Shooting of Laquan McDonald

Shooting of Laquan McDonald

A memorial from protesters of the shooting of Laquan McDonald, November 24, 2015
Time 9:57:36–9:57:54 p.m. (CST)[1]
Date October 20, 2014
Location 4100 South Pulaski Road, Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
Coordinates 41°49′04.7″N 87°43′26.4″W / 41.817972°N 87.724000°W / 41.817972; -87.724000Coordinates: 41°49′04.7″N 87°43′26.4″W / 41.817972°N 87.724000°W / 41.817972; -87.724000
Filmed by Police cruiser dashboard cameras
Participants
  • Officer Jason Van Dyke (shooter)
  • Laquan McDonald (death)
Deaths Laquan McDonald
Accused Jason Van Dyke
Charges First-degree murder
Official misconduct

The shooting of Laquan McDonald occurred on October 20, 2014 in Chicago, Illinois, when McDonald—a 17-year-old black male armed with a 3-inch (76 mm) knife[2]—was shot 16 times in 13 seconds[3] by Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke from approximately ten feet (3 m) away.[4][5] Video of the shooting, captured on one police cruiser's dashboard camera, was released to the public on November 24, 2015—over 13 months after the shooting and only after several independent investigators demanded release of records. Van Dyke was charged with first-degree murder a few hours after the video's release. After turning himself in to authorities, he was initially ordered held without bail at Cook County Jail[6] but released on November 30 after posting bail.[7] There have been numerous protests denouncing McDonald's death and calls for change on multiple levels in light of how the case was handled, which insinuate a cover-up (although none has been proven), including the firing of Chicago Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy[8] and demands for the resignation of other Chicago city officials.

Profiles

Jason Van Dyke

Jason D. Van Dyke (born c. 1978) was born in Hinsdale, Illinois and graduated from Hinsdale South High School in 1996. He earned a bachelor's degree in criminal justice from St. Xavier University in Chicago.[9] A 14-year veteran of the Chicago Police Department with a salary of $78,012, Van Dyke is married and has two children.[10][11] At least 20 citizen complaints have been filed against Officer Van Dyke (Star #9465) since 2001, but none resulted in disciplinary action.[12][13] Ten of the complaints allege he used excessive force, and two involve the use of a firearm.[14] A jury awarded a Chicago man $350,000 after determining Van Dyke employed excessive force during a traffic stop.[15] One complaint involved verbal abuse with use of a racial slur.[16] Van Dyke may have also been involved in the cover-up of a separate shooting in 2005.[17]

Laquan McDonald

Laquan McDonald (c. September 1997 October 20, 2014)[18] was from the 37th Ward of Chicago. He was born to a teenage mother[19] and from the age of three, McDonald lived in different relatives' homes and foster care because the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS) determined that his mother did not provide him with proper supervision.[20] At the time of his death, he was a student at Sullivan House High School[11][21] and was a ward of the state with no adult criminal record, but multiple juvenile arrests.[22]

The following excerpt from the Office of the Inspector General's Report to the Governor and the General Assembly regarding the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services, January 2016, details McDonald's childhood primarily as a ward of the state of Illinois:[18]

The ward was born to a 15-year-old mother who herself was a ward. The teen mother entered DCFS care at the age of 12 because of her mother’s extensive drug history, including giving birth to a substance-exposed (PCP) infant, her lack of participation in services, and her extensive criminal history for drug charges. By the age of 18 the teen ward lost custody of her then 3-year-old son and his younger sister after she left the children home alone and the younger sister suffered extensive burns which required hospitalization. The mother was indicated for inadequate supervision. The two children were placed with several relatives and were returned to the mother in 18 months under an order of protection. A year after they were returned to their mother, the then 5-year-old boy and his sister reentered DCFS custody because of physical abuse by the mother and her boyfriend. The boy reported that he often witnessed domestic violence between his mother and her boyfriend. His father was incarcerated. The mother, then 21 years old, did not participate in services, struggled with continued drug use and did not visit her children. After several failed placements, including one where the boy was sexually abused, the maternal great-grandmother took the children into her home. In first grade the boy was described as sometimes explosive. In 2006, when the boy was nine, the great-grandmother obtained subsidized guardianship of the children and DCFS closed its case.[23] The boy became involved with gangs and selling drugs on the street at age 12. He was a member of the New Breeds gang, and had sold drugs for the gang and had been shot at by rival gang members, but did not engage in gang violence.[23] At the age of 13 he was arrested and referred to juvenile court for possession of a controlled substance. At the age of 16 he was incarcerated at the juvenile detention center for violation of probation. He was released and placed on electronic monitoring so he could visit his 79-year-old great-grandmother before she died and attend her funeral. Afterward DCFS became his guardian and learned that he had been living with his mother prior to his detention. While in detention he exhibited aggressive behaviors, but his behavior was uneven. At times he was respectful and insightful; however his poor judgment put him at risk of harm. At one court hearing he was high on PCP and had an aggressive outburst in the courtroom resulting in his being taken into custody and placed in detention. He violated probation several times and cut off his ankle home monitor. His mother became involved in treatment and began family therapy with her son. The community service provider recommended intensive outpatient treatment while probation recommended commitment to the Department of Corrections or a residential treatment center. The court-appointed advocate recommended residential treatment. A DCFS staffing resulted in a referral to an intensive specialized foster care program for dually involved (delinquent and child welfare) youth. He and his mother agreed to attend therapy. His uncle agreed to have the youth placed with him. Intensive probation stayed involved and the ward was enrolled in an alternative school. He was suspended once but was enrolled when he died.

Shooting

Voice of America news report of the third day of protests in Chicago after the release of a video of the shooting of Laquan McDonald

Shortly before 10:00 p.m., police were called to investigate McDonald at 4100 South Pulaski Road responding to reports that he was carrying a knife[9][11] and breaking into vehicles in a trucking yard at 41st Street and Kildare Avenue.[24][25] When officers confronted McDonald, he used a knife with a 3-inch blade to slice the tire on a patrol vehicle and damage its windshield.[25][26] McDonald walked away from police after numerous verbal instructions from officers to drop the knife,[27] at which point responding officers requested Taser backup, according to radio recordings released December 30, 2015 to Politico and NBC Chicago in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.[28] He was shot 16 times in 14–15 seconds, expending the maximum capacity of Van Dyke's 9mm semi-automatic[29] firearm.[27] Video of the shooting shows that McDonald fell to the ground after the first shot was fired.[30] After McDonald fell to the ground, Van Dyke stopped firing for a moment, then opened fire again when McDonald moved, knife still in hand.[31] Van Dyke was on the scene for less than 30 seconds before opening fire and began shooting approximately six seconds after exiting his car.[27] The first responding officer stated that he did not see the need to use force and none of the at least eight other officers on the scene fired their weapons.[29]

Laquan McDonald was taken to Mount Sinai Hospital, where he was pronounced dead at 10:42 p.m.[32]

Initial police report

The initial police portrayals of the incident, consisting of about 400 pages of typed and handwritten reports,[33] prompted police supervisors to rule the case a justifiable homicide and within the bound's of the department's use of force guidelines.[34] The reports did not say how many times McDonald was shot and said McDonald was acting "crazed" and lunged at officers after refusing to drop his knife.[35] Michael D. Robbins, one of the attorneys representing the McDonald estate, indicated his initial thoughts were that “I didn’t think there was a case if he had lunged at a police officer,” adding, "The police narrative, without exception, is that the use of force is justified and necessary, which it sometimes is."[36]

One police report described that McDonald "raised the knife across chest" and pointed it at Van Dyke.[34] Van Dyke told investigators that he feared McDonald would rush him with the knife or throw it at him, and he also recalled a 2012 Police Department bulletin warning about a knife that was also capable of firing a bullet, as well as throwing knives and also spring-loaded knives capable of propelling the blade.[34][37] One report also noted that McDonald's knife "was in the open position", but when announcing charges against Van Dyke, Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez said the knife was found at the scene folded.[33][34]

Medical report

According to the Cook County Medical Examiner's Office's autopsy report, which was revealed by journalist Jamie Kalven through a public records request,[35][36] McDonald was shot in his neck, chest, back, both arms, right leg and a graze wound to his left scalp.[24] Nine of the 16 shots hit McDonald's back[38] and he was shot even as he lay on the pavement.[39] His death was ruled a homicide due to multiple gunshot wounds. Toxicology reports later revealed that McDonald had PCP in his blood and urine.[40][41][42]

Dash-cam video

Five police videos of the incident are known to exist, including the view from a camera mounted in the marked police SUV that Van Dyke was riding in as he and his partner responded to the scene.[43][44] The videos show that at least eight police vehicles responded to the scene, but no video has been released from the other three vehicles.[43] Chicago police officers are required to make sure that their video systems are working properly,[45] and that they should "submit a ticket if they are unable to download digitally recorded data", although there were no repair tickets requested by any of the three vehicles missing video on the scene that night.[46]

When video footage was initially released, it did not contain audio,[47] although Chicago Police dashboard cameras should automatically record audio when video recording is activated. According to a CPD video, "The in-car camera system automatically engages both the audio and the video recording when the vehicles' emergency roof lights are activated" and each vehicle has a front and rear camera and microphone.[46] City officials initially blamed a technical problem.[44] It was later revealed that the audio recording equipment in officer Van Dyke's vehicle had been "intentionally damaged" according to records from police technicians.[48] Another car's audio was disabled because the microphones were in the glove compartment with the batteries inserted backwards. For another, a mobile start-up recorder was corrupted and a third was processing other video at the time.[49] The Sun-Times reported that a sergeant reported officers throwing their microphones on the roof of the Jefferson Park police station to the Internal Police Review Authority a month an a half before the release of the Laquan McDonald dashcam video in an apparent protest not to be recorded.[50] Fraternal Order of Police president Dean Angelo defended officers in an interview, claiming operator error could be any number of accidents, adding, “Things always trickle downhill so it winds up the responsibility of the beat officer—god forbid it’s the responsibility of the agency.”[51]

Burger King surveillance video

There was also a security camera at a nearby Burger King restaurant that may have captured the shooting, but 86 minutes[52] of that footage of the shooting is missing.[53] The manager of the restaurant has claimed that on the night of the shooting, five Chicago police officers gained access to the video and passwords on the equipment, and that by the time the Independent Police Review Authority requested to view the footage the next day, it had been erased.[54] However, according to FBI sources, the video taken from the Burger King surveillance camera was not altered, and there were gaps all over the surveillance video because the system at Burger King was a “mess.”[55][56] The Tribune later obtained footage showing a Chicago police employee working on the restaurant's computers after the shooting.[57]

$5 million settlement

The Chicago City Council approved a $5 million settlement to McDonald's family on April 15, 2015,[58] although the family had not yet filed a wrongful-death lawsuit.[59] Emails from the mayor's office surrounding the case later revealed the settlement deal was finalized the day after Emanuel secured his second term by a run-off election.[60] Part of the settlement agreement required that the video be sealed until investigations were completed, which could have delayed the release of the video for years.[58][61] Aldermen were not shown the dash-cam video before approving the settlement, although city Corporation Counsel Stephen Patton said the video influenced the council's decision to settle before a lawsuit and details about the video were given to the Finance Committee during a hearing.[35][43] The decision took only "5 seconds out of a two hour, 45 minute meeting" to approve.[62] Dick Simpson, a UIC political scientist and former Chicago alderman, said "It's odd not only in this case but maybe in others that there isn't more debate on the floor because that's where the public gets informed."[62]

Legal proceedings

Requests for documents

Reporters noted inconsistencies between the narrative police told reporters, the autopsy, and an anonymous eye-witness account before the video was publicly released.[63] After a whistle-blower expressed concern over the handling of the McDonald shooting a few weeks after the shooting, revealing "that there was a video and that it was horrific" to journalist Jamie Kalven and attorney Criag Futterman,[64][65] Kalven and Futterman released a statement calling on Chicago police to release the dash-cam video of the incident.[35] The city of Chicago denied at least 15 requests for its release.[35]

Brandon Smith, a freelance journalist, filed a request under the Freedom of Information Act on May 26 and filed a lawsuit in August against the city when his request was denied. Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan sent a letter to the Police Department the day before a court hearing stating they cannot withhold the video and that their claim that releasing the video would interfere with an ongoing investigation or jeopardize a fair trial was unsubstantiated. On November 19, Cook County Judge Franklin Valderrama denied the city's request for a stay and ordered that the video be released to the public no later than November 25. The city did not appeal the judge's decision[66][35] and on November 24, after a press conference,[67] the video showing police killing McDonald was released.[6]

Investigations

A criminal investigation also began weeks after the shooting, when the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA) forwarded the case to the state's attorney's office and the FBI.[43] The U.S. attorney's office confirmed they had been conducting a federal criminal investigation of the McDonald case on April 13, 2015,[58] in conjunction with the state's attorney's office, after contradictions between the initial the police report and dash-cam video were found.[43] The initial report claimed that McDonald had lunged at an officer, but the video footage proved that McDonald made no lunges.[68]

On December 2, 2015, Attorney General Lisa Madigan asked the U.S. Justice Department to launch a separate civil rights investigation of Chicago police tactics.[43][69]

Van Dyke's trial

On November 24, 2015, Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez announced that Van Dyke was charged with first-degree murder, and Van Dyke turned himself in to authorities.[3] He was initially held without bail at Cook County Jail for six days.[70][71] Crowd funding website GoFundMe shut down a page that was set up to raise funds for his legal defense[72] shortly after it had raised just over $10,000.[73] On November 30, Van Dyke was granted bail, set at $1,500,000. He posted $150,000—ten percent of the bail—and was released from jail.[7]

On December 16, Van Dyke was indicted by a grand jury on six counts of first-degree murder and one count of official misconduct.[74] The six counts of first-degree murder were:

On December 29, 2015, Van Dyke pleaded not guilty to the charges.[76] Van Dyke's attorney, Daniel Herbert, said that his client fears for his life.[76] A few protesters yelled at him and called him names as he approached the courthouse for his arraignment.[76] Van Dyke had a history of complaints in his police career but was cleared in most cases.[76] After the arraignment, Herbert said he was looking for evidence to clear his client's name.[76] Later, on January 29, 2016, Herbert accused Chicago's mayor of tainting possible jurors in an effort to move the trial outside of Cook county: "It's been dozens and dozens of comments where [Rahm Emanuel]'s essentially indicted my client. He's characterized my client's actions as being heinous without even seeing the videotape. So when the mayor of the city in which the pool of jurors is drawn from has taken such an adamant stance, it makes it extremely difficult for us to get a juror in here who is not predisposed to a finding of guilt."[77] If convicted of first-degree murder, Van Dyke faces a prison sentence of 20 years to life imprisonment.[78] The case would mark the first time a Chicago police officer has been charged with first-degree murder for an on-duty fatality in nearly 35 years.[70]

Reactions to video

Protests

November protests

Short documentary of protests in Chicago over Laquan McDonald's shooting. Produced by TeleSUR
Protest on November 24, 2015 Michigan Ave. In response to recent video footage showing 17-year old Laquan McDonald being shot and killed by a Chicago, IL police officer.

A few hundred people blocked the intersection of Roosevelt and Michigan avenue on November 24, 2015 in protest after the release of the video footage.[79] On November 25, 2015, more protests were held.[80] On the second night of protest, marchers tore off lights from a public Christmas Tree in Daley Plaza and multiple marchers were arrested.[81] On Friday, November 27, a major day for shopping in the U.S., a group of protesters chanted "sixteen shots" and other slogans while marching on Michigan Avenue, the city of Chicago's central shopping district. This caused some businesses to shut their doors and the police closed Michigan Avenue, a six-lane street.[82][83][84]

December protests

A 16-hour sit-in at the Cook County building on December 3, 2015 proceeded after Alvarez refused to resign on December 2.[85] Protests erupted in the Loop after Mayor Emanuel called a special council meeting to apologize for his slow reaction to fix problems within the Chicago police department.[58] On December 24, a month after the video had been published, protests disrupting Christmas-season shopping were again held on Michigan Avenue.[86] Protesters also stood in the alley behind Emanuel's home the last three days in a row in December, promising to continue for 13 more daysto symbolize the 16 shots McDonald took from policein an effort to force Emanuel to resign.[87] On New Year's Eve, protesters temporarily took over parts of City Hall and a Hyatt hotel lobby, chanting "Rahm gotta go."[88]

January protests

Over 100 African-American pastors boycotted the 30-year tradition of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. Interfaith Breakfast, hosted by Chicago's mayor. Rev. Matthew Ross did attend the breakfast, but he interrupted the proceedings when he stood up and began to chant “16 shots and a cover-up.”[89] The day after Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, about 200 Black Youth Project 100 Chicago Chapter members, dressed in black T-shirts with the words "Fund Black Futures" written across them, blocked the entrance of the Chicago Patrolmen's Federal Credit Union in an effort to protest the Fraternal Order of Police's advocacy of the Chicago police department as city officials deal with the aftermath of the McDonald shooting and working to thange the long-standing policy of keeping police shooting video under wraps.[90] Protesters chanted "16 shots and a cover-up!" as Officer Van Dyke walked into court for a status hearing on January 29, 2016.[77]

Threats by Jabari Dean

On Sunday, November 29, 2015, Jabari Dean, a student at the University of Illinois at Chicago, threatened to kill 16 unspecified white males—one for every shot fired at McDonald, plus any white police officers who might intervene—at the University of Chicago. The university announced that classes would be cancelled the next day.[91] The same day, the FBI arrested Dean, who was charged with "transmitting in interstate commerce communications containing a threat to injure the person of another."[92] Federal prosecutors stated they did not believe Dean had the means to carry out the attack he had threatened.[93]

Other reactions

Aftermath

Firing of Superintendent Garry McCarthy

Emanuel fired Superintendent Garry McCarthy on December 1, 2015 under political pressure from protesters.[8] McCarthy knew of the dash-cam video a few weeks after the shooting and stripped Officer Van Dyke of his police powersthat's all he could legally do. Due to the IPRA investigation, he could not fire him, discipline him, or put him on a "no pay" status.[8] McCarthy refused to resign, so he was fired.[96]

Calls for Anita Alvarez's resignation

Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez has been criticized by political challengers and others for the timing of the release of the dash-cam video, which she viewed weeks after the shooting,[97] and the long wait to charge Van Dyke for McDonald's murder, which took over a year and was only done hours before the video was forced to be released. She faces a tough primary election in March 2016.[98] Calls for her resignation have come from within her own party, including Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle.[99] As of December 2, 2015, Alvarez has refused to resign, spurring a 16-hour sit-in at the Cook County building on December 3, 2015.[85] Alvarez says she has been cooperating with the FBI investigation since November 2014, asking sarcastically of her critics why she would call in the FBI if she was attempting a cover-up.[43] She has also defended Mayor Rahm Emanuel's comments that it would be premature to release the dash-cam video in light of the investigation, saying it "was in the best interest of the investigation".[98] Kim Foxx, a former prosecutor running against Alvarez with support by Jackson and other civil rights leaders,[38] disagrees: "By waiting so long to press charges in this case, State's Attorney Alvarez has done the McDonald family and the entire criminal justice system a heinous disservice. She waited until her hand was forced by intense political and media pressure surrounding the release of this painful video. She waited even after City Hall was prepared to pay the McDonald family $5 million in damages."[98]

Calls for Rahm Emanuel's resignation

McDonald's killing occurred four months before Emanuel faced a tough bid for reelection in February 2015 (where he failed to win the majority and was elected by 56 percent in a runoff electionthe first in Chicago's history—against Jesús "Chuy" García).[38][100] The timing, as well as the Chicago City Council awarding the family $5 million within weeks of McDonald's death[38] and firing of Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy[97] seem to point to a cover-up. Ben Joravsky, noted by Salon writer Edward McClelland as a "longtime Machine-hater", sums up the feelings of conspiracy in the Chicago Reader: "Just imagine Mayor Emanuel had released the video in, say, November [2014]—without being forced to by a lawsuit.... But of course, he didn't do the right thing. He buried the video. He allowed officials to mislead the public. He hid the tapes because most likely he [...] assumed it would hurt his reelection campaign. Thus he not only did the immoral thing, he did the politically stupid thing. Cook County state's attorney Anita Alvarez probably would've quickly responded with an indictment—just like she did earlier this week, when the tape actually was released. I mean, it's really hard to look at that tape and not call for an indictment. If the mayor had done that, he wouldn't be the villain in this sordid story. He'd be the hero. Or at least the guy who finally, for once in his life, did the right thing."[101]

Emanuel has since created the Task Force on Police Accountability to review oversight and training that is currently in place for Chicago's police officers.[102][103] He also maintains he never saw the dash-cam video until it was publicly released and will not resign.[103] Emanuel's image also received a blow when when U.S. District Judge Edmond Chang accused city attorney Jordan Marsh, an attorney who handled cases in the office that represents the city in police misconduct lawsuits, of hiding evidence in a fatal police shooting.[104]

There is no legal mechanism to force Emanuel's resignation.[105] State representative La Shawn K. Ford has filed House Bill 4356 which would allow for the recall of Emanuel as Chicago mayor and set up the mechanism for a recall election.[106]

Shooting of Ronald Johnson III video released

An "eerily" similar shooting on October 12, 2014,[58] which occurred just eight days before the shooting of McDonald, was revealed December 1, 2015. Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez's office investigated possible criminal charges against Officer George Hernandez (whose name was revealed on December 7),[107] who shot Johnson in the back during a foot chase. The officer opened fire just seconds after arriving on the scene after Johnson was moving away from police.[69] Major differences between the two cases are that Johnson was allegedly a known gang member and also allegedly armed; a gun was recovered at the scene. The attorney for Johnson's family contends police planted the weapon.[69] Just like the McDonald case, however, the city has fought to keep video of the incident secret so as not to jeopardize the officer's right to a fair trial should he be indicted,[69] and the video also lacks audio.[43] The video was released on December 7 due to pressure for transparency prompted by the McDonald case, with no charges filed against Hernandez.[43][107]

De-escalation and Taser training

On December 30, 2015, Emanuel announced sweeping changes within the police department, including new police training for handling tense situations and equipping every officer with a Taser; all officers will be equipped and trained by June 2016.[108] Officers at the scene were waiting for a Taser to arrive before Van Dyke shot McDonald. Around the time of the shooting, 21.5 percent of officers—about 1 in 5—were trained to use a Taser.[109] Dean Angelo, president of the Chicago chapter of the Fraternal Order of Police, said on the subject: "I know there are people on the job for 9 or 10 years who have not been trained. I can't say they have all requested training, but I am sure some have. It's very hard to get the proper training as a Chicago police officer and that's something that has been going on for a very long time. There is certainly a percentage of my members who believe that the Chicago Police Department doesn't offer the same level of training, or the same opportunities to obtain training, as many other police departments in the country. I think the general attitude is that's just 'Welcome to the Chicago Police Department.'"[109]

Emails from the mayor's office released

On December 31, 2015, 3,085 pages of emails[110] split across seven PDFs[111] regarding the McDonald case and other police-related matters were obtained under the Illinois Freedom of Information Act. The timing of the release (on New Year's Eve) has been described by reporters as "strategic".[60][112] The exchanges show that the mayor's staff had been communicating with both the IPRA and the office of the Cook County state attorney ever since the October 2014 shooting, moving from fact-gathering to news-monitoring to crafting a unified "message" on how to respond to media inquiries regarding the McDonald shooting, including several highly redacted speech drafts should the video ever be released[57][110]nearly a year before the release of the dash-cam video, which Emanuel's top aides knew about.[57][113] The emails also cover the topics of discrepancies between the police reports and dash-cam video, the lack of audio on the dash-cam videos (which senior mayoral adviser David Spielfogel noted: "The number of malfunctions seems a bit odd."), exasperation with statements made by the IPRA, the missing Burger King footage that could be assumed as a cover-up, and reports on protests and social media activityall of which is highly redacted.[111]

The emails call into question the "independence" of the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA), an agency approved by Chicago City Hall in 2007 to investigate allegations of police misconduct and made of entirely civilian members.[114] Aides to the mayor have responded that the communications were routine and didn't interfere with the IPRA's investigation.[110] Scott Ando, the former head of the IPRA who was fired by Emanuel in December, concurred that the mayor’s office never interfered in the agency’s investigations. However, he did comment: "We were generally asked to clear every messaging or release to the press ... I really think if I'd been allowed to be more responsive to the questions that were posed, it would have cleared the air a lot sooner."[113] Adam Collins, a spokesperson for the mayor, has defended the mayor's office to the media by saying, "The mayor's office obviously does not direct investigations, nor are any employees involved in those investigations."[88] However, in a May 26 email to Janey Rountree, Deputy Chief of Staff for Public Safety, Collins wrote: "Against my recommendation, IPRA has already provided this response that was a little antagonistic. I've asked that they follow up with this as well to soften and reinforce their message."[88] The emails also reveal communication between influential religious leaders Reverend Jesse Jackson and Father Michael Pfleger to ask them to soften their critical remarks on the case and explain they could not fire Officer Van Dyke due to the IPRA investigation.[57][110]

Contributors including Streetsblog Chicago reporter Steven Vance, Chicago Teachers Union member Luke Carman, and Twitter user "natalie solidarity", among others, have collaborated an effort to catalog the documents for easier referencing,[111] which can be found here: .

See also

References

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