Altaf Hussain (Pakistani politician)
Altaf Hussain | |
---|---|
الطاف حسین | |
Leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement | |
Assumed office 18 March 1984 | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Personal details | |
Born |
Karachi, Pakistan | 17 September 1953
Nationality |
|
Political party | Muttahida Qaumi Movement |
Residence | London, United Kingdom |
Alma mater | |
Occupation | Politician |
Website | www.mqm.org |
Altaf Hussain (Urdu: الطاف حسین; pronounced [əlt̪aːf ɦʊseːn]; born 17 September 1953 in Karachi) is a Pakistani politician presently residing in Britain.[1] He is the founder of the fourth largest political party of Pakistan, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a party aimed at not only defending the rights and interests of the Muhajir community but the 98% Pakistanis in general and to form an egalitarian society.
Early life
Childhood and family
Altaf Hussain was born on 17 September 1953 to Nazir Hussain and Khurseed Begum in Karachi, Sindh. Before the independence of Pakistan, Hussain's parents resided at their ancestral home in Nai ki Mandi, Agra, Uttar Pradesh.[2] His father was an officer with the Indian Railways.[3] His paternal grandfather Mohammad Ramazan was the Grand Mufti of Agra and his maternal grandfather Pir Haji Hafiz Rahim Bakhsh Qadri was a religious scholar. Hussain's siblings include four sisters and six brothers.
Following the independence of Pakistan in 1947, a wide-scale migration of Muslims ensued where they migrated from the various Muslim-majority states in India to the newly established Dominion of Pakistan. Hussain's parents were initially reluctant to leave everything behind in Agra to resettle in Pakistan but were later forced by Hussain's elder brother to reconsider. Upon emigrating to Pakistan, the family settled in Karachi.[2] They were provided with government housing in Abyssinia Lines reserved for muhajirs (a term used to describe people and families migrating from India).
Hussain's elder brother Nasir Hussain was later employed by the government and given a small quarter on Jehangir Road. The family subsequently left their government allotted residence and moved in with Nasir. The family later moved residence again in the 1970s to a small house in Azizabad which later became the headquarters of Hussain's political party Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM; formerly Muhajir Qaumi Movement).[4]
Education and non-political career
Hussain received his early education from the Government Comprehensive School in Azizabad. He later enrolled in the Government Boys Secondary School to complete his matriculation in 1969. For the first year of his intermediate education in pre-medical sciences, he attended the National College Karachi. He later moved to City College Karachi for his second year.
In 1974, Hussain graduated from the Islamia Science College with a Bachelor of Science.[5] In 1979, he graduated from the University of Karachi with a Bachelor of Pharmacy. After graduating from the university, Hussain began his career as a trainee at the Seventh-day Adventist Hospital in Karachi while simultaneously working for a multinational pharmaceutical company.[6]
Short-lived military service
In 1970, General Yahya Khan introduced the National Service Cadet Scheme (NSCS) making it compulsory for higher secondary scholars to enlist with the army. According to the MQM, Altaf Hussain enlisted with the Pakistan Army through the NSCS[6] and his services were assigned to the 57th Baloch Regiment as soldier number 2642671.[7] Upon completion of his training, his regiment was assigned from Hyderabad to Karachi from where it was sent to East Pakistan via ships.[7]
Once the 1971 Indo-Pak war came to an end, Hussain returned to West Pakistan to join wilfully with the regular army.[8] In the version of events told by the MQM, the selection officer rejected Hussain's selection because his parents were 'muhajirs' from India even when Hussain insisted he was born in Pakistan.[7] This is quoted as one of the many instances that formulated Hussain's future political aspirations.
Muhajir Nationalism
Bihari cause and arrest: 1979
The political strife of the APMSO bifurcated into the issue of stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh an on 14 August 1979, Hussain participated in a demonstration at the Mazar-e-Quaid for the safe return of stranded Pakistanis, also called the Biharis. Following the demonstration, Hussain was arrested and sentenced on 2 October 1979 for 9 months imprisonment and flogging with five strokes. Hussain was later released on 28 April 1980 after he had served his sentence.[9]
Ethnic riots: 1985—1986
The urban centres of Karachi and Hyderabad had increasingly become ethnically diverse and riots along ethnic lines were commonplace.[10] In May 1985, a Pathan minivan driver struck and killed a muhajir schoolgirl inciting the first Pathan-Muhajir ethnic riot. Later, following an unsuccessful raid on an Afghan heroine processing and distribution centre in Sohrab Goth by the army, Pathan and Afghan terrorist turned their ire on muhajir residents of Aligarh Colony.[11]
The Aligarh Colony massacre instigated the bloody riots of November–December 1986. These riots saw the popularity of MQM and its leader Altaf Hussain rise and the party's ideology was greatly influenced as a result.[11]
Pacco Qillo address and arrest: October 1986
Before October 1986, the urban city of Hyderabad was largely dominated by the Sindhi nationalist party Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM) founded by G. M. Syed giving rise to the nationalist slogan "Sindhu Desh" (or "Sindhi nation").[12] The only Muhajir political movement countering the JSQM were led by Syed Mubarak Ali Shah of Moti Mahal, Nawab Zahid Ali Khan and Nawab Muzaffar Hussain. After the death of these Muhajir stalwarts, the Urdu-speaking people of Hyderabad yearned for a charismatic Muhajir leadership.[13]
On 31 October 1986, Altaf Hussain gave his first public address in Hyderabad at the site of the historic Pacco Qillo, where he was greeted by throngs of crowds. After his address, his message was well received by the Urdu-speaking people of Hyderabad and Hussain was able to fill the void left by the deaths of Muhajir leaders.[13] Hussain and a few of his companions, were arrested by security personnel after his address implicating him in several alleged criminal cases.[9] His arrest enraged his supporters who launched public movements for his release. The charges against Hussain and his companions were later dropped and they were released from the Central Prison Karachi on 24 February 1987.[9]
Arrest and local bodies election: 1987
In 1987 the government began widespread arrests of Mutahidda Qaumi Movement workers all over Sindh. Altaf Hussain surrendered to law enforcement agencies on 30 August 1987 on the condition that the further arrests of his party's workers would be stopped immediately. During Hussain's imprisonment MQM placed highly in the local bodies election of 1987, and there was pressure to release Hussain and he was released on 7 January 1988.[9]
Sindhi-Muhajir accord: 1988
In early 1987, Altaf Hussain issued MQM's Charter of Resolutions (Qarardad-i-Maqasid) which formed the basis for the party's ideology. The MQM charter was paramount in expressing many of the "long-standing grievances" of Sindhi nationalists,[14] and a cooperative arrangement was worked out between the MQM and various Sindhi nationalist parties in early 1988.[15] Apart from the points stipulated in the party's original resolution, Hussain also introduced the idea of Muhajir being a "fifth subnationality" alongside the Punjabis, Pathans, Baloch, Sindhis.[16]
Nationalistic woes
Ex-ISI chief attempt to bribe Altaf Hussain
Altaf Hussain revealed that while he was admitted in Abbasi Shaheed Hospital in 1988, Late Hameed Gul (ISI chief at the time) sent briefcase full of money through Brigadier(R) Imtiaz and tried to bribe him in joining Pakistan military establishment led IJI coalition which was against PPP but he rejected the offer. Later both Brig (R) Imtiaz and Hameed Gul also confirmed the statement[17]
The Karachi Declaration: 1988
The 1988 general elections proved quite clearly that the voting patterns in Sindh were based on ethnic lines where the Pakistan Peoples Party and the MQM won almost all seats in the national assembly. The PPP had derived its support from the Sindhi population in the province, whilst the MQM from the Muhajirs. At this point in time, in less than four years of its making, MQM emerged as the third largest political party in Pakistan.[18]
PPP had been successful in Sindh but didn't fare quite well in the other provinces and therefore had to resort to forming a coalition government. Hussain and his party MQM offered their support but insisted on a formal agreement between the PPP and the MQM. This 59-point MQM-PPP accord, known as the Karachi Declaration, was signed on 2 December 1988.[19] It reiterated many of the points defined in the earlier MQM charter. However, when Benazir Bhutto came into power, she was unwilling or unable to commit to her part of the bargain. Her reluctance in this matter was largely interpreted by muhajirs as largely pro-Sindhi and rather anti-Muhajir.[20] When the declaration was not implemented violence erupted between APMSO and the PSF, the student wings of the MQM and the PPP.[19]
MQM-IJI agreement
Shunned by Bhutto's disavowal, Altaf Hussain approached Nawaz Sharif, leader of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI). The IJI was an opposition coalition eager to topple Bhutto's government. As a result of their meeting, a formal agreement between the MQM and the IJI came to pass. However, when Sharif later came into power, he couldn't honour those commitments either.[19] Hussain became increasingly harsh and hostile in his opinions regarding the governing parties and would often accuse them of political hypocrisy. Seeing that striving for justice in a constitutional capacity was futile, ethnic militancy thrived. The gulf between Muhajirs and Sindhis widened leading to several cases of "ethnic cleansing" in Hyderabad.[21]
Military action
Operation Clean-up
The Pakistani government launched Operation Clean-up in 1992 and sent the military into Karachi to crack down on the MQM. Hussain escaped Karachi one month before the operation began, following an attack on his life on 21 December 1991.[22] Hussain fled to London and applied for political asylum.[23]
From 1993 to 1996, the port city of Karachi had become a political battleground between prime minister Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement.[24] In the wake of the ensuing political unrest, the MQM had remained vocal about the arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings of its members.[25]
Killing of brother and nephew
In the later months of 1995, the political killings of members from both parties sparked an outcry throughout the city. This involved the killing of the younger brother of PPP's Syed Abdullah Shah, the Chief Minister of Sindh[24] which subsequently led to the killing of Altaf Hussain's 62-year-old brother Nasir Hussain and 27-year-old nephew Arif Hussain.[26]
It was reported that the Karachi police and the paramilitary Rangers force had arrested Nasir Hussain and his son from the Federal B area in Karachi on 4 and 6 December 1995 respectively.[26] In a statement issued on 7 December 1995, MQM blamed the government and the law enforcement agencies for the unlawful arrests of Nasir and Arif from their residence in Samanabad.[24] On 9 December 1995, the badly mutilated corpses of both Nasir and Arif were found in an isolated area in Gadap Town in Karachi,[26] from where they were taken to a nearby Edhi centre.[24]
Controversies
Altaf Hussain and other leaders of the MQM were having cases against him which the party alleges were false politically motivated cases against MQM in the back drop of 1990's operation against them. But in November 2009 all the cases were dropped under National Reconciliation Ordinance,[27]
Cleared of Money Laundering investigation
On 20 June 2013 a Metropolitan Police started money laundering case against Altaf Hussain when it recovered some cash from his residence during search,[28][29][30] On 3 June 2014 he attended police station for an interview. On 17 September 2016, Altaf Hussain's bail was cancelled for insufficient evidence.On 13 October 2016, Scotland Yard officially, dismissed the money laundering case eventually on the basis of lack of evidence [31][32]
Cleared on Incitement of violence investigation
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf's chairman Imran Khan accused Altaf of inciting violence and soliciting murder in Karachi.[33] In response numerous complaints were filed with London Metropolitan Police against Altaf for inciting violence.[34]
Scotland Yard couldn't find any credible evidence in incitement of violence case and subsequently dropped the case [35]
Controversial speech
On 21 August 2016, Hussain made controversial speech in Karachi Hunger strike camp which was a symbolic protest against alleged extra judicial killings perpetrated by Pakistani Paramilitary forces and selective targeting of MQM workers and office bearers in Karachi operation. Altaf Hussain accused state sponsored terrorism and harboring terrorist organisations such as TTP and other rogue banned organisaions. He chanted 'Pakistan Murdabad' to condemn unlawful detention of MQM activits and extra judicial killings by the state agencies. He also deplored Pakistani media biased attitude in covering those law transgression by Law enforcement agencies.
Sattar, one of the senior members of the party, distanced himself from Hussain's statements following day and the London-based leadership and said they are not against Pakistan.[36][37]
Political views
Underlying philosophy of MQM
Where much of the politics of Hussain's party MQM revolves around fighting for justice for the muhajir community in Pakistan, he has always stated that his party "[stands] for equal rights and opportunities for all irrespective of colour, creed, caste, sect, gender, ethnicity or religion".[38] Hussain's party started out as a movement for the empowerment of muhajirs in Pakistan but later modified its underlying ideologies to reflect a more broader political scope by changing its name from "Muhajir Qaumi Movement" to "Muttahida Qaumi Movement".
Formation of Pakistan
— Keynote Speech at conference in New Delhi on 6 November 2004.[38][39]
In his keynote speech given at an international conference organised by the Hindustan Times Leadership Initiative, Hussain criticised the two-nation theory that forms the basis for the creation of Pakistan. He said that history has proven the two-nation theory irrelevant when modern-day Muslims are killing each other "on the basic of tribal and linguistic affinity".[40] Hussain blamed the independence to have divided Muslims of South Asia, making them weaker as a result.[41]
On 17 September 2000, Hussain stated that the division of the South Asia was the "biggest blunder in history of mankind",[42] and that by rejecting the "grouping formulae and greater autonomy for Muslim-majority Indian provinces", Jawaharlal Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad forced Muhammad Ali Jinnah to demand a separate Pakistan, even when the founder of Pakistan was ready for co-existence.
Relations with India
Hussain favours peace between India and Pakistan and has always been an vocal advocate of bridging gaps between the two neighbouring rivals.[43]
On the issue of Kashmir, Hussain stated that Indo-Pak dialogue should be allowed to "proceed on the basis of mutual adjustment and agreement…[and] It should be clear to all concerned that there can be no military solution to any of the contentious issues, let alone the issue of Kashmir."[38]
Opposition of Talibanisation
From 2004 Hussain warned against the growing influence of the Taliban in Karachi. Hussain stated that the "advocates of Jihad, a medieval concept to tame the infidel, are wantonly killing followers of the faith as they level places of worship."[38] In 2008, he stated that a "well planned conspiracy to intensify sectarian violence in the city, was being hatched."[44][45]
See also
Citations
- ↑ "Phony Nobel Prize nominee linked to leader of Controversial Pakistan political group deported". US Fed News Service – via HighBeam (subscription required) . 20 November 2006. Retrieved 1 August 2013.
- 1 2 Bhatt, Sheela (22 November 2004). "'India should trust Musharraf'". Rediff. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- ↑ Bhatt, Sheela (18 November 2004). "'We had two choices – mullahs or Musharraf'". Rediff. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- ↑ "Early life". Struggle in life. altafhussain.org. Retrieved 5 June 2014.
- ↑ "Quaid-e-Tehreek: Mr. Altaf Hussain’s life & his achievements". Muttahida Qaumi Movement Canada. Retrieved 5 June 2014.
- 1 2 "About Mr. Altaf Hussain". Muttahida Qaumi Movement Official Website. Retrieved 5 June 2014.
- 1 2 3 "Altaf Hussain". Profiles. Maverick Pakistanis. June 2010. Retrieved 5 June 2014.
- ↑ "Altaf Hussain: Founder and leader of MQM". Muttahida Qaumi Movement United Kingdom. Retrieved 5 June 2014.
- 1 2 3 4 Shah, Sabir (4 June 2014). "Altaf Hussain arrested for fourth time". The News International. Retrieved 10 June 2014.
- ↑ Ghosh (2001)
- 1 2 Kennedy (1991, p. 948)
- ↑ "Hyderabad: politically alive". The News International. 19 October 2008. Retrieved 10 June 2014.
- 1 2 "Hyderabad: MQM’s Pucca Qila". Dawn. 21 December 2007. Retrieved 10 June 2014.
- ↑ Syed (1988, p. 60)
- ↑ Kennedy (1991, p. 949)
- ↑ Wright (1991)
- ↑ MQMOfficial (2012-02-26), Reaffirmation of former ISI Brigadier(R) Imtiaz Ahmed's of refusal by Mr. Altaf Hussain, retrieved 2016-09-17
- ↑ Kennedy (1991, p. 950)
- 1 2 3 Khan (2010, p. 42)
- ↑ Kennedy (1991, p. 951)
- ↑ Hassan (1990)
- ↑ Altaf Hussain. pakistanherald.com
- ↑ "MQM Altaf Hussain's Profile". Elections.com.pk. Archived from the original on 22 November 2010. Retrieved 29 October 2010.
- 1 2 3 4 Mir, Amir (27 December 1995). "Bloody Relations". Outlook India. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- ↑ "Arbitrary arrests". Human rights crisis in Karachi. Amnesty International. 1 February 1996. Archived from the original on 5 December 2007. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- 1 2 3 "Human rights abuses by armed opposition groups". Human rights crisis in Karachi. Amnesty International. 1 February 1996. Archived from the original on 5 December 2007. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- ↑ "3576 criminal cases against Altaf, others withdrawn". Nation.com.pk. Retrieved 30 July 2013.
- ↑ "Imran Farooq murder: London police raid house registered to Altaf Hussain". The Express Tribune. 20 June 2013. Retrieved 1 August 2013.
- ↑ "Imran Farooq murder case : One of Altaf Hussain's houses searched for 55 hours". Daily Times. 21 June 2013. Retrieved 1 August 2013.
- ↑ "MQM denies it incites violence in Pakistan from London". BBC News. BBC. 11 July 2013. Retrieved 30 July 2013.
- ↑ Azfar-ul-Ashfaque (2016-02-01). "London police removes Altaf Hussain’s bail conditions over lack of evidence". Retrieved 2016-09-17.
- ↑ Dawn.com (2016-10-13). "Scotland Yard drops money laundering investigation against Altaf Hussain". Retrieved 2016-10-13.
- ↑ "My life is in danger: Imran Khan". Reddif News. 15 November 2007. Retrieved 31 July 2013.
- ↑ Murtaza Ali Shah (14 June 2013). "Galloway sets up fund for filing case against MQM chief". The News. Retrieved 1 August 2013.
- ↑ "Scotland Yard drops probe in Altaf ‘hate speech’ charges". www.geo.tv. Retrieved 2016-09-13.
- ↑ Harding, Luke; Ross, Alice (23 August 2016). "Altaf Hussain: the man turning up heat on Karachi's streets from London suburb" – via The Guardian.
- ↑ "Nadeem Nusrat says MQM is nothing without its ‘chief’".
- 1 2 3 4 Hussain (2005)
- ↑ Faruqui, Ahmad (19 March 2005). "Jinnah's unfulfilled vision: The Idea of Pakistan by Stephen Cohen". Asia Times. Pakistan. Retrieved 6 October 2009.
- ↑ Hussain (2004): "[Modern events signify] a telling blow to the very idea of Pakistan, a homeland for the Muslims of the South Asia, and the two-nation theory, which continues to wreck untold miseries on the people of this region for the past five decades. Muslims are fighting and killing each other on the basis of tribal and linguistic affinity, sectarian strife is worse than ever before. Mosques and madarssas are but flourishing businesses. The less educated the Pesh Imam, the more popular and affluent he is likely to be."
- ↑ "A Muhajir's Prayer (Q & A with Altaf Hussain)". Hindu Vivek Kendra. Retrieved 9 December 2010.
- ↑ Chitkara (2001, p. 88)
- ↑ Hussain (2004): "India and Pakistan being the two largest in the region, need to demonstrate magnanimity and the necessary political wisdom and desire to truly seek peace. The confidence building measures contemplated to bring the people of both countries closer must be implemented vigorously."
- ↑ Walsh, Declan (30 April 2009). "Spate of shootings kill 29 in Karachi". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 23 June 2009.
- ↑ Ebrahim, Zofeen (14 May 2007). "PAKISTAN: Karachi Allowed to Burn, Say Residents". IPS. Retrieved 6 August 2009.
References
- Chitkara, M.G. (2001). Indo-Pak Relations: Challenges Before New Millennium. New Delhi: A.P.H. Publishing Corporation. ISBN 8176482722.
- Ghosh, Papiya (2001). "The Changing Discourse of the Muhajirs". India International Centre Quarterly. India International Centre. 28 (3): 57–68. JSTOR 23005560.
- Haq, Farhat (November 1995). "Rise of MQM in Pakistan: Politics of Ethnic Mobilization". Asian Survey. University of California Press. 35 (11): 990–1004. JSTOR 2645723. doi:10.1525/as.1995.35.11.01p00677.
- Hassan, Ali (June 1990). "You Can't Shoot Me". The Herald: 34–35.
- Hussain, Altaf (2004). "Keynote Speech". In Bhandare, Namita. India and the World: A Blueprint for Partnership and Growth. Hindustan Times Leadership Initiative. Lotus Collection, Roli Books. ISBN 8174364013.
- Kennedy, Charles H. (October 1991). "The Politics of Ethnicity in Sindh" (PDF). Asian Survey. University of California Press. 31 (10): 938–955. JSTOR 2645065. doi:10.2307/2645065.
- Khan, Nicola (2010). Mohajir Militancy in Pakistan: Violence and transformation in the Karachi conflict. Routledge. ISBN 0203858123.
- Syed, Anwar H. (Fall 1988). "Political Parties and the Nationality Question in Pakistan". Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. 12 (1): 42–75.
- Wright, Theodore P. Jr. (April 1991). "Center-Periphery Relations and Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan: Sindhis, Muhajirs, and Punjabis". Comparative Politics. PhD Program in Political Science of the City University of New York. 23 (3): 299–312. JSTOR 422088. doi:10.2307/422088.