. 53. ISBN 9781107032460. Retrieved 2015-04-15.
  6. Török, László. Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten. BRILL, 1997. Print.
  7. 1 2 Van, de M. M. A History of Ancient Egypt. Chichester, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. Print.
  8. http://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/Genesis-10-10/
  9. http://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/Psalms-Chapter-7/
  10. See, for example, Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies?, 1881.
  11. Goldenberg, David M. (2005). The Curse of Ham: Race and Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (New ed.). Princeton University Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0691123707.
  12. Historical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Nubia, Richard A. Lobban Jr., p. 254.
  13. Morkot, Roger G. "On the Priestly Origin of the Napatan Kings: The Adaptation, Demise and Resurrection of Ideas in Writing Nubian History" in O'Connor, David and Andrew Reid, eds. Ancient Egypt in Africa (Encounters with Ancient Egypt) (University College London Institute of Archaeology Publications) Left Coast Press (1 Aug 2003) ISBN 978-1-59874-205-3 p.151
  14. Pan Grave Culture – By K. Kris Hirst
  15. – By Manfred Bietak
  16. 1 2 3 Welsby, Derek A. The Kingdom of Kush: the Napatan and Meroitic Empires. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1998. Google Scholar. Web. 20 Oct. 2011
  17. Irish, Joel D. (1998). "Dental morphological affinities of Late Pleistocene through recent sub-Saharan and north African peoples" (PDF). Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d'anthropologie de Paris. 10 (3): 237–272. Retrieved 17 June 2017.
  18. Wilkinson, Toby (2016). Writings from Ancient Egypt. United Kingdom: Penguin Classics. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-141-39595-1.
  19. World Convention Heritage UNESCO World Heritage
  20. Van, de M. M. A History of Ancient Egypt. Chichester, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. p289. Print.
  21. Shaw (2002) p. 345
  22. 1 2 Kendall, T.K., 2002. Napatan Temples: a Case Study from Gebel Barkal. The Mythological Nubian Origin of Egyptian Kingship and the Formation of the Napatan State. Tenth International Conference of Nubian Studies. Rome, September 9–14, 2002.
  23. 1 2 Török, László. The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Google Scholar. Web. 20 Oct. 2011.
  24. Diop, Cheikh Anta (1974). The African Origin of Civilization. Chicago, Illinois: Lawrence Hill Books. pp. 219–221. ISBN 1-55652-072-7.
  25. Bonnet, Charles (2006). The Nubian Pharaohs. New York: The American University in Cairo Press. pp. 142–154. ISBN 978-977-416-010-3.
  26. Mokhtar, G. (1990). General History of Africa. California, USA: University of California Press. pp. 161–163. ISBN 0-520-06697-9.
  27. Emberling, Geoff (2011). Nubia: Ancient Kingdoms of Africa. New York: Institute for the Study of the Ancient World. pp. 9–11.
  28. Silverman, David (1997). Ancient Egypt. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 36–37. ISBN 0-19-521270-3.
  29. http://www.digitalegypt.ucl.ac.uk/nubia/mwriting.html
  30. Georges Roux – Ancient Iraq pp. 330–332
  31. Festus Ugboaja Ohaegbulam (1 October 1990). Towards an understanding of the African experience from historical and contemporary perspectives. University Press of America. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-8191-7941-8. Retrieved 17 March 2011.
  32. William Y. Adams, Nubia: Corridor to Africa (Princeton University Press, 1977) 346-47, and William Y. Adams,
  33. Fage, J. D.: Roland Anthony Oliver (1979) The Cambridge History of Africa, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-21592-7 p. 228
  34. Edwards, page 141
  35. 1 2 3 4 5 Meroitic script
  36. 1 2 Arthur E. Robinson, "The Arab Dynasty of Dar For (Darfur): Part II", Journal of the Royal African Society (Lond). XXVIII: 55–67 (October, 1928)
  37. 1 2 3 4 Jackson, Robert B. (2002). At Empire's Edge: Exploring Rome's Egyptian Frontier. Yale University Press. ISBN 0300088566.
  38. The Story of Africa| BBC World Service
  39. 1 2 David N. Edwards, "Meroe and the Sudanic Kingdoms", "Journal of African History" (UK). Vol. 39 No. 2 (1998), pp 175–193

References

Further reading

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