Civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay

Civic-military Dictatorship of Uruguay
Dictadura cívico-militar en Uruguay
1973–1985 →
Flag Coat of arms
Motto
"Libertad o Muerte" (Spanish)
"Freedom or Death"
Capital Montevideo
Languages Spanish
Government Military dictatorship
President
 •  1973–1976 Juan María Bordaberry
 • 1976 Alberto Demicheli
 • 1976–1981 Aparicio Méndez
 • 1981–1985 Gregorio Conrado Álvarez
Historical era Cold War
 •  Established June 27, 1973
 •  Disestablished February 28, 1985
Currency Uruguayan peso

The civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay (1973–85), also known as the Uruguayan Dictatorship, was an authoritarian military dictatorship that ruled Uruguay for twelve years, from June 27, 1973 (after the 1973 coup d'état) until February 28, 1985. The dictatorship has been the subject of much controversy due to its violations of human rights, use of torture, and the unexplained disappearances of many Uruguayans.[1] The term "civic-military" refers to the military regime's initial use of a relatively powerless civilian President as the head of state, which distinguished it from dictatorships in other South American countries in which senior military officers immediately seized power and directly served as Head of State.

The dictatorship was the culmination of an escalation of violence and authoritarism in a traditionally peaceful and democratic country, and should be analyzed in the context of the Cold War and other military dictatorships in the region. It resulted in the suppression of all former political activity, including the traditional political parties. Many people were imprisoned and tortured, especially left-wingers.[2]

Political situation in Uruguay

The slow road to dictatorship started in late 1960s. Between 1952 and 1967 country experimented with a collective Presidency. National Council of Governmentconsisted of nine members, six from the majority party and three from the opposition. This provided for a weak leadership during worsening economic situation in the country. After re-establishment of Presidency, the new President President Gestido in December 1967 banned Socialist Party of Uruguay. In order to suppress leftist activists, President Jorge Pacheco (1967–72) banned leftist political parties and their newspapers, purged liberal professors from universities and suppressed labor unions. His repressive politics, as well as the crisis in economy and high inflation fueled social conflict and guerrilla Tupamaro activities. On June 13, 1968 Pacheco declared a state of emergency. Repeated state of emergency was declared in August 1970 after Tupamaros killed US security expert Dan Mitrione and in January 1971 when they kidnapped UK ambassador Geoffrey Jackson. When more than 100 Tupamaros escaped from jail, on September 9, 1971 Pacheco ordered army to suppress all guerrilla activities.[3] In order to coordinate their anti-guerrilla actions, armed forces created Junta de Comandates en Jefe which was the first military coordination body independent of the usual Ministry of Defense oversight. Later it evolved into Estado Mayour Conjunto (ESMACO).[4]

Between 1968 and 1971 expenses on military doubled from 13,3% of the budget to 26,2% while expenses on education fell from 24,3% to 16%.[5]

In November 1971 general elections were held. In response to Pacheco's effort to change the Constitution and to run for re-election, leftist parties created Broad Front. In the controversial election Wilson Ferreira Aldunate, candidate of Blancos, won more votes than the Pacheco's hand-picked successor and eventual winner of the elections Juan María Bordaberry from Colorado party.[6] Right from the start Bordaberry was perceived as a weak President.

Bordaberry Presidency, 1972-73

After becoming President in March 1, 1972 the inexperienced Bordaberry had to concentrate on fighting Tupamaros and chose to continue oppressive policies of Pacheco. On April 15, 1972 he declared state of "internal war" which suspended civil liberties and was then extended by National Assembly in September 1972, November 1972 and March 1973. On July 10, 1972 a new State Security law came into force. It allowed political prisoners to be tried in military courts. Army officers assumed expanded responsibilities in government.

By the end of the year army had effectively destroyed Tupamaros and their leader Raúl Sendic imprisoned. Most of the Tupamaro leaders spent 12 years in prison and later become prominent politicians.

Torture was effectively used to gather information needed to break up the Tupamaros and also against trade union activists, members of the Communist Party and even regular citizens.

On June 22, 1972 National Assembly decided to investigate allegations of torture and human-rights violations by military. In response, military refused to cooperate with this investigation, and persuaded Bordaberry to establish a joint military commission that would investigate corruption among politicians.

The coup of 1973

During the few years when it was granted extraordinary powers, Uruguayan military had acquired taste for political power and behaved with increasing independence.

In late 1972 Bordaberry tried to limit military's political powers. In October 19, 1972 meeting with military chiefs Bordaberry was presented with eight-point program in which military demanded immovability of commanding officers, military participation in state enterprises, independence of military corruption investigation, and military control over police.[7]

On February 8, 1973 Bordaberry tried to assert his authority over military and appointed retired general Antinio Francese as the new Minister of National defense. Navy initially supported this appointment while Army and Air force commanders rejected him outright and on February 9 and 10 issued public proclamations in which they demanded radical changes in country's political and economic system - they promised to end unemployment, support local industry, eliminate corruption, implement land reform and end all terrorism.

Bordaberry bowed to the pressure and on February 12 in Air Force headquarters concluded Boisso-Lanza agreement with the armed force commanders which provided for their involvement in politics in advisory role. A new National Security Council (COSENA) was created consisting of Army, Air force and Navy commanders as well as ministers of National defense, Interior, Economics and Foreign affairs. From now on they effectively were in control of the country. Bordaberry had saved his post by participating in a self-coup.

Presidents

Life under dictatorship

Uruguay's democratically elected Parliament continued working until June 27, 1973 when it was dismissed for displaying resistance to the military regime. Bordaberry created new Council of State and put military in control over civilian life. The new dictatorship was inspired by Brazilian military government, which postulated that in the Cold war all means are allowed in order to defeat the Left and Communists.[8]

COSENA was de facto governing body meeting every week and approving policies while the JOG (Junta de Oficiales Generales) was the source of the power. By 1977 it consisted of 28 members mostly army generals, air force brigadiers and navy admirals. To secure its rule on December 6, 1976 a new Council of the Nation was created by uniting Council of the State and JOG.

Regime's promises to improve economy where dashed by the global crisis caused by the 1973 oil crisis. Uruguay started borrowing money from international lenders, chiefly, from the USA. Opening of the small local economy to the global corporations and financial institutions ruined local Uruguayan companies, who could no longer compete. Regime was forced to borrow even more and to cut budget expenditures. By 1981 the country of 3 million people owed 4 billion USD.[9]

Bordaberry, whose political career was notable for opportunism, became greater advocate of dictatorship than even the military officers. After he proposed the project of a new undemocratic Constitution he was removed from his post in June 1976.[10]

He was succeeded by Alberto Demicheli, head of the Council of State who, while a relative liberal among the ruling group, cancelled the elections that were supposed to take place in 1976. However, he refused to sign a law removing political rights of thousands of politicians. In his place on September 1, 1976 senior politician Aparicio Méndez was appointed to the post of President.

Minister of Economy and Finance Alejandro Végh Villegas tried to improve economy by promoting the finance sector and foreign investment. Social spending was cut and many state companies privatized. However, after 1980 economy deteriorated, GDP fell by 20% and unemployment rose to 17%. State had to step in and bail-out many collapsing businesses and banks. This failure of the regime to improve economy further weakened its position.[11]

In August 1977 Armed forces announced its plan for reorganizing Uruguayan democracy. Only two traditional parties - National party and Colorado party were to exist, and President would be elected from a single, pre-approved candidate. In 1980 military regime proposed this project of Constitution to be subjected to a 1980 referendum. In a shock to the regime, 57,2% of voters voted against the proposal. This vote marked the start of negotiated return to democracy. The military's belief that they needed to legitimize their proposed Constitution by holding an actual referendum which they lost (as opposed to simply falsifying the voting results) was itself an indication that democracy was not quite dead yet in Uruguay.

On September 1, 1981, General Gregorio Álvarez, who was secretary of the National Security Council since 1973 and Commander-in-Chief of Uruguayan Armed forces from 1978-1979, assumed the Presidency and began negotiations with civilian politicians about returning power to elected officials. On June 7, 1982 Political Parties law allowed tradition political parties - Blancos, Colorados and Civic Union Party - to resume their activities, while leftist parties remained banned. On November 28 elections were held to elect representatives to political party conventions who then were expected to select new leaders who then would be allowed to participate in Presidential elections of 1984.[12]

In 1983 workers and labor unions were allowed to demonstrate on May 1. From May to July 1983 political parties and military officers held negotiations in Park Hotel without any results. In November 27, 1983 a massive street demonstration was allowed in Montevideo with approximately 500 000 people participating.

Return to democracy, 1984-1985

1984 saw strikes against the regime and in support of political prisoners. On January 13 the first 24-hour general strike since 1973 was organized. talks between military leadership and civilian politicians intensified despite the fact that several political leaders were still banned (notably Wilson Ferreira Aldunate). On August 3, 1984 the Naval Club Pact was signed, it restored the constitution of 1967, allowed military to maintain advisory role in security matters, allowed military to control appointment of senior officers. Military also received blanket amnesty for human-rights violations.[13]

In November 25, 1984 elections were held and following the brief interim Presidency of Rafael Addiego Bruno on March 1, 1985 Colorado Party candidate Julio Maria Sanguinetti became the new President.

The first Sanguinetti administration implemented economic reforms and consolidated democratization following the country's years under military rule. Nonetheless, Sanguinetti never supported the human rights violations accusations, and his government did not prosecute the military officials who engaged in repression and torture against either the Tupamaros or the MLN. Instead, he opted for signing an amnesty treaty called in Spanish "Ley de Amnistia."

Oppression and emigration

During dictatorship more than 5000 people were arrested for political reasons and almost 10% of Uruguayans emigrated from the country. Torture practices extended until the end of Uruguayan dictatorship in 1985. Uruguay had the highest per capita percentage of political prisoners in the world - almost 20% of population were arrested for shorter or longer periods. The MLN heads were isolated in prisons and subjected to repeated acts of torture. Emigration from Uruguay rose drastically, as large numbers of Uruguayans looked for political asylum throughout the world.

Around 180 Uruguayans are known to have been killed during the 12-year military rule from 1973-1985.[14] Most were killed in Argentina and other neighbouring countries, with only 36 of them having been killed in Uruguay.[15] A large number of those killed, were never found and the missing people have been referred to as the "disappeared", or "desaparecidos" in Spanish. The Museo de la Memoria, in Montevideo, commemorates those who were murdered or "disappeared" under the regime.

Aftermath

The legacy of the dictatorship still gives rise to debate and controversy. In the conversations that led to the Naval Club Pact, the idea was floated that the military would release its power on the condition that those involved would not be prosecuted for their actions during the dictatorship. Many considered this unacceptable, but a political crisis that eventually menaced Uruguay's relatively fragile new democratic government during the re-democratization process led to the controversial enactment in 1986 of the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State (Spanish: Ley de Caducidad de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado), called the Expiry Law (Spanish: Ley de Caducidad), which is still in force:[16] in 1989 and 2009, Uruguayans voted in referenda twice to keep the law, which detractors consider to be plain impunity.[17]

In 2006 former President Bordaberry was arrested for his involvement in murder of four opposition members in Argentina, conducted as a part of Operation Condor. In February 2010 he was sentenced to 30 years for violating the Constitution by participating on the 1973 coup.[18]

See also

References

  1. ↑ "History of Uruguay". Retrieved 25 October 2015.
  2. ↑ "URUGUAY - THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT". Retrieved 25 October 2015.
  3. ↑ Pachequism, 1967-72
  4. ↑ Bounded Missions: Military Regimes and Democratization in the Southern Cone
  5. ↑ Latin American Dictators of the 20th Century: The Lives and Regimes of 15 Rulers
  6. ↑ NIXON: "BRAZIL HELPED RIG THE URUGUAYAN ELECTIONS," 1971
  7. ↑ Bounded Missions: Military Regimes and Democratization in the Southern Cone
  8. ↑ THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT, 1973-85
  9. ↑ Latin American Dictators of the 20th Century: The Lives and Regimes of 15 Rulers
  10. ↑ Juan María Bordaberry obituary
  11. ↑ The Military's Economic Record
  12. ↑ Uruguay: voters cast ballots for 'end to military dictatorship'
  13. ↑ Pact of the Naval Club
  14. ↑ "New find in Uruguay 'missing' dig.". BBC News. December 3, 2005. Retrieved 2011-02-04.
  15. ↑ "Uruguay dig finds 'disappeared'.". BBC News. November 30, 2005. Retrieved 2011-02-04.
  16. ↑ "Uruguay Annual Report 2011". Amnesty International. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
  17. ↑ "A brief history of Uruguay's Expiry Law". London School of Economics. Retrieved 28 October 2013.
  18. ↑ Former Uruguayan dictator Juan Maria Bordaberry dies
This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the Monday, February 08, 2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.