Germanisation of Poles during the Partitions

After the Partitions of Poland in the end of 18th century, the Kingdom of Prussia and later German Empire imposed a number of Germanisation policies and measures in the newly gained territories, aimed at limiting the Polish presence in these areas. This process continued through its various stages until the end of World War I, when most of the territories were transferred to the Second Republic of Poland. The genocidal policies of Nazi-Germany against ethnic Poles between 1939 and 1945 can be understood as a continuation of these processes.

Until the Unification of Germany

Following the partitions, the previous Germanisation attempts pursued by Frederick the Great in largely Roman Catholic and formerly Austrian Silesia were naturally extended to encompass the newly gained Polish territories. The Prussian authorities started the policy of settling ethnic Germans in these areas. Under Frederick the Great, around 300,000 colonists were settled in the eastern provinces of Prussia. Poles were portrayed as 'backward Slavs' by Prussian officials who wanted to spread German language and culture.^[1] The land of Polish nobility was confiscated and given to German nobles.^[2][1] Another colonization attempt aimed at Germanization was pursued by Prussia after 1832,^[3] and while Poles constituted 73% of population in 1815, they were reduced to 60% in 1848, while the same time the German presence grew from 25% to 30%.^[4]

1815–1831

The Prussian hold on Polish areas was somewhat weakened after 1807 where parts of its partition were restored to Duchy of Warsaw.^[1] The power status of Prussia was dependent on hindering any form of Polish statehood, due to crucial position of Wielkopolska, Silesia and Pomeranian-all areas inhabited either by Polish majority or substantial Polish population; it didn't support Polish attempts at restoration of Poland during Congress of Vienna, where Prussia tried to gain Duchy of Warsaw or at least its western provinces.^[1] In 1815 the Prussian king made several guarantees in his speech to Poles in the newly formed Grand Duchy of Posen (created out of territories of Duchy of Warsaw) in regards to rights of Polish language and cultural institutions.^[1] In order to ensure loyalty of the newly re-conquered territories the Prussians engaged in several propaganda gestures hoping they would be enough to gain land-owners and aristocracy support.^[5]

The base support of Prussian rule was from the influx of German colonists, officials and tradesmen, whose immigration started in 1772.^[5] The Prussians were aware of the Polish aspirations of national independence.^[5] While some advocated for the further Germanization of the Polish provinces, others preferred to gain the support of Polish nobility against a potential Russian threat.^[5]

Initially, the latter position prevailed. Prussia and Russia collaborated against Polish movements that would seek independence either from Russia or Prussia.^[5] The situation in areas with Polish majority in Prussia calmed down after a series of proclamations and assuring the right to education, religion and traditions. Nonetheless, the Prussian Government began to suppress the Polish language in administration, schooling, and courts.^[5]

1830–1848

Intensification of anti-Polish policies started from 1830 onwards.^[5] As the November Uprising in Russian-held Congress Poland began, Prussians closely worked with Russia in regards to stopping any Polish independence drive. A state of emergency was introduced in the Duchy, police surveillance started on a large scale and 80,000 soldiers were moved into the area.^[5] The Prussian Foreign Minister openly declared that Prussia would oppose independence of Poland as it would mean territories taken in the Partitions of Poland could be claimed by it.^[5] Russians soldiers fighting Poles received food supplies, equipment, and intelligence from Prussia. While Prussian generals even wanted to march into Congress Poland, the threat of French intervention stopped those plans.^[5]

By 1830 the right to use Polish in courts and institutions was no longer guarenteed.^[1] While the Poles constituted the majority of the population in the area, they held only 4 out of 21 official posts on higher level.^[1] Since 1832 they could no longer hold higher posts at the local administrative level (Landrat).^[1] At the same time the Prussian government and Prussian King further pursued the Germanization of administration and judicial system, while local officials enforced the Germanization of educational system and tried to eradicate the economic position of Polish nobility.^[1]

When Frederick William IV's ascended to the throne in 1840, certain concessions were again granted.,^[6] the German colonization was halted, some schools were able to teach Polish language again, and promises were made to create departments of Polish language in universities in Breslau and Berlin, there were also vague promises about creation of University in Posen.^[5] However, these remained promises, and the suppression of polish culture continued.

1871 until the Treaty of Versailles

Linguistic map of eastern Germany in 1910.

Within Bismarck's Kulturkampf policy, the Poles were purposefully presented as "foes of the empire" (German: Reichsfeinde).^[7] As the Prussian authorities suppressed Catholic services in Polish language by Polish priests, the Poles had to rely on German Catholic priests. Later, in 1885, the Prussian Settlement Commission was set up from the national government's funds with a mission to buy land from Polish owners and distribute it among German colonists.^[8] Eventually, 150,000 were settled on Polish territories.This was further strengthened by the ban on building of houses by Poles (see Drzymała's van)^[9] Another means of the policy was the elimination of non-German languages from public life, schools and from academic settings. At its extremes, the Germanisation policies in schools took the form of abuse of Polish children by Prussian officials (see Września children strike). In 1890 the Germanisation of Poles was slightly eased for a couple of years but the activities intensified again since 1894 and continued until the end of the World War I. This led to international condemnation, e.g., an international meeting of socialists held in Brussels in 1902 called the Germanisation of Poles in Prussia "barbarous".^[10] Nevertheless, the Settlement Commission was empowered with new more powerful rights, which entitled it to force Poles to sell the land since 1908.

Germanisation of Poles in Ruhr area

Another form of Germanisation of Poles was the relation between the German state and Polish coal miners in the Ruhr Area. Due to migration within the German Empire, an enormous stream of Polish nationals (as many as 350,000) made their way to the Ruhr in the late 19th century, where they worked in the coal and iron industries. Because of the various uprisings in occupied Poland during the previous century, German authorities viewed them as potential danger and a threat and as a "suspected political and national" element. All Polish workers had special identity cards and were under constant observation by German authorities. In addition, anti-Polish stereotypes were promoted, such as postcards with jokes about Poles, presenting them as irresponsible people, similar to the treatment of the Irish in New England around the same time. The vilification was mutual, with Polish rhymes often characterizing the Germans as dogs or less than human. Many Polish traditional and religious songs were forbidden by Prussian authorities . Their citizens' rights were also limited by the German state.^[11] In response to these policies, the Polish formed their own organizations to defend their interests and ethnic identity. The Sokół sports clubs and the workers' union Zjednoczenie Zawodowe Polskie (ZZP), Wiarus Polski (press) and Bank Robotników were among the best known such organizations in the area. At first the Polish workers, ostracised by their German counterparts, had supported the Catholic Centre Party. Since the beginning of the 20th century their support more and more shifted towards the social democrats. In 1905 Polish and German workers organized their first common strike. Under the German law of changing surnames (German: Namensänderungsgesetz) a significant number of "Ruhr-Poles" had to change their surnames and Christian names to Germanised forms, in order to evade ethnic discrimination. Increasing intermarriage between Germans and Poles also contributed much to the Germanisation of ethnic Poles in the Ruhr area.

Germanization plans during First World War

During the First World War, the German Empire planned to annex up to 35,000 square kilometers of pre-war Congress Poland and ethnically cleanse between 2 and 3 million Poles and Jews out of these territories to make room for German settlers.^{[12][13][14][15][16][17]}

Reversal of Germanization/Polonization after end of German rule

After World War I, the territories of Western Prussia and Posen were handed over to the newly formed Polish Republic, since they were predominantly inhabitated by Poles. But, the ethnic situation in those territories was still unresolved, and subject to further struggle between the German minority and the Polish majority. The American historian Richard Blanke in his book Orphans of Versailles names several reasons for the exodus of the German population.

• A number of former settlers from the Prussian Settlement Commission who settled in the area after 1886 in order to Germanise it were in some cases given a month to leave, in other cases they were told to leave at once.^[18]
• Poland found itself under threat during the Polish-Bolshevik war,^[18] and the German population feared that Bolshevik forces would control Poland. Migration to Germany was a way to avoid conscription and participation in the war.
• State-employed Germans such as judges, prosecutors, teachers and officials left as Poland did not renew their employment contracts. German industrial workers also left due to fear of lower-wage competition. Many Germans became economically dependent on Prussian state aid as it fought the "Polish problem" in its provinces.^[18]
• Germans refused to accept living in a Polish state.^[18] As Lewis Bernstein Namier said: "Some Germans undoubtedly left because they would not live under the dominion of a race which they had previously oppressed and despised."^[19]
• Germans feared that the Poles would seek reprisals after over a century of harassment and discrimination by the Prussian and German state against the Polish population.^[18]
• Social and linguistic isolation: While the population was mixed, only Poles were required to be bilingual. The Germans usually did not learn Polish. When Polish became the only official language in Polish-majority provinces, their situation became difficult. The Poles shunned Germans which contributed to their isolation.^[18]
• Lower standards of living. Poland was a much poorer country than Germany.^[18]
• Former Nazi politician and later opponent Hermann Rauschning wrote that 10% of Germans were unwilling to remain in Poland regardless of their treatment, and another 10% were workers from other parts of the German Empire with no roots in the region.^[18]

Official encouragement by the Polish state played a significant role in the exodus.^[18] There were demonstrations and protests and occasional violence against Germans at local level, and officials were quick to point out that they were a backlash against former discrimination against Poles.^[18] As many as 80% of Germans emigrated more or less voluntarily.^[18]

Reversal of Germanization in Poznan

Reversal of Germanization in Pomerania

Notes

1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Andrzej Chwalba, Historia Polski 1795–1918 Wydawnictwo Literackie 2000 Kraków pages 175–184, 307–312
2. ↑ "In fact from Hitler to Hans we find frequent references and Jews as Indians. This, too, was a long standing trope. It can be traced back to Frederick the Great, who likened the 'slovenly Polish trash' in newly' reconquered West Prussia to Iroquois". Localism, Landscape, and the Ambiguities of Place: German-speaking Central Europe, 1860–1930 David Blackbourn, James N. Retallack University of Toronto 2007
3. ↑ Wielka historia Polski t. 4 Polska w czasach walk o niepodległość (1815–1864). Od niewoli do niepodległości (1864–1918) Marian Zagórniak, Józef Buszko 2003 page 186
4. ↑ Historia 1789–1871 Page 224. Anna Radziwiłł and Wojciech Roszkowski
5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Jerzy Zdrada, Historia Polski 1795–1918 Warsaw Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2007; pages 268, 273–291, 359–370
6. ↑ Makowski, Krzysztof (Fall 1999). East European Quarterly, ed. Poles, Germans And Jews In The Grand Duchy Of Posen in 1848: From Coexistence To Conflict. 
7. ↑ Abrams, p. 24.
8. ↑ http://encyklopedia.pwn.pl/36449_1.html
9. ↑ Jerzy Kwiatek: Polska – Urokliwy świat małych miasteczek. Wyd. 3. Warszawa: Sport i Turystyka MUZA SA, 2006, s. 452. ISBN 83-7319-993-4.
10. ↑ http://www.echoed.com.au/chronicle/1902/jan-feb/world.htm
11. ↑ Bade, Weiner, p. 11.
12. ↑ Truth or conjecture?: German civilian war losses in the East, page 366 Stanisław Schimitzek Zachodnia Agencia Prasowa, 1966
13. ↑ To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, page 151–152
14. ↑ Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands by Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz page 55 Indiana University Press 2013
15. ↑ Immanuel Geiss "Tzw. polski pas graniczny 1914-1918". Warszawa 1964
16. ↑ The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke By Timothy Snyder "On the annexations and ethnic cleansing, see Geiss, Der Polnische Grenzstreifen"
17. ↑ Absolute Destruction: Military Culture And The Practices Of War In Imperial Germany Isabel V. Hull page 233
18. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Orphans of Versailles: The Germans in Western Poland, 1918-1939 pages 32-48 Richard Blanke University Press of Kentucky, 1993
19. ↑ In the Margin of History, page 45 Lewis Bernstein Namier - (pub. 1969)
20. ↑ Kotowski, Albert S. (1998). Polens Politik gegenüber seiner deutschen Minderheit 1919-1939 (in German). Forschungsstelle Ostmitteleuropa, University of Dortmund. p. 56. ISBN 3-447-03997-3. 
21. ↑ Kotowski, Albert S. (1998). Polens Politik gegenüber seiner deutschen Minderheit 1919-1939 (in German). Forschungsstelle Ostmitteleuropa, University of Dortmund. p. 55. ISBN 3-447-03997-3. 

References

• Abrams, Lynn (1995). Bismarck and the German Empire, 1871-1918. Routledge. p. 24. ISBN 0-415-07781-8. 
• Klaus J. (EDT) Bade, Myron Weiner (2002). Migration Past, Migration Future. New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books. p. 11. ISBN 0-415-07781-8. 
• Zybura, Marek (2004). Niemcy w Polsce. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Dolnośląskie. ISBN 83-7384-171-7.