Unit 731

Unit 731

The Unit 731 complex
Location Pingfang, China
Coordinates 45°36′N 126°38′E / 45.6°N 126.63°E / 45.6; 126.63Coordinates: 45°36′N 126°38′E / 45.6°N 126.63°E / 45.6; 126.63
Date 1935–1967
Attack type
Human experimentation
Biological warfare
Chemical warfare
Weapons Biological weapons
Chemical weapons
Explosives
Deaths Over 3,000 from inside experiments and tens of thousands from field experiments
Perpetrators Surgeon General Shirō Ishii
Lt. General Masaji Kitano
Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department
Building on the site of the Harbin bioweapon facility of Unit 731

Unit 731 (Japanese: 731部隊 Hepburn: Nana-san-ichi Butai) was a covert biological and chemical warfare research and development unit of the Imperial Japanese Army that undertook lethal human experimentation during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) of World War II. It was responsible for some of the most notorious war crimes carried out by Japan. Unit 731 was based at the Pingfang district of Harbin, the largest city in the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo (now Northeast China).

It was officially known as the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army (関東軍防疫給水部本部 Kantōgun Bōeki Kyūsuibu Honbu). Originally set up under the Kempeitai military police of the Empire of Japan, Unit 731 was taken over and commanded until the end of the war by General Shiro Ishii, an officer in the Kwantung Army. The facility itself was built between 1934 and 1939 and officially adopted the name "Unit 731" in 1941.

Between 3,000 and 250,000[1] men, women, and children[2][3]—from which around 600 every year were provided by the Kempeitai[4]—died during the human experimentation conducted by Unit 731 at the camp based in Pingfang alone, which does not include victims from other medical experimentation sites, such as Unit 100.[5]

Unit 731 veterans of Japan attest that most of the victims they experimented on were Chinese, Koreans and Mongolians.[6] Almost 70% of the victims who died in the Pingfang camp were Chinese, including both civilian and military.[7] Close to 30% of the victims were Russian.[8] Some others were South East Asians and Pacific Islanders, at the time colonies of the Empire of Japan, and a small number of Allied prisoners of war.[9] The unit received generous support from the Japanese government up to the end of the war in 1945.

Instead of being tried for war crimes, the researchers involved in Unit 731 were given immunity by the U.S. in exchange for their data on human experimentation.[10] Some were arrested by Soviet forces and tried at the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials in 1949. Americans did not try the researchers so that the information and experience gained in bio-weapons could be co-opted into the U.S. biological warfare program.[11] On 6 May 1947, Douglas MacArthur, as Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, wrote to Washington that "additional data, possibly some statements from Ishii probably can be obtained by informing Japanese involved that information will be retained in intelligence channels and will not be employed as 'War Crimes' evidence."[10] Victim accounts were then largely ignored or dismissed in the West as Communist propaganda.[12]

Formation

Shiro Ishii, commander of Unit 731

In 1932, Surgeon General Shirō Ishii (石井四郎 Ishii Shirō), chief medical officer of the Japanese Army and protégé of Army Minister Sadao Araki was placed in a command of the Army Epidemic Prevention Research Laboratory. Ishii organized a secret research group, the "Tōgō Unit", for various chemical and biological experimentation in Manchuria. Ishii had proposed the creation of a Japanese biological and chemical research unit in 1930, after a two-year study trip abroad, on the grounds that Western powers were developing their own programs. One of Ishii's main supporters inside the army was Colonel Chikahiko Koizumi, who later became Japan's Health Minister from 1941 to 1945. Koizumi had joined a secret poison gas research committee in 1915, during World War I, when he and other Japanese army officers were impressed by the successful German use of chlorine gas at the second battle of Ypres, where the Allies suffered 15,000 casualties as a result of the chemical attack.[13]

Unit Tōgō was implemented in the Zhongma Fortress, a prison/experimentation camp in Beiyinhe, a village 100 km (62 mi) south of Harbin on the South Manchurian Railway. A jailbreak in autumn 1934 and later explosion (believed to be an attack) in 1935 led Ishii to shut down Zhongma Fortress. He received the authorization to move to Pingfang, approximately 24 km (15 mi) south of Harbin, to set up a new and much larger facility.[14]

In 1936, Hirohito authorized, by imperial decree, the expansion of this unit and its integration into the Kwantung Army as the Epidemic Prevention Department.[15] It was divided at the same time into the "Ishii Unit" and "Wakamatsu Unit" with a base in Hsinking. From August 1940, all these units were known collectively as the "Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army (関東軍防疫給水部本部)"[16] or "Unit 731" (満州第731部隊) for short.

Activities

A special project code-named Maruta used human beings for experiments. Test subjects were gathered from the surrounding population and were sometimes referred to euphemistically as "logs" (丸太 maruta), used in such contexts as "How many logs fell?". This term originated as a joke on the part of the staff because the official cover story for the facility given to the local authorities was that it was a lumber mill. However, in an account by a man who worked as a "junior uniformed civilian employee" of the Japanese Army in Unit 731, the project was internally called "Holzklotz", which is the German word for logs.[17]

The test subjects were selected to give a wide cross-section of the population and included common criminals, captured bandits and anti-Japanese partisans, political prisoners, and also people rounded up by the Kempeitai for alleged "suspicious activities". They included infants, the elderly, and pregnant women.

Vivisection

Thousands of men, women and children interred at prisoner of war camps, including US POW,[18] were subjected to vivisection without anesthesia.[19] Vivisections were performed on prisoners after infecting them with various diseases. Researchers performed invasive surgery on prisoners, removing organs to study the effects of disease on the human body. These were conducted while the patients were alive because it was feared that the decomposition process would affect the results.[20] The infected and vivisected prisoners included men, women, children, and infants, including pregnant women impregnated by Japanese surgeons and their infants.[21]

Prisoners had limbs amputated in order to study blood loss. Those limbs that were removed were sometimes re-attached to the opposite sides of the body. Some prisoners' limbs were frozen and amputated, while others had limbs frozen, then thawed to study the effects of the resultant untreated gangrene and rotting.

Some prisoners had their stomachs surgically removed and the esophagus reattached to the intestines. Parts of the brain, lungs, liver, etc. were removed from some prisoners.[19]

Japanese army surgeon Ken Yuasa suggests that the practice of vivisection on human subjects (mostly Chinese Communists) was widespread even outside Unit 731,[6] estimating that at least 1,000 Japanese personnel were involved in the practice in mainland China.[22]

Germ warfare attacks

Prisoners were injected with inoculations of disease, disguised as vaccinations, to study their effects. To study the effects of untreated venereal diseases, male and female prisoners were deliberately infected with syphilis and gonorrhea, then studied. Prisoners were also repeatedly subject to rape by guards.[23]

Plague fleas, infected clothing, and infected supplies encased in bombs were dropped on various targets. The resulting cholera, anthrax, and plague were estimated to have killed around and possibly more than 400,000 Chinese civilians.[24] Tularemia was tested on Chinese civilians.[25]

Unit 731 and its affiliated units (Unit 1644 and Unit 100 among others) were involved in research, development, and experimental deployment of epidemic-creating biowarfare weapons in assaults against the Chinese populace (both civilian and military) throughout World War II. Plague-infested fleas, bred in the laboratories of Unit 731 and Unit 1644, were spread by low-flying airplanes upon Chinese cities, coastal Ningbo in 1940, and Changde, Hunan Province, in 1941. This military aerial spraying killed thousands of people with bubonic plague epidemics.[26]

It is possible that Unit 731's methods and objectives were also followed in Indonesia, in a case of failed experiment designed to validate a conjured tetanus toxoid vaccine.[27]

Frostbite testing

Physiologist Yoshimura Hisato conducted experiments by taking captives outside, dipping various appendages into water, and allowing the limb to freeze. Once frozen, which testimony from a Japanese officer said "was determined after the 'frozen arms, when struck with a short stick, emitted a sound resembling that which a board gives when it is struck'",[28] ice was chipped away and the area doused in water. The effects of different water temperatures were tested by bludgeoning the victim to determine if any areas were still frozen. Variations of these tests in more gruesome forms were performed.

Syphilis

Doctors orchestrated forced sex acts between infected and non infected prisoners to transmit the disease. Consider the testimony of a prison guard on the subject of devising a method for transmission of syphilis between patients:

"Infection of venereal disease by injection was abandoned, and the researchers started forcing the prisoners into sexual acts with each other. Four or five unit members, dressed in white laboratory clothing completely cover the body with only eyes and mouth visible, handled the tests. A male and female, one infected with syphilis, would be brought together in a cell and forced into sex with each others. It was made clear that anyone resisting would be shot."[29]

After victims were infected, they were vivisected at different stages of infection, so that internal and external organs could be observed as the disease progressed. Testimony from multiple guards blames the female victims as being hosts of the diseases, even as they were forcibly infected. Genitals of female prisoners that were infected with syphilis were called “jam filled buns” by guards.[30]

A Youth Corps member deployed to train at Unit 731 recalled viewing a batch of subjects that would undergo syphilis testing: “one was a Chinese woman holding an infant, one was a White Russian woman with a daughter of four or five years of age, and the last was a White Russian woman with a boy of about six or seven.”[30] The children of these women were tested in ways similar to their parents, with specific emphasis on determining how longer infection periods affected the effectiveness of treatments. In short, some children grew up inside the walls of Unit 731, infected with syphilis.

Rape and forced pregnancy

Female prisoners were forced to become pregnant for use in experiments. The hypothetical possibility of vertical transmission (from mother to fetus or child) of diseases, particularly syphilis, was the stated reason for the torture. Fetal survival and damage to mother’s reproductive organs were objects of interest. Though “a large number of babies were born in captivity” of Unit 731, there has been no account of any survivors of the facility, children included. It is suspected that the children of female prisoners were killed or the pregnancies terminated.[30]

While male prisoners were often used in single studies, so that the results of the experimentation on them would not be clouded by other variables, women were sometimes used in bacteriological or physiological experiments, sex experiments, and the victims of sex crimes. The testimony of a unit member that served as guard graphically demonstrates this reality:

"One of the former researchers I located told me that one day he had a human experiment scheduled, but there was still time to kill. So he and another unit member took the keys to the cells and opened one that housed a Chinese woman. One of the unit members raped her; the other member took the keys and opened another cell. There was a Chinese woman in there who had been used in a frostbite experiment. She had several fingers missing and her bones were black, with gangrene set in. He was about to rape her anyway, then he saw that her sex organ was festering, with pus oozing to the surface. He gave up the idea, left, and locked the door, then later went on to his experimental work."[30]

Weapons testing

Human targets were used to test grenades positioned at various distances and in different positions. Flame throwers were tested on humans. Humans were tied to stakes and used as targets to test germ-releasing bombs, chemical weapons, and explosive bombs.[31][32]

Other experiments

In other tests, subjects were deprived of food and water to determine the length of time until death; placed into high-pressure chambers until death; experimented upon to determine the relationship between temperature, burns, and human survival; placed into centrifuges and spun until death; injected with animal blood; exposed to lethal doses of x-rays; subjected to various chemical weapons inside gas chambers; injected with sea water; and burned or buried alive.[33]

Biological warfare

The ruins of a boiler building on the site of the bioweapon facility of Unit 731

Japanese researchers performed tests on prisoners with Bubonic plague, cholera, smallpox, botulism, and other diseases.[34] This research led to the development of the defoliation bacilli bomb and the flea bomb used to spread bubonic plague.[35] Some of these bombs were designed with porcelain shells, an idea proposed by Ishii in 1938.

These bombs enabled Japanese soldiers to launch biological attacks, infecting agriculture, reservoirs, wells, and other areas with anthrax, plague-carrier fleas, typhoid, dysentery, cholera, and other deadly pathogens. During biological bomb experiments, researchers dressed in protective suits would examine the dying victims. Infected food supplies and clothing were dropped by airplane into areas of China not occupied by Japanese forces. In addition, poisoned food and candies were given out to unsuspecting victims, and the results examined.

In 2002, Changde, China, site of the flea spraying attack, held an "International Symposium on the Crimes of Bacteriological Warfare" which estimated that at least 580,000 people died as a result of the attack.[36] The historian Sheldon Harris claims that 200,000 died.[37] In addition to Chinese casualties, 1,700 Japanese in Chekiang were killed by their own biological weapons while attempting to unleash the biological agent, which indicates serious issues with distribution.[2]

During the final months of World War II, Japan planned to use plague as a biological weapon against San Diego, California. The plan was scheduled to launch on September 22, 1945, but Japan surrendered five weeks earlier.[38][39][40][41]

Prisoners and victims

Despite the facility's location in Northern China, great pains were taken by organizers of the facility that its inmates represented a wide array of ethnicities.

Known unit members

Divisions

Unit 731 was divided into eight divisions:

Facilities

One of the buildings is open to visitors

The Unit 731 complex covered six square kilometers and consisted of more than 150 buildings. The design of the facilities made them hard to destroy by bombing. The complex contained various factories. It had around 4,500 containers to be used to raise fleas, six cauldrons to produce various chemicals, and around 1,800 containers to produce biological agents. Approximately 30 kg of bubonic plague bacteria could be produced in several days.

Some of Unit 731's satellite facilities are in use by various Chinese industrial concerns. A portion has been preserved and is open to visitors as a War Crimes Museum.

Tokyo

A medical school and research facility belonging to Unit 731 operated in the Shinjuku District of Tokyo during World War II. In 2006, Toyo Ishii—a nurse who worked at the school during the war—revealed that she had helped bury bodies and pieces of bodies on the school's grounds shortly after Japan's surrender in 1945. In response, in February 2011 the Ministry of Health began to excavate the site.[43]

China requested DNA samples from any human remains discovered at the site. The Japanese government—which has never officially acknowledged the atrocities committed by Unit 731—rejected the request.[44]

Guangzhou

The related Unit 8604 was operated by the Japanese Southern China Area Army and stationed at Guangzhou (Canton). This installation conducted human experimentation in food and water deprivation as well as water-borne typhus. According to postwar testimony, this facility served as the main rat breeding farm for the medical units to provide them with bubonic plague vectors for experiments.[45]

Related units

Unit 731 was part of the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department which dealt with contagious disease and water supply generally.

Surrender and immunity

Information sign at the site today.

Operations and experiments continued until the end of the war. Ishii had wanted to use biological weapons in the Pacific War since May 1944, but his attempts were repeatedly snubbed.

Destruction of evidence

With the coming of the Red Army in August 1945, the unit had to abandon their work in haste. The members and their families fled to Japan.

Ishii ordered every member of the group "to take the secret to the grave", threatening to find them if they failed, and prohibiting any of them from going into public work back in Japan. Potassium cyanide vials were issued for use in the event that the remaining personnel were captured.

Skeleton crews of Ishii's Japanese troops blew up the compound in the final days of the war to destroy evidence of their activities, but most were so well constructed that they survived somewhat intact.

American grant of immunity

Among the individuals in Japan after their 1945 surrender was Lieutenant Colonel Murray Sanders, who arrived in Yokohama via the American ship Sturgess in September 1945. Sanders was a highly regarded microbiologist and a member of America's military center for biological weapons. Sanders’ duty was to investigate Japanese biological warfare activity. At the time of his arrival in Japan he had no knowledge of what Unit 731 was.[30] Until Sanders finally threatened the Japanese with bringing communism into the picture, little information about biological warfare was being shared with the Americans. The Japanese wanted to avoid the Soviet legal system so the next morning after the threat Sanders received a manuscript describing Japan's involvement in biological warfare.[46] Sanders took this information to General Douglas MacArthur, who was the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers responsible for rebuilding Japan during the Allied occupations. MacArthur struck a deal with Japanese informants[47]—he secretly granted immunity to the physicians of Unit 731, including their leader, in exchange for providing America, but not the other wartime allies, with their research on biological warfare and data from human experimentation.[10] American occupation authorities monitored the activities of former unit members, including reading and censoring their mail.[48] The U.S. believed that the research data was valuable. The U.S. did not want other nations, particularly the Soviet Union, to acquire data on biological weapons.[49]

The Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal heard only one reference to Japanese experiments with "poisonous serums" on Chinese civilians. This took place in August 1946 and was instigated by David Sutton, assistant to the Chinese prosecutor. The Japanese defense counsel argued that the claim was vague and uncorroborated and it was dismissed by the tribunal president, Sir William Webb, for lack of evidence. The subject was not pursued further by Sutton, who was probably unaware of Unit 731's activities. His reference to it at the trial is believed to have been accidental.

Separate Soviet trials

Although publicly silent on the issue at the Tokyo Trials, the Soviet Union pursued the case and prosecuted twelve top military leaders and scientists from Unit 731 and its affiliated biological-war prisons Unit 1644 in Nanjing, and Unit 100 in Changchun, in the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials. Included among those prosecuted for war crimes, including germ warfare, was General Otozō Yamada, the commander-in-chief of the million-man Kwantung Army occupying Manchuria.

The trial of those captured Japanese perpetrators was held in Khabarovsk in December 1949. A lengthy partial transcript of the trial proceedings was published in different languages the following year by a Moscow foreign languages press, including an English language edition.[50] The lead prosecuting attorney at the Khabarovsk trial was Lev Smirnov, who had been one of the top Soviet prosecutors at the Nuremberg Trials. The Japanese doctors and army commanders who had perpetrated the Unit 731 experiments received sentences from the Khabarovsk court ranging from two to 25 years in a Siberian labor camp. The U.S. refused to acknowledge the trials, branding them communist propaganda.[51]

After World War II, the Soviet Union built a biological weapons facility in Sverdlovsk using documentation captured from Unit 731 in Manchuria.[52]

After World War II

Official silence under Occupation

As above, under the American occupation the members of Unit 731 and other experimental units were allowed to go free. One graduate of Unit 1644, Masami Kitaoka, continued to do experiments on unwilling Japanese subjects from 1947 to 1956 while working for Japan's National Institute of Health Sciences. He infected prisoners with rickettsia and mental health patients with typhus.[53]

Post-Occupation Japanese media coverage and debate

Japanese discussions of Unit 731's activity began in the 1950s, after the end of the American occupation of Japan. In 1952, human experiments carried out in Nagoya City Pediatric Hospital, which resulted in one death, were publicly tied to former members of Unit 731.[54] Later in that decade, journalists suspected that the murders attributed by the government to Sadamichi Hirasawa were actually carried out by members of Unit 731. In 1958, Japanese author Shusaku Endo published the book The Sea and Poison about human experimentation, which is thought to have been based on a real incident.

The author Morimura Seiichi published The Devil's Gluttony (悪魔の飽食) in 1981, followed by The Devil's Gluttony: A Sequel in 1983. These books purported to reveal the "true" operations of Unit 731, but actually confused them with that of Unit 100, and falsely used unrelated photos attributing them to Unit 731, which raised questions about its accuracy.[55][56] Also in 1981 appeared the first direct testimony of human vivisection in China, by Ken Yuasa. Since then many more in-depth testimonies have appeared in Japanese. The 2001 documentary Japanese Devils was composed largely of interviews with 14 members of Unit 731 who had been taken as prisoners by China and later released.[57]

Official government response in Japan

Since the end of the Allied occupation, the Japanese government has repeatedly apologized for its pre-war behavior in general, but specific apologies and indemnities are determined on the basis of bilateral determination that crimes occurred, which requires a high standard of evidence. Unit 731 presents a special problem, since unlike Nazi human experimentation which the U.S. publicly condemned, the activities of Unit 731 are known to the general public only from the testimonies of willing former unit members, and testimony cannot be employed to determine indemnity in this way.

Japanese history textbooks usually contain references to Unit 731, but do not go into detail about allegations, in accordance with this principle.[58][59] Saburo Ienaga's New History of Japan included a detailed description, based on officers' testimony. The Ministry for Education attempted to remove this passage from his textbook before it was taught in public schools, on the basis that the testimony was insufficient. The Supreme Court of Japan ruled in 1997 that the testimony was indeed sufficient and that requiring it to be removed was an illegal violation of freedom of speech.[60]

In 1997, the international lawyer Kōnen Tsuchiya filed a class action suit against the Japanese government, demanding reparations for the actions of Unit 731, using evidence filed by Professor Makoto Ueda of Rikkyo University. All Japanese court levels found that the suit was baseless. No findings of fact were made about the existence of human experimentation, but the decision of the court was that reparations are determined by international treaties and not by national court cases.

In October 2003, a member of the House of Representatives of Japan filed an inquiry. Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi responded that the Japanese government did not then possess any records related to Unit 731, but the government recognized the gravity of the matter and would publicize any records that were located in the future.[61]

Abroad

Books

Films

There have been several films about the atrocities of Unit 731.

Music

Television

See also

Pacific War (World War II)

Other human experimentation

References

  1. Japan unearths site linked to human experiments. Some historians estimate up to 250,000 people were subjected to experiments., http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/feb/21/japan-excavates-site-human-experiments
  2. 1 2 David C. Rapoport. "Terrorism and Weapons of the Apocalypse". In James M. Ludes, Henry Sokolski (eds.), Twenty-First Century Weapons Proliferation: Are We Ready? Routledge, 2001. pp. 19, 29
  3. Khabarovsk War Crime Trials. Materials on the Trial of Former Servicemen of the Japanese Army Charged with Manufacturing and Employing Biological Weapons, Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1950. p. 117
  4. Yuki Tanaka, Hidden Horrors, Westviewpress, 1996, p.138
  5. The Imperial Japanese Medical Atrocities and Its Enduring Legacy in Japanese Research Ethics
  6. 1 2 Kristof, Nicholar D. (17 March 1995). "Unmasking Horror — A special report. Japan Confronting Gruesome War Atrocity". New York Times.
  7. AII The War Crime "Unit 731" and Chinese, Korean Civilian. ci
  8. Seiichi Morimura, The Devil's Gluttony, 1981
  9. The devil unit, Unit 731. 731部隊について
  10. 1 2 3 Hal Gold, Unit 731 Testimony, 2003, p. 109
  11. Harris, S.H. (2002) Factories of Death. Japanese Biological Warfare, 1932—1945, and the American Cover-up, revised edn. Routledge, New York, USA.
  12. The World: Revisiting World War II Atrocities; Comparing the Unspeakable to the Unthinkable. New York Times
  13. Williams, Peter, and Wallace, David (1989). Unit 731. Grafton Books, p. 44. ISBN 0-586-20822-4
  14. Harris, Sheldon H. (1994). Factories of Death: Japanese Biological Warfare 1932-45 and the American Cover-Up. California State University, Northridge: Routledge. pp. 26–33. ISBN 0-415-09105-5. Page 26: Zhong Ma Prison Camp's creation; Page 33: Pingfang site's creation.
  15. Daniel Barenblat, A plague upon humanity, 2004, p.37.
  16. Yuki Tanaka, Hidden Horrors, 1996, p.136
  17. Cook, Haruko Taya; Cook, Theodore F. (1992). Japan at war : an oral history (1 ed.). New York, NY: New Press. p. 162. ISBN 1-56584-014-3.
  18. One known case of US POWS used in experiments were a B-29 crew captured May 5, 1945
  19. 1 2 Richard Lloyd Parry (February 25, 2007). "Dissect them alive: order not to be disobeyed". London: Times Online.
  20. Interview with former Unit 731 member Nobuo Kamada at the Wayback Machine (archived November 19, 2006)
  21. Nicholas D. Kristof New York Times, March 17, 1995. "Unmasking Horror: A special report. Japan Confronting Gruesome War Atrocity"
  22. "Vivisectionist recalls his day of reckoning"
  23. Unit 731: One of the Most Terrifying Secrets of the 20th Century
  24. Christopher Hudson (2 March 2007). "Doctors of Depravity". Daily Mail.
  25. Video adapted from "Biological Warfare & Terrorism: The Military and Public Health Response", Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Retrieved October 21, 2007
  26. Barenblatt, Daniel. A Plague Upon Humanity: the Secret Genocide of Axis Japan's Germ Warfare Operation, HarperCollins, 2004. ISBN 0-06-018625-9
  27. Kevin Baird, "War Crimes in Japan-Occupied Indonesia: Unraveling the Persecution of Achmad Mochtar", The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 1, No. 3, January 1, 2016.
  28. Kristof, Nicholas D. “Unmasking Horror -- A special report.; Japan Confronting Gruesome War Atrocity” The New York Times(1995)
  29. Gold, Hal (2004). Unit 731: Testimony. Tuttle Publishing.
  30. 1 2 3 4 5 Gold, Hal (2011). Unit 731 Testimony. (1st ed.). New York: Tuttle Pub. p. 166. ISBN 9781462900824.
  31. Monchinski, Tony (2008). Critical Pedagogy and the Everyday Classroom. Volumen 3 de Explorations of Educational Purpose. Springer, p. 57. ISBN 1402084625
  32. Neuman, William Lawrence (2008). Understanding Research. Pearson/Allyn and Bacon, p. 65. ISBN 0205471536
  33. "The Nanjing Massacre and Unit 731". Advocacy & Intelligence Index For POWs-MIAs Archives. 2001. Archived from the original on 17 October 2007. Retrieved 28 September 2010.
  34. Biological Weapons Program-Japan Federation of American Scientists
  35. Review of the studies on Germ Warfare Tien-wei Wu A Preliminary Review of Studies of Japanese Biological Warfare and Unit 731 in the United States
  36. Daniel Barenblatt, A Plague upon Humanity, 2004, p.xii, 173.
  37. Sheldon Harris, Factories of Death (London, Routledge, 1994)
  38. Naomi Baumslag, Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus, 2005, p.207
  39. "Weapons of Mass Destruction: Plague as Biological Weapons Agent". GlobalSecurity.org. Retrieved December 21, 2014.
  40. Amy Stewart (April 25, 2011). "Where To Find The World's Most 'Wicked Bugs': Fleas". National Public Radio.
  41. Russell Working (June 5, 2001). "The trial of Unit 731". The Japan Times.
  42. "Unit 731: One of the Most Terrifying Secrets of the 20th Century". Retrieved November 8, 2015.
  43. Associated Press, "Work starts at Shinjuku Unit 731 site", Japan Times, 22 February 2011, p. 1.
  44. The Economist, "Deafening silence", 24 February 2011, p. 48.
  45. Gold, Hal. Unit 731: Testimony. Tuttle Publishing, 2006, p. 50
  46. Gold, Hal (2011). Unit 731 Testimony. (1st ed.). New York: Tuttle Pub. p. 96. ISBN 9781462900824.
  47. Gold, Hal (2011). Unit 731 Testimony. (1st ed.). New York: Tuttle Pub. p. 97. ISBN 9781462900824.
  48. Kyodo News, "Occupation censored Unit 731 ex-members' mail: secret paper", Japan Times, February 10, 2010, p. 3.
  49. BBC News - Unit 731: Japan's biological force.
  50. Materials on the Trial of Former Servicemen of the Japanese Army Charged with Manufacturing and Employing Bacteriological Weapons (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1950). (French language: Documents relatifs au procès des anciens Militaires de l'Armée Japonaise accusés d'avoir préparé et employé l'Arme Bactériologique / Japanese language: 細菌戦用兵器ノ準備及ビ使用ノ廉デ起訴サレタ元日本軍軍人ノ事件ニ関スル公判書類 / Chinese language: 前日本陸軍軍人因準備和使用細菌武器被控案審判材料)
  51. Takashi Tsuchiya. "The Imperial Japanese Experiments in China". The Oxford Textbook of Clinical Research Ethics, pp, 35, 42. Oxford University Press, 2011.
  52. Ken Alibek and S. Handelman. Biohazard: The Chilling True Story of the Largest Covert Biological Weapons Program in the World - Told from Inside by the Man Who Ran it. 1999. Delta (2000) ISBN 0-385-33496-6.
  53. 日本弁護士連合会『人権白書昭和43年版』日本弁護士連合会、1968年、pp.126-134
  54. 日本弁護士連合会『人権白書昭和43年版』日本弁護士連合会、1968年、pp.134-136;高杉晋吾『七三一部隊細菌戦の医師を追え』徳間書店、1982年、pp.94-111; 保護施設収容者に対する人権擁護に関する件(決議)
  55. Nozaki, Yoshiko (2000). Textbook controversy and the production of public truth: Japanese education, nationalism, and Saburo Ienaga's court challenges. University of Wisconsin--Madison. pp. 300, 381.
  56. Keiichi Tsuneishi (1995). 『七三一部隊 生物兵器犯罪の真実』 講談社現代新書. p. 171. ISBN 4-06-149265-9.
  57. 田辺敏雄 『検証 旧日本軍の「悪行」―歪められた歴史像を見直す』 自由社 ISBN 4915237362
  58. Yoshiko Nozaki and Mark Selden, The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus "Japanese Textbook Controversies, Nationalism, and Historical Memory: Intra- and Inter-national Conflicts"
  59. Kathleen Woods Masalski (November 2001). "EXAMINING THE JAPANESE HISTORY TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSIES". Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education. Retrieved 2012-07-30.
  60. Asahi Shinbun editorial, August 30, 1997
  61. 衆議院議員川田悦子君提出七三一部隊等の旧帝国陸軍防疫給水部に関する質問に対する答弁書」 October 10, 2003.
  62. Alexander Street Press, Academic Video Store 731: Two Versions of Hell

Further reading

External links

This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the Tuesday, February 16, 2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.