José Martí

José Martí
Born José Julián Martí Pérez
January 28, 1853
Havana, Spanish Cuba
Died May 19, 1895(1895-05-19) (aged 42)
near Contramaestre and Cauto
Occupation poet, writer, nationalist leader
Nationality Cuban
Literary movement Modernismo
Spouse Carmen Zayas Bazan
Children José Francisco "Pepito" Martí
Relatives Mariano Martí Navarro and Leonor Pérez Cabrera (Parents), 7 sisters (Leonor, Mariana, María de Carmen, María de Pilar, Rita Amelia, Antonia and Dolores)

José Julián Martí Pérez (January 28, 1853 – May 19, 1895) was a Cuban national hero and important figure in Latin American literature. During his life, he was a poet, essayist, journalist, revolutionary philosopher, translator, professor, publisher, Freemason, political theorist, and supporter of Henry George's economic reforms.[1][2] Through his writings and political activity, he became a symbol for Cuba's bid for independence against Spain in the 19th century, and is referred to as the "Apostle of Cuban Independence."[3] He also wrote about the threat of Spanish and US expansionism into Cuba. From adolescence, he dedicated his life to the promotion of liberty, political independence for Cuba, and intellectual independence for all Spanish Americans; his death was used as a cry for Cuban independence from Spain by both the Cuban revolutionaries and those Cubans previously reluctant to start a revolt.

Born in Havana, Martí began his political activism at an early age. He traveled extensively in Spain, Latin America, and the United States, raising awareness and support for the cause of Cuban independence. His unification of the Cuban émigré community, particularly in Florida, was crucial to the success of the Cuban War of Independence against Spain. He was a key figure in the planning and execution of this war, as well as the designer of the Cuban Revolutionary Party and its ideology. He died in military action during the Battle of Dos Ríos on May 19, 1895.

Martí is considered one of the great turn-of-the-century Latin American intellectuals. His written works include a series of poems, essays, letters, lectures, novel, and a children's magazine. He wrote for numerous Latin American and American newspapers; he also founded a number of newspapers. His newspaper Patria was an important instrument in his campaign for Cuban independence. After his death, one of his poems from the book, "Versos Sencillos" (Simple Verses) was adapted to the song "Guantanamera", which has become the definitive patriotic song of Cuba.

The concepts of freedom, liberty, and democracy are prominent themes in all of his works, which were influential on the Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío and the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral.[4]

Life

Early life, Cuba: 1853–70

41 Paula Street, Havana, birthplace of José Martí

José Julián Martí Pérez was born on January 28, 1853, in Havana, at 41 Paula Street, to a Spanish Valencian father, Mariano Martí Navarro, and Leonor Pérez Cabrera, a native of the Canary Islands. Martí was the elder brother to seven sisters: Leonor, Mariana, Maria de Carmen, Maria de Pilar, Rita Amelia, Antonia and Dolores. He was baptized on February 12 in Santo Ángel Custodio church. When he was four, his family moved from Cuba to Valencia, Spain, but two years later they returned to the island where they enrolled José at a local public school, in the Santa Clara neighborhood where his father worked as a prison guard.[5]

In 1865, he enrolled in the Escuela de Instrucción Primaria Superior Municipal de Varones that was headed by Rafael María de Mendive. Mendive was influential in the development of Martí's political philosophies. Also instrumental in his development of a social and political conscience was his best friend Fermín Valdés Domínguez, the son of a wealthy slave-owning family.[6] In April the same year, after hearing the news of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, Martí and other young students expressed their pain—through group mourning—for the death of a man who had decreed the abolition of slavery in the United States. In 1866, Martí entered the Instituto de Segunda Ensañanza where Mendive financed his studies.[5]

Martí signed up at the Escuela Profesional de Pintura y Escultura de La Habana (Professional School for Painting and Sculpture of Havana) in September 1867, known as San Alejandro, to take drawing classes. He hoped to flourish in this area, but did not find commercial success. In 1867, he also entered the school of San Pablo, established and managed by Mendive, where he enrolled for the second and third years of his bachelor's degree, and assisted Mendive with the school's administrative tasks. In April 1868, his poem dedicated to Mendive's wife, A Micaela. En la muerte de Miguel Ángel appeared in Guanabacoa's newspaper El Álbum.[7]

When the Ten Years' War broke out in Cuba in 1868, clubs of supporters for the Cuban nationalist cause formed all over Cuba, and José and his friend Fermín joined them. Martí had a precocious desire for the independence and freedom of Cuba. He started writing poems about this vision, while, at the same time, trying to do something to achieve this dream. In 1869, he published his first political writings in the only edition of the newspaper El Diablo Cojuelo, published by Fermín Valdés Domínguez. That same year he published "Abdala", a patriotic drama in verse form in the one-volume La Patria Libre newspaper, which he published himself. "Abdala" is about a fictional country called Nubia which struggles for liberation.[8] His sonnet "10 de octubre", later to become one of his most famous poems, was also written during that year, and was published later in his school newspaper.[7]

Statue of José Martí on horseback in New York's Central Park – Anna Hyatt Huntington, 1959

In March of that year, colonial authorities shut down the school, interrupting Martí's studies. He came to resent Spanish rule of his homeland at an early age; likewise, he developed a hatred of slavery, which was still practiced in Cuba.[9]

On October 21, 1869, aged 16, he was arrested and incarcerated in the national jail, following an accusation of treason and bribery from the Spanish government upon the discovery of a "reproving" letter, which Martí and Fermín had written to a friend when the friend joined the Spanish army.[10] More than four months later, Martí confessed to the charges and was condemned to six years in prison. His mother tried to free her son (who at 16 was still a minor) by writing letters to the government, and his father went to a lawyer friend for legal support, but these efforts failed. Eventually Martí fell ill; his legs were severely lacerated by the chains that bound him. As a result, he was transferred to another part of Cuba known as Isla de Pinos instead of further imprisonment. Following that, the Spanish authorities decided to exile him to Spain.[7] In Spain, Martí, who was 18 at the time, was allowed to continue his studies with the hopes that studying in Spain would renew his loyalty to Spain.[11]

Spain: 1871–74

Monument of Martí in Cádiz, Spain

In January 1871, Martí embarked on the steam ship Guipuzcoa, which took him from Havana to Cádiz. He settled in Madrid in a guesthouse in Desengaño St. #10. Arriving at the capital he contacted fellow Cuban Carlos Sauvalle, who had been deported to Spain a year before Martí and whose house served as a center of reunions for Cubans in exile. On March 24, Cádiz’s newspaper La Soberania Nacional, published Martí's article “Castillo” in which he recalled the sufferings of a friend he met in prison. This article would be reprinted in Sevilla’s La Cuestión Cubana and New York’s La República. At this time, Martí registered himself as a member of independent studies in the law faculty of the Central University of Madrid.[12] While studying here, Martí openly participated in discourse on the Cuban issue, debating through the Spanish press and circulating documents protesting Spanish activities in Cuba.

Martí's maltreatment at the hands of the Spaniards and consequent deportation to Spain in 1871 inspired a tract, Political Imprisonment in Cuba, published in July. This pamphlet's purpose was to move the Spanish public to do something about its government's brutalities in Cuba and promoted the issue of Cuban independence.[13] In September, from the pages of El Jurado Federal, Marti and Sauvalle accused the newspaper La Prensa of having calumniated the Cuban residents in Madrid. During his stay in Madrid, Marti frequented the Ateneo and the National Library, the Café de los Artistas, and the British, Swiss and Iberian breweries. In November he became sick and had an operation, paid for by Sauvalle.[12]

On November 27, 1871, eight medical students, who had been accused (without evidence) of the desecration of a Spanish grave, were executed in Havana.[12] In June 1872, Fermín Valdés was arrested because of the November 27 incident. His sentence of six years of jail was pardoned, and he was exiled to Spain where he reunited with Martí. On November 27, 1872, the printed matter Dia 27 de Noviembre de 1871 (27 November 1871) written by Martí and signed by Fermín Valdés Domínguez and Pedro J. de la Torre circulated Madrid. A group of Cubans held a funeral in the Caballero de Gracia church, the first anniversary of the medical students’ execution.[14]

In 1873, Martí's “A mis Hermanos Muertos el 27 de Noviembre” was published by Fermín Valdés. In February, for the first time, the Cuban flag appeared in Madrid, hanging from Martí’s balcony in Concepción Jerónima, where he lived for a few years. In the same month, the Proclamation of the First Spanish Republic by the Cortes on February 11, 1873 reaffirmed Cuba as inseparable to Spain, Martí responded with an essay, The Spanish Republic and the Cuban Revolution, and sent it to the Prime Minister, pointing out that this new freely elected body of deputies that had proclaimed a republic based on democracy had been hypocritical not to grant Cuba its independence.[15] He sent examples of his work to Nestor Ponce de Leon, a member of the Junta Central Revolucionaria de Nueva York (Central revolutionary committee of New York), to whom he would express his will to collaborate on the fight for the independence of Cuba.[14]

In May, he moved to Zaragoza, accompanied by Fermín Valdés to continue his studies in law at the Universidad Literaria. The newspaper La Cuestión Cubana of Sevilla, published numerous articles from Martí.[14]

In June 1874, Marti graduated with a degree in Civil Law and Canon Law. In August he signed up as an external student at the Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de Zaragoza, where he finished his degree by October. In November he returned to Madrid and then left to Paris. There he met Auguste Vacquerie, a poet, and Victor Hugo. In December 1874 he embarked from Le Havre for Mexico.[16] Prevented from returning to Cuba, Martí went instead to Mexico and Guatemala. During these travels, he taught and wrote, advocating continuously for Cuba's independence.[17]

México and Guatemala: 1875–78

In 1875, Martí lived on Calle Moneda in Mexico City near the Zócalo, a prestigious address of the time. One floor above him lived Manuel Antonio Mercado, Secretary of the Distrito Federal, who became one of Martí’s best friends. On March 2, 1875, he published his first article for Vicente Villada's Revista Universal, a broadsheet discussing politics, literature, and general business commerce. On March 12, his Spanish translation of Hugo's Mes Fils (1874) began serialization in Revista Universal. Martí then joined the editorial staff, editing the Boletín section of the publication.

In these writings, he expressed his opinions about current events in Mexico. On May 27, in the newspaper Revista Universal, he responded to the anti-Cuban-independence arguments in La Colonia Española, a newspaper for Spanish citizens living in Mexico. In December, Sociedad Gorostiza (Gorostiza Society), a group of writers and artists, accepted Martí as a member, where he met his future wife, Carmen Zayas Bazán, during his frequent visits to her Cuban father’s house to meet with the Gorostiza group.[18]

On January 1, 1876, in Oaxaca, elements opposed to Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada's government, led by Gen. Porfirio Díaz, proclaimed the Plan de Tuxtepec, which instigated a bloody civil war. Martí and Mexican colleagues established the Sociedad Alarcón, composed of dramatists, actors, and critics. At this point, Martí began collaborating with the newspaper El Socialista as leader of the Gran Círculo Obrero (Great Labor Circle) organization of liberals and reformists who supported Lerdo de Tejada. In March, the newspaper proposed a series of candidates as delegates, including Martí, to the first Congreso Obrero, or congress of the workers. On June 4, La Sociedad Esperanza de Empleados (Employees' Hope Society) designated Martí as delegate to the Congreso Obrero. On December 7, Martí published his article Alea Jacta Est in the newspaper El Federalista, bitterly criticizing the Porfiristas' armed assault upon the constitutional government in place. On December 16, he published the article "Extranjero" (foreigner; abroad), in which he repeated his denunciation of the Porfiristas and bade farewell to Mexico.[18]

In 1877, using his second name and second surname[19] Julián Pérez as pseudonym, Martí embarked for Havana, hoping to arrange to move his family away to Mexico City from Havana. He returned to Mexico, however, entering at the port of Progreso from which, via Isla de Mujeres and Belize, he travelled south to progressive Guatemala City. He took residence in the prosperous suburb of Ciudad Vieja, home of Guatemala's artists and Intelligentsia of the day, on Cuarta Avenida (Fourth Avenue), 3 km south of Guatemala City. While there, he was commissioned by the government to write the play Patria y Libertad (Drama Indio) (Country and Liberty (an Indian Drama)). He met personally the president, Justo Rufino Barrios, about this project. On April 22, the newspaper El Progreso published his article "Los códigos nuevos" (The New Laws) pertaining to the then newly enacted Civil Code. On May 29, he was appointed head of the Department of French, English, Italian and German Literature, History and Philosophy, on the faculty of philosophy and arts of the Universidad Nacional. On July 25, he lectured for the opening evening of the literary society 'Sociedad Literaria El Porvenir', at the Teatro Colón (the since-renamed Teatro Nacional[20]), at which function he was appointed vice-president of the Society, and acquiring the moniker "el doctor torrente," or Doctor Torrent, in view of his rhetorical style. Martí taught composition classes free at the academia de niñas de centroamérica girls' academy, among whose students he enthralled young María García Granados y Saborío, daughter of Guatemalan president Miguel García Granados. The schoolgirl's crush was unrequited, however, as he went again to México, where he met Carmen Zayas Bazán and whom he later married.[21]

In 1878, Martí returned to Guatemala and published his book Guatemala, edited in Mexico. On May 10, socialite María García Granados died of lung disease; her unrequited love for Martí branded her, poignantly, as 'la niña de Guatemala, la que se murió de amor' (the Guatemalan girl who died of love). Following her death, Martí returned to Cuba. There, he resigned signing the Pact of Zanjón which ended the Cuban Ten Years' War, but had no effect on Cuba's status as a colony. He met Afro-Cuban revolutionary Juan Gualberto Gómez, who would be his lifelong partner in the independence struggle and a stalwart defender of his legacy during this same journey. He married Carmen Zayas Bazán on Havana's Calle Tulipán Street at this time. In October, his application to practice law in Cuba was refused, and thereafter he immersed himself in radical efforts, such as for the Comité Revolucionario Cubano de Nueva York (Cuban Revolutionary Committee of New York). On November 22, 1878 his son José Francisco, known fondly as "Pepito", was born.[22]

United States and Venezuela: 1880–90

In 1881, after a brief stay in New York, Martí travelled to Venezuela and founded in Caracas the Revista Venezolana, or Venezuelan Review. The journal incurred the wrath of Venezuela's dictator, Antonio Guzmán Blanco, and Martí was forced to return to New York.[23] There, Martí joined General Calixto García's Cuban revolutionary committee, composed of Cuban exiles advocating independence. Here Martí openly supported Cuba's struggle for liberation, and worked as a journalist for La Nación of Buenos Aires and for several Central American journals,[17] especially La Opinion Liberal in Mexico City.[24] The article "El ajusticiamiento de Guiteau," an account of President Garfield's murderer's trial, was published in La Opinion Liberal in 1881, and later selected for inclusion in The Library of America's anthology of American True Crime writing. In addition, Martí wrote poems and translated novels to Spanish. He worked for Appleton and Company and, "on his own, translated and published Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona. His repertory of original work included plays, a novel, poetry, a children's magazine, La Edad de Oro, and a newspaper, Patria, which became the official organ of the Cuban Revolutionary party".[25] He also served as a consul for Uruguay, Argentina, and Paraguay. Throughout this work, he preached the "freedom of Cuba with an enthusiasm that swelled the ranks of those eager to strive with him for it".[17]

Tension existed within the Cuban revolutionary committee between Martí and his military compatriots. Martí feared a military dictatorship would be established in Cuba upon independence, and suspected Dominican-born General Máximo Gómez of having these intentions.[26] Martí knew that the independence of Cuba needed time and careful planning. Ultimately, Martí refused to cooperate with Máximo Gómez and Antonio Maceo Grajales, two Cuban military leaders from the Ten Years' War, when they wanted to invade immediately in 1884. Martí knew that it was too early to attempt to win back Cuba, and later events proved him right.[17]

United States, Central America and the West Indies: 1891–94

On January 1, 1891, Martí's essay "Nuestra America" was published in New York's Revista Ilustrada, and on the 30th of that month in Mexico's El Partido Liberal. He actively participated in the Conferencia Monetaria Internacional (The International Monetary Conference) in New York during that time as well. On June 30 his wife and son arrived in New York. After a short time, in which Carmen Zayas Bazán realized that Martí's dedication to Cuban independence surpassed that of supporting his family, she returned to Havana with her son on August 27. Martí would never see them again. The fact that his wife never shared the convictions central to his life was an enormous personal tragedy for Martí.[27] He turned for solace to Carmen Miyares de Mantilla, a Venezuelan who ran a boarding house in New York, and he is presumed to be the father of her daughter María Mantilla, who was in turn the mother of the actor Cesar Romero, who proudly claimed to be Martí's grandson. In September Martí became sick again. He intervened in the commemorative acts of The Independents, causing the Spanish consul in New York to complain to the Argentine and Uruguayan governments. Consequently, Martí resigned from the Argentinean, Paraguayan, and Uruguayan consulates. In October he published his book Versos Sencillos.

José Martí (center) with cigar workers in Ybor City, Tampa, Florida

On November 26 he was invited by the Club Ignacio Agramonte, an organization founded by Cuban immigrants in Ybor City, Tampa, Florida, to a celebration to collect funding for the cause of Cuban independence. There he gave a lecture known as "Con Todos, y para el Bien de Todos", which was reprinted in Spanish language newspapers and periodicals across the United States. The following night, another lecture, " Los Pinos Nuevos", was given by Martí in another Tampa gathering in honor of the medical students killed in Cuba in 1871. In November artist Herman Norman painted a portrait of José Martí.[28]

On January 5, 1892, Martí participated in a reunion of the emigration representatives, in Cayo Hueso, the Cuban community of Key West where the Bases del Partido Revolucionario (Basis of the Cuban Revolutionary Party) was passed. He began the process of organizing the newly formed party. To raise support and collect funding for the independence movement, he visited tobacco factories, where he gave speeches to the workers and united them in the cause. In March 1892 the first edition of the Patria newspaper, related to the Cuban Revolutionary Party, was published, funded and directed by Martí. On April 8, he was chosen delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Party by the Cayo Hueso Club in Tampa and New York. From July to September 1892 he traveled through Florida, Washington, Philadelphia, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Jamaica on an organization mission among the exiled Cubans. On this mission, Martí made numerous speeches and visited various tobacco factories. On December 16 he was poisoned in Tampa.[29]

In 1893, Marti traveled through the United States, Central America and the West Indies, visiting different Cuban clubs. His visits were received with a growing enthusiasm and raised badly needed funds for the revolutionary cause. On May 24 he met Rubén Darío, the Nicaraguan poet in a theatre act in Hardman Hall, New Mexico. On June 3 he had an interview with Máximo Gómez in Montecristi, Dominican Republic, where they planned the uprising. In July he met with General Antonio Maceo Grajales in San Jose, Costa Rica.[29]

In 1894 he continued traveling for propagation and organizing the revolutionary movement. On January 27 he published "A Cuba!" in the newspaper Patria where he denounced collusion between the Spanish and American interests. In July he visited the president of the Mexican Republic, Porfirio Díaz, and travelled to Veracruz. In August he prepared and arranged the armed expedition that would begin the Cuban revolution.[30]

Return to Cuba: 1895

José Martí depicted on the 1915 gold 5 Cuban peso coin.
José Martí depicted on the 1915 gold 5 Cuban peso coin.

January 12, 1895, the North American authorities stopped the steamship Lagonda and two other suspicious ships, Amadis, and Baracoa at the Fernandina port in Florida, confiscating weapons and ruining Plan de Fernandina (Fernandina Plan). On January 29, Martí drew up the order of the uprising, signing it with general Jose Maria Rodriguez and Enrique Collazo. Juan Gualberto Gómez was assigned to orchestrate war preparations for La Habana Province, and was able to work right under the noses of the relatively unconcerned Spanish authorities.[31] Martí decided to move to Montecristi, Dominican Republic to join Máximo Gómez and to plan out the uprising.[32]

The uprising finally took place on February 24, 1895. A month later, Martí and Máximo Gómez declared the Manifesto de Montecristi, an "exposition of the purposes and principles of the Cuban revolution".[33] Martí had persuaded Gómez to lead an expedition into Cuba.

Before leaving for Cuba, Martí wrote his "literary will" on April 1, 1895, leaving his personal papers and manuscripts to Gonzalo de Quesada, with instructions for editing. Knowing that the majority of his writing in newspapers in Honduras, Uruguay, and Chile would disappear over time, Martí instructed Quesada to arrange his papers in volumes. The volumes were to be arranged in the following way: volumes one and two, North Americas; volume three, Hispanic Americas; volume four, North American Scenes; volume five, Books about the Americas (this included both North and South America); volume six, Literature, education and painting. Another volume included his poetry.[33]

The expedition, composed of Martí, Gómez, Ángel Guerra, Francisco Borreo, Cesar Salas and Marcos del Rosario, left Montecristi for Cuba on April 1, 1895.[32] Despite delays and desertion by some members, they got to Cuba. They landed at Playitas, near Maisi Cape, Cuba, on April 11. Once there, they made contact with the Cuban rebels, who were headed by the Maceo brothers, and started fighting against Spanish troops. The revolt did not go as planned, "mainly because the call to revolution received no immediate, spontaneous support from the masses."[34] By May 13, the expedition reached Dos Rios. On May 19, Gomez faced Ximenez de Sandoval's troops and ordered Martí to stay rearguard, but Martí separated from the bulk of the Cuban forces, and entered the Spanish line.[32]

Death

José Martí's mausoleum

José Martí was killed in battle against Spanish troops at the Battle of Dos Ríos, near the confluence of the rivers Contramaestre and Cauto, on May 19, 1895. Gómez had recognized that the Spaniards had a strong position between palm trees, so he ordered his men to disengage. Martí was alone and seeing a young courier ride by he said: "Joven, a la carga!" meaning: "Young man, charge!" This was around midday, and he was, as always, dressed in a black jacket, riding a white horse, which made him an easy target for the Spanish. After Martí was shot, the young trooper, Angel de la Guardia, lost his horse and returned to report the loss. The Spanish took possession of the body, buried it close by, then exhumed the body upon realization of its identity. He is buried in Santa Ifigenia Cemetery in Santiago de Cuba. Many have argued that Maceo and others had always spurned Martí for never participating in combat, which may have compelled Martí to that ill-fated suicidal two-man charge. Some of his Versos Sencillos had a premonitory quality: "No me entierren en lo oscuro/ A morir como un traidor/ Yo soy bueno y como bueno/ Moriré de cara al sol." ("Do not bury me in darkness / to die like a traitor / I am good, and as a good man / I will die facing the sun.")

The death of Marti was a blow to the "aspirations of the Cuban rebels, inside and outside of the island, but the fighting continued with alternating successes and failures until the entry of the United States into the war in 1898".[35]

Political ideology

Statue of José Martí in Havana, Cuba

Martí was a revolutionary democrat.[36] Martí dedicated his life to the cause of Cuban independence. To him, it was unnatural that Cuba be controlled and oppressed by the Spanish government, when it had its own unique identity and culture. In his pamphlet from February 11, 1873, called "The Spanish Republic and the Cuban Revolution", he argued that "Cubans do not live as Spaniards live(...). They are nourished by a different system of trade, have links with different countries, and express their happiness through quite contrary customs. There are no common aspirations or identical goals linking the two peoples, or beloved memories to unite them [...]. Peoples are only united by ties of fraternity and love.".[37]

Martí opposed slavery and criticized Spain for failing to abolish the institution. In a speech to Cuban immigrants in Steck Hall, New York, on January 24, 1879, he stated that the war against Spain needed to be fought, recalled the heroism and suffering of the Ten Years' War, which, he declared, had qualified Cuba as a real nation with a right to independence. Spain had not ratified the conditions of the peace treaty, had falsified elections, continued excessive taxation, and had failed to abolish slavery. Cuba needed to be free.[38]

Martí wanted Cuba to be a democratic republic.[39] For this to occur, legitimate political steps needed to be taken. He had proposed in a letter to Máximo Gómez in 1882 the formation of a revolutionary party, which he considered essential in the prevention of Cuba falling back on the Home Rule Party (Partido Autonomista) after the Pact of Zanjón.[40] The Home Rule Party was a peace-seeking party that would stop short of the outright independence that Martí thought Cuba needed. But he was aware that there were social divisions in Cuba, especially racial divisions, that needed to be addressed as well, as he stated in a letter to Maceo on July 20, 1882: "the Cuban problem needs, rather than a political solution, a social solution [which] cannot be achieved except through mutual love and forgiveness between the two races [...]. To create [...] a country where, despite its having had great experience of hatred, all its diverse elements will begin [...] to enjoy real rights."[41] He thought war was necessary to achieve Cuba's freedom, despite his basic ideology of conciliation, respect, dignity, and balance. The establishment of the patria (fatherland) with a good government would unite Cubans of all social classes and colours in harmony.[42] Together with other Cubans resident in New York, Martí started laying the grounds for the Revolutionary Party, stressing the need for a democratic organization as the basic structure before any military leaders were to join. The military would have to subordinate themselves to the interests of the fatherland. Gómez later rejoined Martí's plans, promising to comply.

At this point, Martí became increasingly alarmed about the United States' intentions for Cuba. The United States desperately needed new markets for its industrial products because of the economic crisis it was experiencing, and the media was talking about the purchase of Cuba from Spain.[43] Cuba was a profitable, fertile country with an important strategic position in the Gulf of Mexico. In an Interamerican Congress summoned in Washington in October 1889 to discuss U.S. position on Cuba, purchase, annexation, and seizure were discussed.[44] Martí opposed to this expansionism, reiterating his constant position: full independence for Cuba and nothing else. The interests of Cuba's future lay with its sister nations in Latin America, and were opposite to those of the United States.[45]

Martí's consolidation of support among the Cuban expatriates, especially in Florida, was key in the planning and execution of the invasion of Cuba. His speeches to Cuban tobacco workers in Tampa and Key West motivated and united them; this is considered the most important political achievement of his life.[46] At his point he refined his ideological platform, basing it on a Cuba held together by pride in being Cuban, a society that ensured "the welfare and prosperity of all Cubans"[47] independently of class, occupation or race. Faith in the cause could not die, and the military would not try for domination. All pro-independence Cubans would participate, with no sector predominating. From this he established the Cuban Revolutionary Party in early 1892.

The Cuban Revolutionary Party's 'Bases and Statutes' aimed at: 1) Winning absolute independence for Cuba and aiding that of Puerto Rico; 2) ordering a 'generous and brief war' that would ensure peace and happiness for all Cuba's inhabitants; 3) organizing this war so that it should be 'republican in spirit and methods', and lead to a society fulfilling 'in the historical life of the continent'; 4) ensuring that no 'authoritarian spirit and bureaucratic make-up of the colony' would exist in the new Cuba; 5) preventing any one particular group from having more power than other groups; 6) creating a harmonious fatherland with economic prosperity ensured by allowing outlets for the economic activities of all its inhabitants; 7) maintaining friendly relations with the U.S.; and, 8) bringing the above intentions through a set of concrete aims: to unite all Cubans living abroad, to bring together all factions inside and outside of Cuba, to prepare inside Cuba the knowledge and spirit of the revolution, to collect funds, to establish relations with friendly peoples to accelerate the success of the war, and finally, to organize the Cuban Revolutionary Party according to the secret rules agreed upon by the founding organizations.[48] Elections within the party would designate positions within, the first being held April 8–10, 1892. Marti was elected delegado (delegate) for the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, as he refused to be called president. [49]

From this moment, Martí and the CRP were devoted to secretly organizing the anti-Spanish war. Martí's newspaper, Patria, was a key instrument of this campaign, where Martí delineated his final plans for Cuba. Through this medium he argued against the exploitative colonialism of Spain in Cuba, criticized the Home Rule (Autonomista) Party for having aims that fell considerably short of full independence, and warned against U.S. annexationism which he felt could only be prevented by Cuba's successful independence.[50] He specified his plans for the future Cuban Republic, a multi-class and multi-racial democratic republic based on universal suffrage, with an egalitarian economic base to develop fully Cuba's productive resources and an equitable distribution of land among citizens, with enlightened and virtuous politicians.[51]

From Martí's 'Campaign Diaries', written during the final expedition in Cuba, it seems evident that Martí would have reached the highest position in the future Republic of Arms.[49] This was not to be; his death occurred before the Assembly of Cuba was set up. Until his very last minute, Martí dedicated his life to achieve full independence for Cuba. His uncompromising belief in democracy and freedom for his fatherland is what characterized his political ideology.

Martí and the United States

Monument of Martí in West New York, NJ. Translated, it reads "The Fatherland is an altar, not a stepping stone."

Martí demonstrated an anti-imperialist attitude from an early age, and was conscious of the perceived danger the United States posed for Latin America. At the same time he recognized the advantages of the European or North American civilizations, which were open to the reforms that Latin American countries needed in order to detach themselves from the colonial heritage of Spain. Martí's distrust of North American politics had developed during the 1880s, due to the intervention threats that loomed on Mexico and Guatemala, and indirectly on Cuba's future. In that time Cuba was dangerously situated, which determined its definitive analysis on the two realities in conflict. In his essays on "Discurso de la Sociedad Literaria Hispanoamericana" and "Madre America" (1891), he had referred to the "magnanimous warrior of the North" and to the "volcanic hero of the South", and he had pointed out major differences that distance them starting from their origins.[52]

Marti's attitude towards North American society is marked by controversy. It "ha[s] been used as an example of a profound Cuban-U.S. friendship, while others have underlined his bitter denunciations of North America".[53]

Marti's first observations of the United States were written while he worked for the newspaper The Hour. He was happy to finally be in a free democratic nation: "'I am, at last, in a country where everyone looks like his own master. One can breathe freely, freedom being here the foundation, the shield, the essence of life'".[54]

Another trait that Marti admired was the work ethic that characterized American society. On various occasions Marti conveyed his deep admiration for the immigrant-based society, "whose principal aspiration he interpreted as being to construct a truly modern country, based upon hard work and progressive ideas." Marti stated that he was "never surprised in any country of the world [he had] visited. Here [he] was surprised... [he] remarked that no one stood quietly on the corners, no door was shut an instant, no man was quiet. [He] stopped [him]self, [he] looked respectfully on this people, and [he] said goodbye forever to that lazy life and poetical inutility of our European countries".[54]

Marti found American society to be so great, he thought Latin America should consider imitating America. Marti argued that if the US "could reach such a high standard of living in so short a time, and despite, too, its lack of unifying traditions, could not the same be expected of Latin America?"[54] However, Martí thought that US expansionism represented the Spanish American republics’ “greatest danger

Education had benefited from the attitude of America's society. Marti was amazed at how education was directed towards helping the development of the nation and once again encouraged Latin American countries to follow the example set by North American society.[55]

Another major characteristic that struck Marti was the agricultural advancement of the United States. He found amazing the "common-sense attitude of the Dean of the School of Agriculture in Michigan who defended the advantages of manual work for the students of his college". At the same time, he criticized the elitist educational systems of Cuba and the rest of Latin America. Often, Marti recommended countries in Latin America to "send representatives to learn more relevant techniques in the United States". Once this was done, Marti hoped that this representatives would bring a "much-needed modernization to the Latin American agricultural policies".[56]

However, not everything was to be admired by Marti. When it came to politics Marti wrote that politics in the US had "adopted a carnival atmosphere...especially during election time".[57] He saw acts of corruption among candidates, such as bribing "the constituents with vast quantities of beer, while impressive parades wound their way through New York's crowded streets, past masses of billboards, all exhorting the public to vote for the different political candidates".[57]

Marti criticized and condemned the elites of the United States as they "pulled the main political strings behind the scenes". According to Marti, the elites "deserved severe censure" as they were the biggest threat to the "ideals with which the United States was first conceived".[57]

Marti started to believe that the US had abused its potential. Racism was abundant. Different races were being discriminated against; political life "was both cynically regarded by the public at large and widely abused by 'professional politicians'; industrial magnates and powerful labor groups faced each other menacingly". All of this convinced Marti that a large-scale social conflict was imminent in the United States.[58]

On the positive side, Marti was astonished by the "inviolable right of freedom of speech which all U.S. citizens possessed". Marti applauded the United States' Constitution which allowed freedom of speech to all its citizens, no matter what political beliefs they had. In May 1883, while attending political meetings he heard "the call for revolution – and more specifically the destruction of the capitalist system". Marti could not believe that revolution was advocated and was amazed that this could happen because this "could have led to its own destruction". Marti also gave his support to the women's suffrage movements, and was "pleased that women here [took] advantage of this privilege in order to make their voices heard". According to Marti, free speech was essential if any nation was to be civilized and he expressed his "profund admiration for these many basic liberties and opportunities open to the vast majority of American citizens".[59]

The works of Marti contain many comparisons between the ways of life of North and Latin America. The former was seen as "hardy, 'soulless', and, at times, cruel society, but one which, nevertheless, had been based upon a firm foundation of liberty and on a tradition of liberty".[59] Although North American society had its flaws, they tended to be "of minor importance when compared to the broad sweep of social inequality, and to the widespread abuse of power prevalent in Latin America".[59]

Although Marti admired the United States and its society, he thought that America's "dealings with 'Nuestra America' left a great deal to be desired".[60] Also he was preoccupied that the United States was becoming "increasingly intent upon extending its dominion over Latin America".[60]

Marti alerted and informed Latin Americans that the United States was "totally ignorant of the culture and history of her southern neighbours, and this, combined with the ever increasing phenomenon regarded euphemistically as 'pioneer spirit', augured badly for future relations between the Americas".[60]

By the end of 1889, Marti had changed his "sympathetic attitude" towards the United States. This was due to the U.S. wanting to expand their territories into Latin America. By this time, Marti was getting ready to prepare a campaign that would liberate Cuba. However, this campaign was in danger as talks "re-surfaced in the United States as to whether that country should purchase Cuba from the Spanish government in order to turn the Island into an American protectorate".[61]

Marti argued that "any attempt to sell his patria as if it were some negotiable merchandise, and of course, without taking into account the wishes of people, was completely unacceptable – particularly when the prospective purchaser was the United States".[61]

Once it was apparent that the United States were actually going to purchase Cuba and intended to Americanize it, Marti "spoke out loudly and bravely against such action, stating the opinion of many Cubans on the United States of America.[61]

Marti became distressed as he knew that in order for him to gain independence for Cuba not only did he have to defeat the Spanish, but also had to keep the Americans out.[62]

Invention of a Latin American identity

José Martí Monument at Esposizione Universale Roma, Rome

Martí as a liberator believed that the Latin American countries needed to know the reality of their own history. Martí also saw the necessity of a country having its own literature. These reflections started in Mexico from 1875 and are connected to the Mexican Reform, where prominent people like Ignacio Manuel Altamirano and Guillermo Prieto had situated themselves in front of a cultural renovation in Mexico, taking on the same approach as Esteban Echeverría thirty years before in Argentina. In the second “Boletin” that Martí published in the Revista Universal (May 11, 1875) one can already see Martí’s approach, which was fundamentally Latin American. His wish to build a national or Latin American identity was nothing new or unusual in those days; however, no Latin-American intellectual of that time had approached as clearly as Martí the task of building a national identity. He insisted on the necessity of building institutions and laws that matched the natural elements of each country, and recalled the failure of the applications of French and American civil codes in the new Latin American republics. Martí believed that “el hombre del sur”, the man of the South, should choose an appropriate development strategy matching his character, the peculiarity of his culture and history, and the nature that determined his being.[63]

Writings

Martí as a writer covered a range of genres. In addition to producing newspaper articles and keeping up an extensive correspondence (his letters are included in the collection of his complete works), he wrote a serialized novel, composed poetry, wrote essays and published four issues of a children's magazine, La Edad de Oro[64](The Golden Age, 1889). His essays and articles occupy more than fifty volumes of his complete works. His prose was extensively read and influenced the modernist generation, especially the Nicaraguan poet Rubén Darío, whom Martí called "my son" when they met in New York in 1893.[65]

Martí did not publish any books: only two notebooks (cuadernos) of verses, in editions outside of the market, and a number of political tracts. The rest (an enormous amount) was left dispersed in numerous newspapers and magazines, in letters, in diaries and personal notes, in other unedited texts, in frequently improvised speeches, and some lost forever. Five years after his death, the first volume of his Obras was published. A novel appeared in this collection in 1911: Amistad funesta, which Martí had made known was published under a pseudonym in 1885. In 1913, also in this edition, his third poetic collection that he had kept unedited: Versos Libres. His Diario de Campaña (Campaign Diary) was published in 1941. Later still, in 1980, Nicaraguan poet Ernesto Mejía Sánchez produced a set of about thirty of Martí's articles written for the Mexican newspaper El Partido Liberal that weren't included in any of his so-called Obras Completas editions. From 1882–1891, Martí collaborated in La Nación , a Buenos Aires newspaper. His texts from La Nación have been collected in Anuario del centro de Estudios Martianos.

Over the course of his journalistic career, he wrote for numerous newspapers, starting with El Diablo Cojuelo (The Limping Devil) and La Patria Libre (The Free Fatherland), both of which he helped to found in 1869 in Cuba and which established the extent of his political commitment and vision for Cuba. In Spain he wrote for La Colonia Española,in Mexico for La Revista Universal, and in Venezuela for Revista Venezolana, which he founded. In New York he contributed to Venezuelan periodical La Opinión Nacional, Buenos Aires newspaper La Nación, Mexico's La Opinion Liberal, and America's The Hour.[66]

The first critical edition of Martí’s complete works began to appear in 1983 in José Martí: Obras completas. Edición crítica. The critical edition of his complete poems was published in 1985 in José Martí: Poesía completa. Edición critica.

Volume two of his Obras Completas includes his famous essay 'Nuestra America' which "comprises a variety of subjects relating to Spanish America about which Marti studied and wrote. Here it is noted that after Cuba his interest was directed mostly to Guatemala, Mexico and Venezuela. The various sections of this part are about general matters and international conferences; economic, social and political questions; literature and art; agrarian and industrial problems; immigration; education; relations with the United States and Spanish America; travel notes".[67]

According to Marti, the intention behind the publication of "La edad de oro" was "so that American children may know how people used to live, and how they live nowadays, in America and in other countries; how many things are made, such as glass and iron, steam engines and suspension bridges and electric light; so that when a child sees a coloured stone he will know why the stone is coloured....We shall tell them about everything which is done in factories, where things happen which are stranger and more interesting than the magic in fairy stories. These things are real magic, more marvelous than any....We write for children because it is they who know how to love, because it is children who are the hope for the world".[68]

Marti's "Versos Sencillos" was written "in the town of Haines Falls, New York, where his doctor has sent [him] to regain his strength 'where streams flowed and clouds gathered in upon themeselves'".[69] The poetry encountered in this work is "in many [ways] autobiographical and allows readers to see Marti the man and the patriot and to judge what was important to him at a crucial time in Cuban history".[69]

Martí’s writings reflected his own views both socially and politically. “Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca” is one of his poems that emphasize his views in hopes of betterment for society:

I cultivate a white rose
In July as in January
For the sincere friend
Who gives me his hand frankly
And for the cruel person who tears
out the heart with which I live,
I cultivate neither nettles nor thorns:
I cultivate a white rose[70]

This poem is a clear description of Martí’s societal hopes for his homeland. Within the poem, he talks about how regardless of the person, whether kind or cruel he cultivates a white rose, meaning that he remains peaceful. This coincides with his ideology about establishing unity amongst the people, more so those of Cuba, through a common identity, with no regards to ethnic and racial differences.[71] This doctrine could be accomplished if one treated his enemy with peace as he would treat a friend. The kindness of one person should be shared with all people, regardless of personal conflict. By following the moral that lies within “Cultivo Rosa Blanca”, Martí’s vision of Cuban solidarity could be possible, creating a more peaceful society that would emanate through future generations.

After his breakthrough in Cuba literature, José Martí went on to contribute his works to newspapers, magazines, and books that reflected his political and social views. Because of his early death, Martí was unable to publish a vast collection of poetry; even so, his literary contributions have made him a renowned figure in literature, influencing many writers, and people in general, to aspire to follow in the footsteps of Martí.

Style

Martí's style of writing is difficult to categorize. He used many aphorisms—short, memorable lines that convey truth and/or wisdom—and long complex sentences. He is considered a major contributor to the Spanish American literary movement known as Modernismo and has been linked to Latin American consciousness of the modern age and modernity.[72] His chronicles combined elements of literary portraiture, dramatic narration, and a dioramic scope. His poetry contained "fresh and astonishing images along with deceptively simple sentiments".[73] As an orator (for he made many speeches) he was known for his cascading structure, powerful aphorisms, and detailed descriptions. More important than his style is how he uses that style to put into service his ideas, making "advanced" convincing notions. Throughout his writing he made reference to historical figures and events, and used constant allusions to literature, current news and cultural matters. For this reason, he may be difficult to read and translate.[74]

His didactic spirit encouraged him to establish a magazine for children, La Edad de Oro (1889) which contained a short essay titled "Tres Heroes" (three heroes), representative of his talent to adapt his expression to his audience; in this case, to make the young reader conscious of and amazed by the extraordinary bravery of the three men, Bolivar, Hidalgo, and San Martín. This is his style to teach delightfully.[75]

Translation

José Martí is usually honored as a great poet, patriot and martyr of Cuban Independence, but he was also a translator of some note. Although he translated literary material for the sheer joy of it, much of the translating he did was imposed on him by economic necessity during his many years of exile in the United States. Martí learned English at an early age, and had begun to translate at thirteen. He continued translating for the rest of his life, including his time as a student in Spain, although the period of his greatest productivity was during his stay in New York from 1880 until he returned to Cuba in 1895.[76]

Statue of Jose Marti in a government school named after him in Delhi

In New York he was what we would call today a "freelancer" as well as an "in house" translator. He translated several books for the publishing house of D. Appleton, and did a series of translations for newspapers. As a revolutionary activist in Cuba's long struggle for independence he translated into English a number of articles and pamphlets supporting that movement.[77] In addition to fluent English, Martí also spoke French, Italian, Latin and Classical Greek fluently, the latter learned so he could read the Greek classical works in the original.[78]

There was clearly a dichotomy in Martí's feeling about the kind of work he was translating. Like many professionals, he undertook for money translation tasks which had little intellectual or emotional appeal for him. Although Martí never presented a systematic theory of translation nor did he write extensively about his approach to translation, he did jot down occasional thoughts on the subject, showcasing his awareness of the translator's dilemma of the faithful versus the beautiful and stating that "translation should be natural, so that it appears that the book were written in the language to which it has been translated".[79]

Modernism

The modernists, in general, use a subjective language. Martí's stylistic creed is part of the necessity to de-codify the logic rigor and the linguistic construction and to eliminate the intellectual, abstract and systematic expression. There is the deliberate intention and awareness to expand the expressive system of the language. The style changes the form of thinking. Without falling into unilateralism, Martí values the expression because language is an impression and a feeling through the form. Modernism mostly searches for the visions and realities, the expression takes in the impressions, the state of mind, without reflection and without concept. This is the law of subjectivity. We can see this in works of Martí, one of the first modernists, who conceives the literary task like an invisible unity, an expressive totality, considering the style like "a form of the content" (forma del contenido).[80]

The difference that Martí established between prose and poetry are conceptual. Poetry, as he believes, is a language of the permanent subjective: the intuition and the vision. The prose is an instrument and a method of spreading the ideas, and has the goal of elevating, encouraging and animating these ideas rather than having the expression of tearing up the heart, complaining and moaning. The prose is a service to his people.[81]

Martí produces a system of specific signs "an ideological code" (código ideológico). These symbols claim their moral value and construct signs of ethic conduct. Martí's modernism was a spiritual attitude that was reflected on the language. All his writing defines his moral world. One could also say that his ideological and spiritual sphere is fortified in his writing.[81]

The difference between Martí and other modernist initiators such as Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera, Julian del Casal, and José Asunción Silva (and the similarity between him and Manuel González Prada) lies in the profound and transcendent value that he gave to literature, converting prose into an article or the work of a journalist. This hard work was important in giving literature authentic and independent value and distancing it from mere formal amusement. Manuel Gutiérez Nájera, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno and José Enrique Rodó saved the Martinian articles, which will have an endless value in the writings of the American continent.[82]

Apart from Martinian articles. essay writing and literature starts to authorize itself as an alternative and privileged way to talk about politics. Literature starts to apply itself the only hermeneutics able to resolve the enigmas of a Latin American identity.[82]

Legacy

Statue of Marti in Cienfuegos, Cuba

Martí's dedication to the cause of Cuban independence and his passionate belief in democracy and justice has made him a hero for all Cubans, a symbol of unity, the "Apostle",[83] a great leader. His ultimate goal of building a democratic, just, and stable republic in Cuba and his obsession with the practical execution of this goal led him to become the most charismatic leader of the 1895 colonial revolution. His work with the Cuban émigré community, enlisting the support of Cuban workers and socialist leaders to form the Cuban Revolutionary Party, put into motion the Cuban war of independence.[84] His foresight into the future, shown in his warnings against American political interests for Cuba, was confirmed by the swift occupation of Cuba by the United States following the Spanish–American War. His belief in the inseparability of Cuban and Latin American sovereignty and the expression thereof in his writings have contributed to the shape of the modern Latin American Identity. His works are a cornerstone of Latin American and political literature and his prolific contributions to the fields of journalism, poetry, and prose are highly acclaimed.[85]

Martí depicted on a República de Cuba one peso silver certificate (1936)

Martí's writings on the concepts of Cuban nationalism fuelled the 1895 revolution and have continued to inform conflicting visions of the Cuban nation. The Cuban nation-state under Fidel Castro consistently claimed Martí as a crucial inspiration for its Communist revolutionary government. His nuanced, often ambivalent positions on the most important issues of his day[86] have led Marxist interpreters to see a class conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeousie as the main theme of his works, while others, namely the Cuban diasporic communities in Miami and elsewhere have identified a liberal-capitalist emphasis.[87] These Cuban exiles still honor Martí as a figure of hope for the Cuban nation in exile and condemn Castro's regime for manipulating his works and creating a "Castroite Martí" to justify its "intolerance and abridgments of human rights".[88] His writings thus remain a key ideological weapon in the battle over the fate of the Cuban nation.

One further example of his legacy is that his name has been chosen for several institutions or NGOs from various countries, such as Romania, where a public school from Bucharest and the Romanian-Cuban Friendship Association from Targoviste are both named "Jose Marti".

List of selected works

Monument to José Martí in Sofia, Bulgaria

Martí's fundamental works published during his life

Martí's major posthumous works

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Hudson, Michael. "Speech to the Communist Party of Cuba". Retrieved 5 August 2015.
  2. ↑ Mace, Elisabeth. "The economic thinking of Jose Marti: Legacy foundation for the integration of America". Retrieved 5 August 2015.
  3. ↑ http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/marti/marti.htm
  4. ↑ Garganigo, John F. Huellas de las literaturas hispanoamericanas Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 1997. P 272
  5. 1 2 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 15
  6. ↑ Fidalgo 1998, p. 26
  7. 1 2 3 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 16
  8. ↑ López 2006, p. 232
  9. ↑ J. A. Sierra "End of Slavery in Cuba", history of cuba.com
  10. ↑ Jones 1953, p. 398
  11. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 18
  12. 1 2 3 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 23
  13. ↑ Martí 1963a, p. 48
  14. 1 2 3 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 24
  15. ↑ Pérez-Galdós Ortiz 1999, p. 45
  16. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 30
  17. 1 2 3 4 Jones 1953, p. 399
  18. 1 2 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 46
  19. ↑ It is common, and in fact legal, practice in Spanish-speaking societies to use and include the maternal surname as the "second" last name, such that both surnames are the legal and customary surname of an individual. E.g., Pérez López means that in non-Spanish societies esp. anglophone societies, Pérez is the correct surname to which to refer; otherwise, 'both' names together are the legal surname.
  20. ↑ Guatemala was one of the first regions of the New World to be exposed to European music
  21. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 52
  22. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 56
  23. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 107
  24. ↑ Gray 1966, p. 389
  25. ↑ Gray 1966, p. 390
  26. ↑ García Cisneros 1986, p. 56
  27. ↑ Fountain 2003, p. 4
  28. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 159
  29. 1 2 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 167
  30. ↑ Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 184
  31. ↑ Tone 2006, p. 43
  32. 1 2 3 Alborch Bataller 1995, p. 191
  33. 1 2 Gray 1966, p. 391
  34. ↑ Tone 2006, p. 48
  35. ↑ Gray 1966, p. 392
  36. ↑ Abel 2006c
  37. ↑ Martí 1963b, pp. 93–94
  38. ↑ Scott 1984, p. 87
  39. ↑ Oscar Montero, José Martí: An Introduction, 16 (2004); John Sterngass, José Martí, 86 (2007)
  40. ↑ Ramos 2001, pp. 34–35
  41. ↑ Martí 1963c, p. 172
  42. ↑ Martí 1963d, p. 192
  43. ↑ Holden & Zolov 2000, p. 249
  44. ↑ Turton 1986, p. 47
  45. ↑ Holden & Solov 2000, p. 179
  46. ↑ Ronning 1990, p. 103
  47. ↑ Martí 1963e, p. 270
  48. ↑ Turton 1986, pp. 33–34
  49. 1 2 Turton 1986, p. 57
  50. ↑ Bueno 1997, p. 158
  51. ↑ Abel 1986, p. 26
  52. ↑ Fernández 1995, p. ???
  53. ↑ Kirk 1977, p. 275
  54. 1 2 3 Kirk 1977, p. 278
  55. ↑ Kirk 1977, pp. 278–79 Martí thought that US expansionism represented the Spanish American republics’ "greatest danger"
  56. ↑ Kirk 1977, p. 279
  57. 1 2 3 Kirk 1977, p. 280
  58. ↑ Kirk 1977, p. 281
  59. 1 2 3 Kirk 1977, p. 282
  60. 1 2 3 Kirk 1977, p. 283
  61. 1 2 3 Kirk 1977, p. 284
  62. ↑ Kirk 1977, p. 285
  63. ↑ Fernández 1995, p. 46
  64. ↑ Lally, Carolyn. "Foreign Language Program Articulation: Current Practice and Future Prospects." 2001. p. 54.
  65. ↑ Garganigo et al., p. 272
  66. ↑ Martí 1992, p. 8
  67. ↑ Roscoe 1947, p. 280
  68. ↑ Nassif 1994, p. 2
  69. 1 2 Oberhelman 2001, p. 475
  70. ↑ Martí, José, Manuel A.Tellechea Versos Sencillos. U of Houston: Arte Público Press, 1997
  71. ↑ Morukian, Maria. “Cubanidad: Survival of Cuban Culture Identity in the 21st Century”.
  72. ↑ Fernández Retamar 1970, p. 38
  73. ↑ Fountain 2003, p. 6
  74. ↑ Hernández Pardo 2000, p. 146
  75. ↑ Garganigo, p. 273
  76. ↑ Fountain 2003, p. 13
  77. ↑ Fountain 2003, p. 15
  78. ↑ Fernández Retamar 1970, p. 16
  79. ↑ "la traducción debe ser natural, para que parezca como si el libro hubiese sido escrito en la lengua al que lo traduces." De la Cuesta 1996, p. 7
  80. ↑ Serna 2002, p. 13
  81. 1 2 Serna 2002, p. 14
  82. 1 2 Serna 2002, p. 16
  83. ↑ Lopez 2006, p. 11
  84. ↑ Ronning 1990, p. 3
  85. ↑ Cairo 2003, p. 25
  86. ↑ Lopez 2006, p. 12
  87. ↑ Ripoll 1984, p. 45
  88. ↑ Ripoll 1984, p. 40

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