Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict

Tensions between people from Hong Kong and mainland China have developed since the handover of Hong Kong's sovereignty to China in 1997, and in particular since the late 2000s and early 2010s. Various factors have contributed to the development of such tensions: these include a difference between the popular interpretation in Hong Kong of the "One country, two systems" constitutional principle as against the Chinese government's official interpretation; policies of the Hong Kong and central governments to encourage mainland visitors to Hong Kong; and changing economic environments in Hong Kong and mainland China. Increasingly, these tensions have resulted in a rising sentiment in Hong Kong of hostility to "mainlanders" and resentment at a perceived trend towards assimilation and interference from the mainland and the central government, and at the same time a rising sentiment in mainland China of bewilderment and resentment at assertions that Hong Kong is, and should remain, different from the mainland in terms of political system, culture and language.^[1][2]

Background

The sovereignty of Hong Kong was transferred from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of China in 1997. The terms agreed between the governments for the transfer included a series of guarantees for the maintenance of Hong Kong's differing economic, political and legal systems after the transfer, and the further development of Hong Kong's political system with a goal of democratic government. These guarantees were set out in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and enshrined in the semi-constitutional Basic Law of Hong Kong. Initially, many Hong Kongers were enthusiastic about Hong Kong's return to China. However, tension has arisen between Hong Kong residents and the mainland, and in particular the central government, since 1997, and especially in the late 2000s and early 2010s.^[3] The Hong Kong government has implemented some controversial policies, for instance, the Individual Visit Scheme and the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link.^[4] China (2011) argues that since the Hong Kong government failed to force through the legislation to implement Article 23 of the Basic Law, Beijing's relatively hands-off approach to Hong Kong changed dramatically. The PRC's strategy became aimed at trying to dissolve the city-state boundary of Hong Kong in the name of economic rejuvenation and ostensibly to strengthen socio-economic ties with the mainland.^[5] The central government has adopted increasingly strong rhetoric perceived to be attacking Hong Kong's political and legal systems, such as releasing a report in 2014 that asserts that Hong Kong's judiciary should be subordinate to, and not independent of, the government.^[6] The Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration guarantee the development of Hong Kong's electoral system towards universal suffrage, but the electoral system offered to Hong Kong by the central government in 2014-2015 was widely perceived as falling short of genuinely democratic.^[7]

Hong Kong has more international cultural values from its past as a British colony and international city, and at the same time has retained many traditional Chinese cultural values, putting it in stark contrast to the culture of many parts of mainland China, where many international cultural values have never taken root and where many traditional cultural values have been lost.^[8] Hong Kong is also a multi-ethnic society with different cultural values in relation to race, languages and cultures to those held by the Chinese government and many mainland residents. As a highly developed economy with a high standard of living, Hong Kong culture has different values in relation to hygiene and social propriety compared to some parts of mainland China. Hong Kong-mainland conflict is mainly attributed to the cultural differences^[9] between Hong Kong people and mainlanders, such as languages,^[10] as well as the significant growth in number of mainland visitors. Since the implementation of Individual Visit Scheme^[11] on 28 July 2003, the number of mainland visitors increased from 6.83 million in 2002 to 40.7 million in 2013, according to the statistics provided by the Hong Kong Tourism Board.^[12][13] The conflict associates to issues regarding the allocation of resources between mainlanders and Hong Kong people in different sectors, such as healthcare and education.^[14]

Incidents

In recent years, there were some incidents showing conflicts between Hong Kongers and mainlanders.

Tour guide Lee Qiaozhen verbally abused mainland tourist

On 5 February 2011, Lee Qiaozhen, a Hong Kong tour guide, had a quarrel with three mainland tourists.^[15] Lee verbally insulted the tourists for not buying at a jewellery store, referring to them as "dogs".^[16] The tourists were dissatisfied and this eventually turned into a fight. Lee and the three tourists were arrested by the police for physical assault.^[17]

Dolce & Gabbana controversy

One of the four streets blocked during the Sunday protest.

On 5 January 2012, Apple Daily reported that only Hong Kong citizens had been prevented from taking pictures of Dolce & Gabbana window displays in both their Hong Kong fashion outlets, stirring anti-Mainlander sentiment.^[18] In particular staff and security personnel at their flagship store on Canton Road asserted the pavement area outside was private property where photography was forbidden. The actions sparked protests spanning several days and gained international news coverage on 8 January.^{[19][20][21][22]} Citing the case of Zhou Jiugeng (周久耕), a Nanjing official whose high-living lifestyle was identified by Chinese citizens using internet photographs, local news reports speculated that the Dolce & Gabbana photo ban may have been imposed at the request of some wealthy Chinese government officials who were shopping and who feared photographs of them in the store might circulate and fuel corruption allegations and investigations into the source of their wealth.^[23][24]

Kong Qingdong calling Hong Kongers "old dogs"

In early 2012, Kong Qingdong, a Peking University professor, publicly called Hong Kongers "old dogs" in the aftermath of a controversy over mainland visitors urinating or defecating in public in Hong Kong. Kong's strong language prompted protests in Hong Kong.

Parallel trading in Hong Kong

Since 2012, there have been a vertiginous increase in mainland parallel traders coming to the northern parts of Hong Kong to import goods and export them back to mainland. Products that are popular among these traders include infant formula and household products.^[25] As a result of shortages of milk powder in Hong Kong for an extended time, the government imposed restrictions on the amount of milk powder exports from Hong Kong. Up to now, each person is only allowed 2 cans, or 1.2 kg of milk powder per trip in the MTR and cross-borders.^[26] Besides, since northern places like Sheung Shui became the transaction centres of the traders, this resulted in discontent from nearby residents.^[27]

Anchor babies in Hong Kong

In recent years till 2012, the number of anchor babies in Hong Kong had been increasing.^[28] Pregnant mainland women seeking to give birth in Hong Kong, specifically to benefit from the right of abode.^[29] Their parents came from mainland to give birth in Hong Kong, which resulted in their children gaining the right to abode and enjoy social welfare in the city. Hong Kong citizens expressed concerns that the pregnant women and anchor babies put heavier burden on Hong Kong's medical system.^[30] Some of them even called mainlanders "locusts" which take away Hong Kong's resources from locals.^[31] Over 170,000 new births where both parents were mainlanders between 2001 and 2011,^[32] of which 32,653 were born in 2010.^[30] CY Leung's first public announcement on policy as Chief Executive-elect was to impose a 'zero' quota on mainland mothers giving birth in Hong Kong. Leung further underlined that those who did may not be able to secure the right of abode for their offspring in Hong Kong.^[29]

Racial abuse of Hong Kong football team

In 2015, the Chinese Football Association launched a series of posters relating to other Asian football teams. Among these, the poster relating to Hong Kong appeared to mock the multi-ethnic make-up of Hong Kong's football team.^[33] In response, in subsequent matches between Hong Kong and Bhutan and the Maldives respectively, supporters of the Hong Kong team jeered when the Chinese national anthem was played for the Hong Kong team.^[34][35]

In April 2017, during a match in Hong Kong between Hong Kong club Eastern SC and Chinese club Guangzhou Evergrande, Guangzhou Evergrande fans displayed an "Annihilate British Dogs, Eradicate Hong Kong Independence Poison" banner during the game. This resulted them being fined US$22,500 ^[36]

Siu Yau-wai case

In July 2015, localists including Hong Kong Indigenous and Youngspiration marched to the Immigration Department to demand deportation of an undocumented 12-year-old Mainland boy Siu Yau-wai, who lived in Hong Kong for nine years without identification.^[37] Siu, whose parents are alive and well in mainland China, stayed with his grandparents after having overstayed his two-way permit nine years ago. Pro-Beijing Federation of Trade Unions lawmaker Chan Yuen-han advised and assisted the boy and his grandmother to obtain a temporary ID and pleaded for compassion from the local community.^[38] Some called on the authorities to consider the case on a humanitarian basis and grant Siu permanent citizenship while many others, afraid that the case would open the floodgates to appeals from other illegal immigrants, asked for the boy to be repatriated. The boy eventually gave up and returned to his parents in mainland China.^[39]

Anti-Mainlandisation motion

On November 19, 2015, an Anti-Mainlandisation motion was voted down, with 19 in favour and 34 opposing. The motion sought to defend local history and culture from the influence of mainland China. Supporters argued that mainlandisation leads to fakeness, rampant corruption and the abuse of power, while Hong Kong risked becoming another mainland city. Opponents of the motion, argued that motion was seeing different cultures with a narrow perspective and attempting to split the Chinese nation and create conflict.^[40][41]

Impact

The conflict between Hong Kong people and mainlanders poses an immense impact on Hong Kong society.

Rise of locals' awareness in self-identity

The major significance is the rise of local awareness in self-identity. With reference to the survey conducted by a public opinion programme of the University of Hong Kong, the identity index of interviewees who regarded themselves as "Chinese" plummeted between the years of 2008–2014, from approximately 7.5 in 2008 to a continuous fluctuation within the range between 6–7. The drop in sense of national identity is believed to be the result of the aforementioned conflicts. The recent conflicts (anchor babies, D&G crisis,^[42] and parallel trading) further contributed to the rise of local awareness in self-identity.

Exacerbation of conflicts between local and mainlanders

There are differences in culture and political backgrounds between those from Hong Kong and China. Hong Kong was ruled by the British based on the system of Ladder Patten throughout the 1850s up until 1997, whereas China was under the control of the Chinese Communist Party from 1949 onwards.^[43] The education that people received, the culture, and lifestyle were very different which lead to the cultural conflicts.

Some Hong Kong people perceive mainlanders as rude, impolite, poorly educated. This further leads to locals' nonacceptance of mainlanders, especially when they travel in Hong Kong. Travelers from the mainland are growing in a tremendous number that their existence can influence the direction of government's policies.^[44] The premise of various protests within the 2010s were related to the issue of the individual visit scheme adversely affecting the daily lives of Hong Kongers. On the other hand, some Mainlanders view Hong Kong is acting like a spoiled, ungrateful child despite all the (economic) support it is getting from China. Hong Kong is increasingly viewed as a place of traitors, British lapdogs, nest of subversives within China, while pointing out Macau's relationship to China as a role model.^[45]

Emergence of new 'localist' parties

The 2014 Hong Kong protests let to birth of new political parties. The pan-democrats encourage young people who participated in the Occupy movement to register and vote in the district council poll.^[46] The first wave of dilettantes, about 50 in number, many of whom were born in the new millennium having political aspirations and disillusioned with the political establishment and who were influenced by the Umbrella Revolution, contested the 2015 district council elections. Pitted against seasoned politicians, and with support only from friends and family, they are popularly known as "Umbrella Soldiers".^[47]

During the Hong Kong legislative election, 2016, six localist groups which emerged after the 2014 Umbrella Revolution, Youngspiration, Kowloon East Community, Tin Shui Wai New Force, Cheung Sha Wan Community Establishment Power, Tsz Wan Shan Constructive Power and Tuen Mun Community, formed an electoral alliance under the name "ALLinHK" to field candidates in four of the five geographical constituencies with the agenda to put forward a referendum on Hong Kong's self-determination, while Hong Kong Indigenous and another new pro-independence Hong Kong National Party attempted to run in the upcoming election.^[48] The student leaders in the Umbrella Revolution, Joshua Wong, Oscar Lai and Agnes Chow of Scholarism and Nathan Law of the Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) formed a new party called Demosistō.^[49] The new party calls for referendum on Hong Kong's future after 2047 when the one country, two systems is supposed to expire.^[50] and fielded candidates in Hong Kong Island and Kowloon East.

Changing view of Hong Kong's development of democracy

Due to recent tensions between Mainland and Hong Kong people, along with impact of the Umbrella Movement, different sectors of Hong Kong have shifted their view of Hong Kong's development of democracy.

Traditionally, the pan-democratic camp campaigned for democracy in China and Hong Kong, however after the Umbrella movement, with the rise of localism, there were calls to make Hong Kong democratic first, then China or only focus on making Hong Kong democratic.^[51] In recent years, localism within Hong Kong, has been gaining popularity of Hong Kong youth, this has led to new political parties and organisations being formed. Some Localist parties have taken the latter view of democracy, while others promote the notion of Hong Kong Independence, believing that only when Hong Kong is Independent from Mainland China, real democracy can be established.^[52]

Likewise, since the end of Umbrella movement, the pro-Beijing camp as well Mainland officials, along with CY Leung and Carrie Lam have said that the development of democracy in Hong Kong is not a top priority, the Hong Kong government should focus on livelihood issues first.^[53][54][55]

Signs of Mainlandisation of Hong Kong

Since 1997, Hong Kong is a part of China under the "one country, two systems" approach. Within Hong Kong society, there are different views of this arrangement, such as within the political spectrum, the Pro-Beijing camp tend to focus on "one country" aspect, where Hong Kong will gradually integrating into China, while following and supporting the Central government policies will bring stability and prosperity to Hong Kong. However, in the Pro-democracy camp, focus on the "two systems" approach, where Hong Kong is a part of China, but Hong Kong must develop more democratic institutions and preserve freedoms and human rights to achieve prosperity, while co-operating with China.

In recent years, there have been incidents of "Mainlandisation" where some sectors of society are worried about the changing environment of Hong Kong.^[56] It is alleged that the Beijing government and its Beijing supporters in Hong Kong are actively promoting their agenda, sometimes using their power to influence certain key decision-making choices within Hong Kong society.^[57]

Language policies: promotion of Mandarin

Under the Basic Law of Hong Kong, Mandarin was made an official language along with Cantonese and English. On paper, the three languages were given equal status, in reality Mandarin is increasingly given more importance.

In recent years, Mandarin has been increasingly used in Hong Kong, this has led to fears of Cantonese being replaced. The use of English and its proficiency in Hong Kong has also suffered a decline in standards.^[58] The promotion and increasingly use of Mandarin over Cantonese and English in Hong Kong has led to questions raised about Hong Kong's competitiveness in the global economy, its dependency on the Mainland's economy and its loss of a distinct cultural identity.^[59]

Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement

In 2003, the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement was signed between the Hong Kong government and the Central Government. CEPA is a free trade agreement pursuant to which qualifying products, companies and residents of Hong Kong enjoy preferential access to the mainland Chinese market.^[60] It was seen as a free-trade agreement between China and Hong Kong, but at the same time with realigned Hong Kong's economy to be more dependent on China's economy.

Moral and national education controversy

Moral and national education (MNE, 德育及國民教育; 德育及国民教育) is a school curriculum proposed by the Education Bureau of Hong Kong, transformed from the current moral and civic education (MCE, 德育及公民教育). The Hong Kong attempted to pass the curriculum in 2012, which lead to protests. The subject was particularly controversial for praising the communist and nationalist ideology of China's government on the one hand, and condemning democracy and republicanism on the other.^[61]

Increasingly self-censorship in the Media industry

Since 2002, Hong Kong's press freedom has declined. From 18th place in 2002, 58th in 2003, 58th in 2013, 61 in 2014, 70 in 2015^[62] Reporters Without Borders examines 180 countries and regions, gave a ranking to Hong Kong at 73, with China ranked at 176 and Taiwan being 45 – the highest ranking among all Asian countries in 2017 ^[63]

Hong Kong Journalists Association attributes this to increasingly self-censorship within the industry. ^[64] Jason Y. Ng, writing for the Hong Kong Free Press remarks that "The post-handover era has witnessed a series of ownership changes in the media industry. Self-censorship can also take the form of personnel changes, including management reshuffling in the newsroom and discontinuation of influential columns." ^[65]

References