La Linea corruption case

History of Guatemala
"Pacific demonstration" in Guatemala City, on April 25, 2015 after the first corruption allegations against the Pérez Molina Administration.

La Línea corruption case ("La Línea" meaning the "telephone line" used by the corruption ring) began in Guatemala on April 16, 2015, when the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (Spanish: Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala, CICIG) and the State procesecutors accused a number of politicians within the Administration of President Otto Pérez Molina of having set up a customs corruption ring with the help of high-ranking officials within the tax and customs administration. Several demonstrations ensued, calling for the resignation of Otto Pérez Molina and his Vice-President, Roxana Baldetti. Among the accused were retired captain Juan Carlos Monzón (then Vice president Roxanna Baldetti's private secretary) and the directors of the Tax Administration Superintendency (Spanish: Superintendencia de Administración Tributaria, SAT), entity analogous to the United States Internal Revenue Service.[1] The situation became very difficult for Pérez Molina's regime, when his then vicepresident Roxana Baldetti quit in early May to the joy of thousands of demonstrators.

On 20 May 2015, CICIG and the Guatemalan Chief Prosecutor, Thelma Aldana, released another high scale corruption scandal, when they presented the Guatemalan Social Security Institute (Spanish: Instituto Guatemalteco de Seguridad Social) -IGSS- case in which the board of directors had complotted to assign a renal facility service to an external company that did not comply with the minimal requirements and caused the death of numerous patients. Investigations from both entities showed that the contact had been granted by heavy bribes to some of the board members, specially IGSS President Juan de Dios Rodríguez, former Pérez Molina private secretary. All the board members were sent to prison. And a few weeks later, yet another corruption scandal broke up when another former Perez Molina's private secretary was sent to jail accused of being involved in a high stakes case with energy company Jaguar Energy.

On 21 August 2015, prosecutors and CICIG asked for the former vice president's Roxana Baldetti capture and asked to start the impeachment process for president Otto Pérez Molina for their involvement in "La Línea case".[2] In a press conference, CICIG chief, Colombian prosecutor Iván González, reported that during the procedures carried out on 16 April 2015, they discovered that Juan Carlos Monzón was not La Linea mastermind, but that both the president and the vice president, themselves, were the masterminds. Furthermore, CICIG even implied that they might have been involved with the customs ring even before they were inaugurated on 14 January 2012.[2][3] Baldetti was sent to prison to the Women Preventative Detention Center, after she had spent a few days in the VIP jail in the Army's Matamoros Fort.[4]

Events came to a climax when, during Baldetti's legal hearing, an intercepted phone conversation was played in which one could hear the voice of President Perez Molina contacting the SAT director and asking for Human Resources changes to, allegedly, accommodate the smuggling network. A National Strike was called in response to the release of that phone conversation, and finally, on September 1, Otto Pérez Molina was impeached and stripped of his immunity; he resigned on September 2 and was put in custody on the 3rd.[5]

Introduction

The "Sindicato" and the «Cofradía»

In the 1970s, generals Manuel Antonio Callejas and Francisco Ortega Menaldo ―then-president Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio's son-in-law― created a powerful organization parallel to the Ministerio de Finanzas Públicas (English: Public Finances Secretariat) that the Guatemalan Army authorized allegedly to detect weapon smuggling for the guerrilla's during Guatemala Civil War.[1] In reality, though, this organization was heavily used for smuggling and other illicit activities and from it two powerful groups emerged:[1] the "Sindicato" (English: "Sindicate") and the "Cofradía" (English: Brotherhood).[6]

Moreno smuggling ring

Guatemala Supreme Court building

During Álvaro Arzú presidency (1996-2000) the smuggling ring was attacked when the National Prosecutor found evidences that implicated several high-ranking Army officers, among them general Luis Francisco Ortega Menaldo, colonel Salán Sánchez, general Efraín Ríos Montt, coronel Napoleón Rojas Méndez, major Byron Barrientos, and Mario Guillermo Ruiz Wong. Even then presidential candidate Alfonso Portillo was mentioned.[1] According to the legal procedures that took place between 2000 and 2002, the ring controlled container transfers, imports prices, and the type of merchandise that was to be moved; the ring would take control of the containers and would not release them until after a hefty bribe was paid.[1] None of these names immediately came to public light, and a middle operator named Alfredo Moreno was accused as being the ring leader. After Portillo's victory in the 2000 elections, the new Attorney General, Rodolfo González Rodas, dismantled the unit in charge of Moreno's case allegedly due to the ring's connections to Portillo and Ríos Montt -leaders of Portillo's political party. Finally, in 2001, Alfredo Moreno paid a million quetzals jail bond and was released.

Perez Molina's presidency

Retired general Otto Pérez Molina, president of Guatemala from 14 January 2012 to 3 September 2015.

Perez Molina was elected president in the 2011 general elections and shortly after his inauguration privatized the Empresa Portuaria Quetzal (English:Quetzal Harbor Enterprise) in Escuintla on Holy Wednesday of the first Holy Week under his tenure; the Holy Week is a highly respected holiday in Guatemala and his move prompted several complaints about its legality. Later on, Baldetti appointed Claudia Méndez Asencio -a close friend of hers- as SAT Customs Chief and only two months later, he intervened in the Superintendencia de Administración Tributaria and placed military personnel in key points in customs allegedly to increase tax collection and prevent smuggling.[7]

When President Perez Molina took office in 2012, Vice President Baldetti Elías brought a retired general, Luis Francisco Ortega Menaldo, to work with her in the vice president's office, thus acknowledging their close relationship. Ortega Menaldo has been considered as former president Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio protégé, since Arana was his father-in=law and helped get Ortega to the high-ranking military intelligence in the 1970s. Ortega Menaldo, then a captain, was trained in the Telecommunication Regional Center, a.k.a. "La Regional", during Arana's government (1970-1974). In 1980 he was appointed as chief of the newly created Department of Security and Special Investigations of the Public Finances Secretariat, which allegedly was the origin of the smuggling ring. When Vinicio Cerezo was elected president in 1985, then Secretary of Defense, Héctor Gramajo, appointed him as chief of Military Intelligence in 1987, while general Manuel Callejas ―the "Cofradía"'s boss― was appointed as Defense Chief of Staff. Gramajo used them for support against the Army's hard line officers who worked closely with the extreme right wing party "Movimiento de Liberación Nacional" -MLN- and thus stop cup d'état attempts agains president Cerezo. With CIA help, Ortega Menaldo found the Military Intelligence School in 1987, and worked closely with the DEA.[6]

Thus, the two executive leaders ―Pérez Molina and Baldetti Elías― bought an alliance to the main military groups that formed during the Guatemala Civil War: "Sindicato" and "Cofradía". But the presence of Luis Mendizábal ―owner of Emilio's boutique, the alleged ring headquarters― confirmed that yet a third group also had a strong position in the government: that of retired general Marco Tulio Espinosa Contreras, an Air Force general, who raised his profile during Alvaro Arzú presidency.[6]

Pérez Molina's government was faced with a constant fiscal deficit since 2012, missing SAT's collection goals every single quarter; customs taxes dropped in 2013 from 15,800 million to 15,300 millon of quetzals -Guatemalan currency, and was even lower in 2014; the same happened with sales taxes over imports. The fiscal gap in those years was as high as 7,000 millon of quetzales, which had been covered by treasure bonds and international loans, thus increasing public debt. The financial crisis forced the Government to even create new phone, cement and mining taxes to balance its budget for 2015.[8]

On September 2014, retired captain Byron Lima Oliva, who was already in prison with a 15-year sentence after being formally accused of being the material assassin of bishop Juan José Gerardi, was accused by CICIG of being the one that in fact controlled the Pavoncito prison where he was committed, and that he even practically had control of the whole Guatemalan jail system.[9] Investigations showed that Lima Oliva came and went as he pleased in armored SUVs and police escort; when he was apprehended outside the prison and taken to the Supreme Court building to testify along with other accused, reportedly he said several times that he was a personal friend of president Otto Pérez Molina. It was not the first time he was captured outside his prison cell: in February 2013 he was captured in a SUV outside prison.[9]CICIG accused Lima Oliva of creating a multimillion-dollar empire by controlling the prisons and charging up to US$12,000 for selling prison transfers.[9]

In early April 2015, in discussions with the United Nations about extending CICIG's mandate for another two years, both Pérez Molina and Baldetti were adamant that the International Commission was no longer needed in Guatemala.[10]

Investigation

On April 16, the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala accused a number of politicians within the Administration of President Otto Pérez Molina of having set up a criminal network within the Tax and Customs Administration. At the time, it was believed that La Línea network was headed by such people as Juan Carlos Monzón Rojas (personal secretary to Roxana Baldetti) and Omar Franco (Chief Officer of SAT, the Superintendencia de Administración Tributaria de Guatemala).[11]

From May, 2014, to February, 2015, this corruption ring dealt with at least 500 containers, benefiting from lower customs duties in exchange for very significant bribes, thanks to its control of the customs offices of Puerto Quetzal and Santo Tomás, as well as the central customs administration.[12]

The name of the corruption ring, La Línea - "the (telephone) line" - comes from the phone number that any import company could call to ask for reduced customs duties. The network involved dozens of people, within the tax and customs administration as well as within the Otto Pérez Molina Administration itself.[12]

Suspects

On 16 April 2015, a total of 23 operatives with 250 Civil National Police officers, besides CICIG and public prosecutor officials, results in an extensive information collection and 20 captured, among them SAT personnel, customs agents and entrepreneurs.[13] Since the early hours, police started the operatives in Guatemala City and some rural areas.[13]

The captured suspects were:

According to Iván Velásquez, CICIG's Chief Commissioner, the criminal network was being investigated since May 2014, when they got tips that there were connections between importers and customs officers, who found ways for the former to pay fewer taxes. Velásquez said that this option was through a telephone contact, known as "La Línea", which was given to the importers. "La Línea" operated mainly in the major harbors and the central customs building.[13] Velásquez did not specify the total amount of the embezzlement but it said that ring charged between 20,000 and 100, 000 quetzals per container that it handled.[13] Finally, informed that the intercepted phone conversation showed that from the 40% of tax paid, 30% came from bribes, to decrease the amount of taxes that the importer had to pay. "La Línea" could have embezzled more than 2 millones quetzals per week in bribes.[14] And there could be more than a thousand companies that used "La Línea" to avoid paying high taxes, and they are under investigation as well.[15][16]

Alleged ring leaders: Otto Pérez Molina and Roxana Baldetti

Initially, Juan Carlos Monzón Rojas was accused of being the La Linea ring leader. Monzón Rojas would be linked with the Panamanian company Edengrove International, which was created on April 2011, according to Panama Public Registry. On May 2011, it was registered in Guatemala.[17] Víctor Hugo Hernández is president the board; Hernández is also a founding associate of Inversiones y Proyectos Marbella, S.A. and Arrendamientos, Servicios y Proyectos, S.A., both Guatemalan companies that on May 2013 bought 58% of Corporación de Noticias, S. A. stock, a company that owns influential Guatemalan newspapers Siglo 21 and Al Día, for 25 million quetzals.[17] Estuardo González, Corporación de Noticias president, is also one of the accused in La Linea.[17] Later on, González would tell the complete story during trial: both companies were a front that he helped build for former vice president Baldetti to gain control of those influential newspapers.[18] In December 2014, Guatemalan newspaper ElPeriódico had published that Monzón bought a lavish home in an exclusive neighborhood in Guatemala City for US$850,000.[19]

On 22 April 2015 it was made public that Monzón Rojas' company, Canchas Deportivas S. A., had gotten up to 13 Government contracts worth several million quetzals[20] and that the company was in operation since 2007, getting contracts from official sports federations in the country, although Monzón had stepped down from his company when he was appointed as vice presidential private secretary.[20] When former SAT director Carlos Muñoz, was indicted, Guatemalan prosecutors showed an intercepted phone conversation between him and Juan Carlos Monzón, where they discuss possible personnel changes in SAT.[21]

On 21 August 2015, CICIG the Guatemalan attorney general offered a shared press conference shortly after issuing a warrant for the arrest of former vice president Roxana Baldetti and asking for president Pérez Molina's impeachment; they informed the press that they had gathered evidence during the 16 April operations which linked both to La Linea, and they were most likely the leaders of the ring.[2][22] On 17 April 2015 they had already presented an intercepted phone conversation in which some of the other accused were talking about "el Presidente", without saying his name, who asked them to open four bank accounts since CICIG already had too much information;[21] Beside "el Presidente", the nickmanes "la R", "la R2" and "la Señora" were heard in those conversations, a person who had ordered personnel changes in SAT.[21] At this point in time there were strong suspicions that both of these people were Pérez Molina and Baldetti, but CICIG did not ask for their arrest then because they did not have any solid proof against them.

On 21 September 2015, ElPeriódico reported that the 16 April operatives in Salvador Estuardo González Álvarez —a.k.a. "Eco"—, thousand of documents found revealed that besides "La Línea" there was a network of companies linked to Roxana Baldetti, which moved millions of quetzals for several reasons. Due to this, González could cooperate with the prosecutors to testify against Otto Pérez Molina and Baldetti.[23] The same day, Guatemalan Supreme Court withdrew immunity from judge Marta Sierra de Stalling, due to her suspicions connection to the "Impunity Law Firm" and she was captured the next day.[24]

"I was told that the project was to improve customs tax collections and that it was directly managed by the President. Let me tell you, honorable judge, that I was very proud of supporting help with tax collection improvements and a person like the President. The project was in Quetzal and Santo Tomás Ports and that is where I was told that the increase had to happen through some money that was asked through the customs officers. It was a bribe. I had to keep control, made a table and placed the code 1 and 2 instead of using president and vice president.»

Salvador Estuardo González, Eco
28 September 2015[25]

Just like ElPeriódico had predicted on 28 September 2015, during the second part of the trial against the La Linea members, Salvador Estuardo González —a.k.a. "Eco"— voluntarily offered to testify, an offer which was initially opposed by the defense attorneys who argued that there were three accused missing. The judge rejected their objection. González--who said that he was willing to have a face-to-face with any other accused--methodically exposed a series of data that seriously incriminated several of the accused:[26]

  1. Baldetti was the first one that González met, and he helped her by setting up and managing seven companies that had not been operative for two years.[25]
  2. González was the one that created the codes "el 1" and "la 2" for the President and Vice president, respectively.[26]
  3. González kept control of the money that was embezzled.
  4. 50% of the embezzlement was sent to both Otto Pérez Molina and Roxana Baldetti Elías.[26]
  5. Claudia Méndez Asencio was indeed aware of what was going on and even joined González in several meetings about it. Once she was appointed as Customs manager she was notified of what La Línea was and that she was getting 5% of the profits.[25]
  6. The United States Embassy was aware of the "collection tax project" and the work done by Javier Ortiz —a.k.a. "Teniente Jerez"—.[25]
  7. Gonzalez got 2% of the profits.[25]
  8. When "La Linea" was restructuring, González Álvarez stopped working for it and went back to work for Baldetti's seven companies, but he also started doing the same with four companies of former President Otto Pérez Molina, whom he met every Monday in an office located at 16 street, zone 10 in Guatemala City, where they were joined by the President's daughter, wife and daughter-in-law.[25]

On 29 September 2015 González continued testifying, and was cross questioned by both prosecutors and defense attorneys, standing firm by his version of events and revealing more details:[18]

González also explained in detail how Roxana Baldetti's front companies worked, a version that remained unaltered after the lengthy questioning of lawyers and procesutors: González was hired to manage seven companies, and that there were other ones that were controlled by Víctor Hugo Hernández, Juan Carlos Monzón's trusted employee. González explained that his job was to make sure that all these front companies had offices that resemble the capital that they allegedly had and the servicies that they were supposed to offer; he also looked for mock stockholders and board members that fit the profile for the supposed type of companies.[27]

Regarding PROINVER, registered officially under Baldetti's name, González told that he did not controlled it, but that he cooperated with it making projections for its dividends, projections that were met quarter after quarter. Baldetti was allegedly always on top of everything, setting up meetings with González and Hernández at the headquarters of her front companies.[27] Guatemalan newspaper Prensa Libre researched several of these companies and found the following:

"The companies revealed by "Eco" [González] are: Publihaces, Publimerc, Corporación Urma, La Montaña Ecológica, Representaciones Alliancee, SA., Grupo Agro Industrial 2011, S.A. and Serpumer, S.A. Of them, Prensa Libre found for in the government records.
González Álvarez said that he made forecasts and projections of what the companies should falsely report as profits every quarter, thus making Baldetti's economic profile believable.

The first capital injection occurred on 23 August 2013, when Herbert Arturo Jacobo Dubón, Grupo Agro Industrial 2011, S.A. president of the board, added capital for Q50 million. The company had been opened on 2 June 2011 with an initial capital of only Q5,000.

The second capital injection occurred on 10 April 2015, and it was for Representaciones Alliancee, S.A., which from Q5,000 initial capital increased to Q18 million. The company was opened on 20 December 2006. Since then, this company has purchased real estate linked to Baldetti and her family, among them a warehouse next to La Aurora International Airport.

[...] The four companies that Prensa Libre found share attorneys, board members and addresses; they are all located at Avenida La Reforma 1-50, El Reformador building, fifth floor, zone 9 de la Ciudad de Guatemala.

Prensa Libre
30 September 2015[28] »

Aftermath

"I quit because I am not willing to lead a project whose only objective is to bring members of Congress with the mission of protecting obscure interests and to look for impunity spaces for corrupt government officials close to vicepresident Roxana Baldetti".
"I do have talked with [former president] Alfonso Portillo, as we share the vision for the Nation, with some difference on how to implement it".

Alejandro Sinibaldi former official presidential candidate.
19 April 2015[29]

After "La Linea" was discovered on 16 April 2015, both Perez Molina's political party and Government began to break down. On Sunday 19 April 2015, Partido Patriota founder and presidential candidate, Alejandro Sinibaldi, quit the party along with tenths of majors and about 20 congress members, and it was speculated that he could run for a different party.[7] His reason for quitting, according to Sinibaldi, were:

That afternoon, then-vice president Roxana Baldetti, after returning from South Korea in a press conference informed that was sorry to hear what happened with Sinibaldi and that they had always had some differences, but that she did not know how upset he was against her.[30]

During the same press conference, Baldetti emphasized that she was not part of the millionaire fraudulent ring;[30] she showed videos from earlier in the year in which she was shown saying that the offices under her in the Government were already investigating structures like La Linea, a time when Juan Carlos Monzón was her closest advisor. According to Baldetti, this was the first time that they travelled abroad together and that it was her who told her now former private secretary about the investigation against him and asked him to resign. Bombarded with journalist questions about her whereabouts, unknown for the last 48 hours, and upset Baldetti turned around and left her own press conference.[30]

In July 2015, after the Jaguar Enegy scandal arrests, the alleged involvement of several members of Congress in bribes and money laundering and presenting a detailed report on how the Gutaemalan political parties financing works -mostly related to illicit activitivies-, CICIG demanded the Guatemalan Supreme Court to act accordingly; however, on 28 July 2015, the Supreme Court issued a statement in which it denounces the International Commission demands. In response, Guatemalan newspaper Diario La Hora reveals that the thirteen judges of the Supreme Court were designated thanks to the alliance between the official Partido Patriota and the main opposition party, Libertad Democrática Renovada -LIDER, a party that was almost positive that it was going to win the 2015 presidential elections-.[31]

Guatemalan Supreme Court election votes in Congress[31]
Name Position LIDER votes Patriota votes
Josué Felipe Baquiax Baquiax Supreme Court president 41 36
Silvia Patricia Valdés Quezada Judge I 49 47
Nery Osvaldo Medina Méndez Judge II 47 36
Vitalina orellana y Orellana Judge III 38 41
Delia Marina Dávila Salazar Judge IV 41 37
Douglas René Charchal Ramos Judge V 39 38
Sergio Amadeo Pineda Castañeda Judge VII 39 37
Blanca Aída Stalling Dávila Judge VIII 39 39
Silvia Verónica García Molina Judge IX 38 39
Vladimir Osman Aguilar Guerra Judge X 38 40
Nester Mauricio Vásquez Pimentel Judge XI 41 31
Ranulfo Rafael Rojas Cetina Judge XII 35 38
José Antonio Pineda Barales Judge XIII 35 36

Notes and references

  1. ↑ Rodríguez, Manuel (30 March 2015). "Baldetti suspende plan para "limpiar" lago de Amatitlán". Diario La Hora (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 23 April 2015. In early 2015, the Lake Amatitlan Authority commission granted in to exceptional events a contract to the Israeli company M. Tarcic Engineering Ltd. for 137.8 million de quetzals, to purchase 93 000 liters of an alleged decontaminant that it would applit to Lake Amatitlán. However, after complains and legal action from scientist, academia, politicians and environmentalists who questioned the Israeli company contract, then vicepresident Roxana Baldetti suspended the proyect on 30 March 2015 and froze both the payment to the company and any decontaminant pouring into the lake.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 Véliz, Rodrigo (17 April 2015). "El Caso SAT: el legado de la inteligencia militar". Centro de Medios Independientes de Guatemala (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 22 April 2015.
  2. 1 2 3 "Ex vicepresidenta Baldetti capturada esta mañana por tres delitos". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 21 August 2015. Retrieved 21 August 2015.
  3. ↑ Ruano, Jessica (21 August 2015). "CICIG: Otto Pérez participó en "La Línea"". Guatevisión (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 21 August 2015.
  4. ↑ "Exvicepresidenta Baldetti capturada esta mañana por tres delitos". ElPeriódico (Guatemala). 21 August 2015. Retrieved 6 September 2015.
  5. ↑ "Maldonado Aguirre revala su terna vicepresidencial". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 3 September 2015. Retrieved 3 September 2015.
  6. 1 2 3 Solano, Luis (22 April 2015). "#Caso SAT ¿La punta del iceberg?". Albedrío (in Spanish). Retrieved 25 April 2015.
  7. 1 2 Rodríguez Pellecer, Martín (17 April 2015). "El final del proyecto político del Partido Patriota". Blog Númada (in Spanish). Guatemala. Retrieved 18 April 2015.
  8. ↑ Partido Socialista Centroamericano (6 May 2015). "¡Que renuncie YA el Gobierno del Partido Patriota!". Albedrío (in Spanish). Guatemala. Retrieved 6 May 2015.
  9. 1 2 3 Martínez, Sanjuana (14 September 2014). "Enjuician en Guatemala a Byron Lima Oliva, el asesino del obispo Gerardi". La Jornada (in Spanish) (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México). Retrieved 30 April 2015.
  10. ↑ Font, Juan Luis (19 April 2015). "La agonía del Gobierno". Contrapoder (in Spanish). Guatemala. Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  11. ↑ "Red de defraudación controlaba operaciones de la SAT". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 17 April 2015. Retrieved 9 September 2015.
  12. 1 2 "Desmantelan red de defraudadores - Forma de operar". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 20 April 2015. Retrieved 7 September 2015.
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 Gómez, Carlos. "CICIG desarticula estructura de defraudación aduanera". La Nación (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  14. ↑ Vásquez, Vivian. "Banda dedicada a la defraudación en aduanas testificará". La Nación (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  15. ↑ El Periódico (19 April 2015). "Acorralada a preguntas por la prensa, Baldetti da media vuelta y se retira". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  16. ↑ Juárez, T., Tulio (20 April 2015). "Cada "alto rango" se embolsó unos 40 millones de quetzales en un año; los de "mediano", de 15 a 20 millones…". elPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 21 April 2015.
  17. 1 2 3 "Los misteriosos viajes de Juan Carlos Monzón". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 21 April 2015. Retrieved 21 April 2015.
  18. 1 2 3 "Caso La Línea: Eco dice que repartía el 61 por ciento de cobros ilegales". Diario La Hora (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 29 September 2015. Retrieved 29 September 2015.
  19. ↑ "Una casa a la altura de Juan Carlos Monzón" (in Spanish). Guatemala. 9 December 2014. Retrieved 23 April 2015.
  20. 1 2 Alvarado, Hugo (23 April 2015). "Empresas de Monzón Rojas han recibido millones". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 23 April 2013.
  21. 1 2 3 "Caso SAT: En escuchas salen a luz dos personajes: "el Presidente" y "la Señora"". Emisoras Unidas (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 17 April 2015. Retrieved 22 April 2015.
  22. ↑ "Pérez Molina no aceptaría renuncias de ministros ni él se iría según trasciende". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 23 August 2015. Retrieved 23 August 2015.
  23. ↑ "Eco, el administrador de Roxana Baldetti". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 21 September 2015. Retrieved 21 September 2015.
  24. ↑ "Capturan a jueza Marta Sierra de Stalling por beneficiar a cabecillas de La Línea". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 22 September 2015. Retrieved 22 September 2015.
  25. 1 2 3 4 5 6 "Baldetti y Pérez Molina recibían el 50 % de "La Línea", dice Estuardo González". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 28 September 2015. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  26. 1 2 3 "Eco: Otto Pérez y Roxana Baldetti recibían el 50 por ciento de lo cobrado por sobornos aduanales". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 28 September 2015. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  27. 1 2 "Eco detalla las actividades ilícitas de las empresas de Pérez y Baldetti". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 30 September 2015. Retrieved 30 September 2015.
  28. ↑ "Inyectan Q68 millones a empresas de Baldetti". Prensa Libre (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 30 September 2015. Retrieved 30 September 2015.
  29. 1 2 Pos, José Luis. "Alejando Sinibaldi renuncia al Partido Patriota por "chantajes de Baldetti"". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  30. 1 2 3 "Acorralada a preguntas por la prensa, Baldetti da media vuelta y se retira". ElPeriódico (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 19 April 2015. Retrieved 19 April 2015.
  31. 1 2 "CSJ advierte que no tolerará intejencias nacionales o extranjeras". Diario La Hora (in Spanish) (Guatemala). 28 July 2015. Retrieved 28 July 2015.

External links

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