Chinese community in India

Chinese community in India
Total population
4,000 Chinese Indians (2014)[1]
5-7,000 Chinese expatriates (2015)[2]
Regions with significant populations
Chinese Indians: Kolkata, Mumbai
Chinese expatriates: Mumbai, Gurgaon, Bangalore[2]
Languages
Bengali, Hindi, Tamil, Telugu, varieties of Chinese (especially Hakka), English
Religion
Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism

Chinese people in India are two communities with separate origins and settlement. One is of immigrants from China and Indian-born people of Chinese ancestry and the other is of expatriate Chinese living in India for terms of usually 2–3 years.[2]

The immigrant community started centuries ago and became more prominent in the late 18th century with arrivals working at the ports in Calcutta and Madras, and has gone on to contribute to the social and economic life of Kolkata through manufacturing and trade of leather products and running Chinese restaurants.[3] The community numbers about 4,000 with around 2,000 living in Kolkata and 400 families in Mumbai, where there are Chinatowns.[1][4][5]

There are an estimated 5-7,000 Chinese expatriates living in India as of 2015, having doubled in number in recent years. Most work on 2-3 year term contracts for the growing number of Chinese brands and companies doing business in India.[2]

History

Chinese Buddhist monk Faxian at the ruins of Ashoka palace

The first record of travel from China is provided in the travelogue of Faxian (Fa-Hien) who visited Tampralipta, in what is now Tamluk in the 5th century AD. Records of immigration for the next sixteen centuries are not reliable although many words in Bengali can be attributed to Chinese influences.[3] For example, chini, the Bengali word for "sugar" comes from the word for China, and words like Chinamati for porcelain china hint at Chinese influences.[6]

The first recorded Chinese settler in India is Tong Achew,a trader who landed near Budge Budge in late 18th century. Achew set up a sugar cane plantation along with a sugar factory. Achew brought in a band of Chinese workers to work in his plantation and factory. This was the first Chinese settlement in India. Achew died shortly after and the Chinese settlers moved to Kolkata. The place came to be named as Achipur, after Tong Achew. Achew's grave and a Chinese temple is still seen in Achipur.[7]

Portuguese India

Chinese children who were kidnapped by the Portuguese from China were sold as slaves in Portuguese India.[8][9][10][11] The Portuguese were alleged to have eaten some of the Chinese children.[12][13][14] In Portuguese India, the Indian Muslim Kunjali Marakkars fought against the Portuguese and raided their shipping. One of the Kunjali Marrakars (Kunjali IV) rescued a Chinese boy, called Chinali, who had been enslaved on a Portuguese ship. The Kunjali was very fond of him, and he became one of his most feared lieutenants, a fanatical Muslim and enemy of the Portuguese, terrorizing them in battle.[15][16] The Portuguese were terrorized by the Kunjali and his Chinese right-hand man, eventually, after the Portuguese allied with Calicut's Samorin, under Andre Furtado de Mendoça they attacked the Kunjali and Chinali's forces, and they were handed over to the Portuguese by the Samorin after he reneged on a promise to let them go.[17] Diogo do Couto, a Portuguese historian, questioned the Kunjali and Chinali when they were captured.[18] He was present when the Kunjali surrendered to the Portuguese, and was described: "One of these was Chinale, a Chinese, who had been a servant at Malacca, and said to have been the captive of a Portuguese, taken as a boy from a fusta, and afterwards brought to Kunhali, who conceived such an affection for him that he trusted him with everything. He was the greatest exponent of the Moorish superstition and enemy of the Christians in all Malabar, and for those taken captive at sea and brought thither he invented the most exquisite kinds of torture when he martyred them."[19][20][21] However, de Couto's claim that he tortured Christians was questioned, since no other source reported this, and has been described as lacking credibility.[22][23]

British India

Entrance of Nam Soon Church, Kolkata

Kolkata, then known as Calcutta, was the capital of British India from 1772 to 1911. It was also geographically the easiest accessible metropolitan area from China by land. The first person of Chinese origin to arrive in Calcutta was Yang Tai Chow who arrived in 1778. He worked in a sugar mill with the eventual goal of saving enough to start a tea trade.[24] Many of the earliest immigrants worked on the Khidderpore docks. A police report in 1788 mentions a sizable Chinese population settled in the vicinity of Bow Bazaar Street.[3]

During the time of Warren Hastings, the first governor-general of British India, a businessman by the name of Tong Achi established a sugar mill, along with a sugar plantation at Achipur, 33 km from Calcutta, on the bank of the Hooghly River near Budge Budge.[25] A temple and the grave of Tong Achi still remain and are visited by many Chinese who come from the city during the Chinese New Year.[25]

One of the earliest records of immigration from China can be found in a short treatise from 1820. This records hints that the first wave of immigration was of Hakkas but does not elaborate on the professions of these immigrants. According to a later police census, there were 362 in Calcutta in 1837. A common meeting place was the Temple of Guan Yu, the god of war, located in the Chinese quarter near Dharmatolla.[3] A certain C. Alabaster mentions in 1849 that Cantonese carpenters congregated in the Bow Bazar Street area.[3] As late as 2006, Bow Bazar is still noted for carpentry, but few of the workers or owners are now Chinese.

Some Chinese convicts deported from the Straits Settlements were sent to be jailed in Madras in India, the "Madras district gazetteers, Volume 1" reported an incident where the Chinese convicts escaped and killed the police sent to apprehend them: "Much of the building work was done by Chinese convicts sent to the Madras jails from the Straits Settlements (where there was no sufficient prison accommodation) and more than once these people escaped from the temporary buildings' in which they were confined at Lovedale. In 186^ seven of them got away and it was several days before they were apprehended by the Tahsildar, aided by Badagas sent out in all directions to search. On 28 July in the following year twelve others broke out during a very stormy night and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties of police had disappeared—an ominous coincidence. Search was made all over the country for the party, and at length, on 15 September, their four bodies were found lying in the jungle at Walaghát, half way down the Sispára ghát path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders. It turned out that the wily Chinamen, on being overtaken, had at first pretended to surrender and had then suddenly attacked the police and killed them with their own weapons."[26][27][28] Other Chinese convicts in Madras who were released from jail then settled in the Nilgiri mountains near Naduvattam and married Tamil Paraiyan women, having mixed Chinese-Tamil children with them. They were documented by Edgar Thurston.[29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38] Paraiyan is also anglicized as "pariah".

Edgar Thurston described the colony of the Chinese men with their Tamil pariah wives and children: "Halting in the course of a recent anthropological expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, in the midst of the Government Cinchona plantations, I came across a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some years on the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur, and developed, as the result of ' marriage ' with Tamil pariah women, into a colony, earning an honest livelihood by growing vegetables, cultivating coffee on a small scale, and adding to their income from these sources by the economic products of the cow. An ambassador was sent to this miniature Chinese Court with a suggestion that the men should, in return for monies, present themselves before me with a view to their measurements being recorded. The reply which came back was in its way racially characteristic as between Hindus and Chinese. In the case of the former, permission to make use of their bodies for the purposes of research depends essentially on a pecuniary transaction, on a scale varying from two to eight annas. The Chinese, on the other hand, though poor, sent a courteous message to the effect that they did not require payment in money, but would be perfectly happy if I would give them, as a memento, copies of their photographs."[39][40] Thurston further describe a specific family: "The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to 'cut him tail off.' The mother was a typical Tamil Pariah of dusky hue. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish tint of the father than to the dark tint of the mother; and the semimongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose, and (in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones."[41][42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49] Thurston's description of the Chinese-Tamil families were cited by others, one mentioned "an instance mating between a Chinese male with a Tamil Pariah female"[50][51][52][53][54] A 1959 book described attempts made to find out what happened to the colony of mixed Chinese and Tamils.[55]

According to Alabaster there were lard manufacturers and shoemakers in addition to carpenters. Running tanneries and working with leather was traditionally not considered a respectable profession among upper-caste Hindus, and work was relegated to lower caste muchis and chamars. There was a high demand, however, for high quality leather goods in colonial India, one that the Chinese were able to fulfill. Alabaster also mentions licensed opium dens run by native Chinese and a Cheena Bazaar where contraband was readily available. Opium, however, was not illegal until after India's Independence from Great Britain in 1947. Immigration continued unabated through the turn of the century and during World War I partly due to political upheavals in China such as the First and Second Opium Wars, First Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Rebellion. Around the time of the First World War, the first Chinese-owned tanneries sprang up.[3]

In Assam, local Indian women married several waves of Chinese migrants during British colonial times, to the point where it became hard to physically differentiate Chinese in Assam from locals during the time of their internment during the 1962 war, and the majority of these Chinese in Assam were married to Indian women.[56]

Sino-Indian War

Chinese in India faced anti-national sentiment during Sino Indian war of 1962.[57] After its defeat in the war, India passed the Defence of India Act in December 1962,[58] permitting the "apprehension and detention in custody of any person [suspected] of being of hostile origin." The broad language of the act allowed for the arrest of any person simply for having a Chinese surname, a drop of Chinese blood, or a Chinese spouse.[59] Under the draconian law, 10,000 people of Chinese origin were estimated to have been detained at the desert prison camp in Deoli, Rajasthan. All of them were accused of being spies, but not a single charge has ever been proven.[58] In 1964, many internees were forcibly and arbitrarily deported, resulting in the breakup of many families.[58] The rest were released starting in 1965. The last internees were released from Deoli in mid-1967, after four and half years of captivity.[58]

The Chinese population in Calcutta decreased by half, from 20,000 to 10,000. Those who remained were seen as enemies, and most could not hold any job except in the restaurant, tanning, and shoemaking businesses.[57] Moreover, their movements were restricted. They were required to report to designated police stations once a month, and until the mid-1990s, they had to apply for special permits to travel more than a few kilometres from their homes.[58]

The situation was alleviated when India and China resumed diplomatic relations in 1976. However, it was not until 1998 that ethnic Chinese were allowed naturalized Indian citizenship.[57] In 2005, the first road sign in Chinese characters was put up in Chinatown, Tangra.[24]

Communities

Chinese New Year 2014 Celebration in Kolkata

Chinese Indians

Chinese Indians today are located in ethnic neighborhoods in Kolkata and Mumbai. The largest population is in Chinatown, Kolkata where about 2,000 live and another 400 Chinese Indian families in Mumbai.[1] Hakka Chinese of Kolkata tend to be endogamous but at the same time have integrated into Kolkata society by learning the Bengali language.

This community of Chinese works as tannery-owners, sauce manufacturers, shoeshop owners, restaurateurs, beauty parlours owners. The new generation have gone in large numbers to dentistry.[24] Many of the shoe shops lining Bentick Street, near Dharmatolla, are owned and operated by Chinese. The restaurants have given rise to fusions of Chinese (especially Hakka) and Indian culinary traditions in the widely available form of Indian Chinese cuisine. There is one Chinese newspaper published in Kolkata, The Overseas Chinese Commerce in India but figures from 2005 show that sales have dwindled from 500 to 300 copies sold.[60]

At one time, 90% of the students of the Grace Ling Liang English School were ethnic Chinese. In 2003 they comprised only about 15% of the 1500 students.[61] Many of the Chinese of Kolkata are Christians due to the influence of missionary schools they studied in.

The Chinese New Year remains widely observed as well as Hungry Ghost Festival and Moon Festival.[24][62] The Chinese of Kolkata celebrate Chinese New Year with lion and dragon dance. It is celebrated in the end of January or early February.[63]

Expatriates

Expatriate Chinese in India are concentrated in the cities of Mumbai, Delhi and Bangalore.[2] The Mumbai neighborhood of Powai is described by the Economic Times as an "upcoming hub" for Chinese expats, who according to the newspaper "form close communities within themselves."[2] Better integration of Chinese expats in their host communities is hampered by short time frames of stays, often durations only last for 2–3 years as part of a work contract.[2] Also many in order to comply with visa regulations must routinely exit and leave India.[2]

Notable people

See also

Notes

  1. 1 2 3 "India’s fading Chinese community faces painful war past". AFP. November 2, 2014.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 "Why India remains a difficult terrain for 7,000 Chinese expatriates living in the country". Economic Times. August 28, 2015.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Haraprasad, Ray (2012). "Chinese, The". In Islam, Sirajul; Jamal, Ahmed A. Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (Second ed.). Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.
  4. ↑ Krishnan, Murali (October 17, 2013). "India's dwindling Chinatown". Deutsche Welle.
  5. ↑ Someshwar, Savera R (2007-01-23). "Happy Indian Chinese New Year". Rediff.com. Retrieved 2008-10-08.
  6. ↑ Suniti Chatterji. The Origin and Development of Bengali Language, University of Calcutta Press, 1926.
  7. ↑ Datta, Rangan (19 March 2006). "Next weekend you can be at ... Achipur". The Telegraph. Retrieved 1 February 2014.
  8. ↑ Jeanette Pinto (1992). Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510-1842. Himalaya Pub. House. p. 18. Retrieved 2012-05-05. respectable families for sale s slaves in India.36 Chinese slaves and domestic servants were for the most part kidnapped from their villages when they were young, and sold to the Portuguese by native pimps. Jean Mocquet in his book Old China Hands records that the Portuguese were particularly desirous of secur-
  9. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 225. Retrieved 2012-05-05. account of Golden Goa (with the gilding off) a century later, stayed "in a tavern kept by a Chinese, who are white, Platter-fac'd, and Little-eyed, tolerated on account of embracing Christianity.
  10. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 224. Retrieved 2012-05-05. Some of these wants and strays found themselves in queer company and places in the course of their enforced sojourn in the Portuguese colonial empire. The Ming Shih's complain that the Portuguese kidnapped not only coolie or Tanka children but even those of educated persons, to their piratical lairs at Lintin and Castle Peak, is borne out by the fate of Barros' Chinese slave already
  11. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 224. Retrieved 2012-05-05. or Viceregal decree promulgated by Matthias de Albuquerque in March 1595. The preamble of this Alvara states that the Chinese had made many and grievous complaints that the Portuguese of Macao were in the habit of kidnapping or buying Chinese, both for use as domestic servants as well as
  12. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 223. Retrieved 2012-05-05. As early as 1519, the Portuguese were accused of kidnapping children, many of them from respectable families, for sale as slaves in India. It was even alleged in the Ming-shih that they roasted and ate them for food. Joao de Barros
  13. ↑ Sanjay Subrahmanyam (2012). The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History (2 ed.). John Wiley & Sons. p. 240. ISBN 1118274024. Retrieved 2012-05-05. It has been suggested that the import of slaves into Goa was in the sixteenth century largely from Bengal, China, and Japan, and later from East Africa -- (De Souza 1979: 124--5). These three sources -- the Far East, Bengal, and East Africa -- certainly account for the bulk of the slaves to be found in early seventeenth-century Goa. Consider the household of Garcia de Melo, an important fiscal official, who was arrested for fraud in 1611; when an inventory of his household goods was taken, they were found to include nineteen slaves, six from Bengal (including three eunuchs, or capados), six from China, and seven from East Africa (AHU, Cx. 1, doc. 101). All of the slaves had been converted, and possessed only Christian names -- not surnames (indicating their lowly social status).
  14. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1948). Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1770: fact and fancy in the history of Macao. M. Nijhoff. p. 223. Retrieved 2012-05-05. These Chinese slaves and domestic servants were for the most part kidnapped from their villages when they were young, and sold to the Portuguese by native pimps. The French traveller Mocquet, writing in the second decade of the
  15. ↑ Charles Ralph Boxer (1948). Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1770: fact and fancy in the history of Macao. M. Nijhoff. p. 225. Retrieved 2 March 2012. we meet with a surprisingly frequent number of references to Chinese wayfarers or sojourners in India Portuguesa. One Chinese slave who was taken by Malabar pirates in his youth, subsequently became a terrible scourge to his late masters, as the right hand man of the famous Moplah pirate Kunhali. His eventual conqueror in 1600, the great Captain
  16. ↑ Sun Yat-Sen institute for the advancement of culture and education (1939). T'ien Hsia monthly, Volume 9. Original from the University of California Digitized 9 Jan 2007. p. 456. Retrieved 2 March 2012. and said to have been slave to a Portuguese, before he was captured in his youth and brought before Kunhala, who took such a fancy to him that he entrusted him with everything. He was he most fanatical Moslem and enemy of the Christian faith along the whole Malabar coast. For when prisoners were taken at sea and brought to him, he invented the most fiendish tortures ever seen, with which he martyred them."
  17. ↑ Sun Yat-Sen institute for the advancement of culture and education (1939). T'ien Hsia monthly, Volume 9. Original from the University of California Digitized 9 Jan 2007. p. 456. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Kunhali and Chinale were for years the greatest scourge of the Portuguese in the India seas. They made such effective depredations against Lusitanian shipping that the former assumed the high
  18. ↑ Sun Yat-Sen institute for the advancement of culture and education (1939). T'ien Hsia monthly, Volume 9. Original from the University of California Digitized 9 Jan 2007. p. 456. Retrieved 2 March 2012. command of Andre Furtado de Mendoça, and in alliance with the Samorin of Calicut, was more successful. Kottakkal was taken by storm and both Kunhali and his Chinese lieutenant carried off as prisoners to Goa. They remained for some time in the Goa prison, where they were interviewed by the historian Diogo do Couto.
  19. ↑ François Pyrard, Pierre de Bergeron, Jérôme Bignon (1890). The voyage of François Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil, Issue 80, Volume 2, Part 2. VOL. II, PART II. LONDON : WHITING AND CO., SARDINIA STREET. LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS: Printed for the Hakluyt society. p. 523. Retrieved 2 March 2012. allied forces the remnants of the garrison marched forth. "First came 400 Moors, many of them wounded, with their children and wives, in such an impoverished condition that they seemed as dead. These the Samorin bade go where they pleased. Last of all came Kunhali with a black kerchief on his head, and a sword in his hand with the point lowered. He was at that time a man of fifty, of middle height, muscular and broad-shouldered. He walked between three of his chief Moors. One of these was Chinale, a Chinese, who had been a servant at Malacca, and said to have been the captive of a Portuguese, taken as a boy from a fusta, and afterwards brought to Kunhali, who conceived such an affection for him that he trusted him with everything. He was the greatest exponent of the Moorish superstition and enemy of the Christians in all Malabar, and for those taken captive at sea and brought thither he invented the most exquisite kinds of torture when he martyred them. "Kunhali walked straight to the Samorin and delivered to him his sword in token of submission, throwing himself at his feet with much humility. Some say that the Samorin, inasmuch as he had promised him life, had secretly advised the Chief Captain, when Kunhali should deliver himself up, to lay hands upon him, as though he were taking him by force; and so the Chief Captain did. For, as the Samoriu was standing by him, Andre Furtado advanced, and, seizing him by the arm, pulled him aside; while the other gave a great lurch so as to get free. As he was then at the brink of a hole, the Chief Captain was in risk of falling therein, had not his arm been seized by Padre Fr. Diogo Horaen, a Religious of the Order of the Glorious Father S. Francisco, who stood on one side; Diogo Moniz Barreto, who was on the other, fell into the hole and skinned all his leg." A tumult now arose among the Nairs, which the Samorin with difficulty suppressed. In the midst of it, Chinale and Cotiale, the pirate-chief's nephew, and the other captains, attempted to escape, but were seized and manacled by the Portuguese soldiery. Kunhali himself was led off under a strong guard to the Portuguese lines. Furtado, after entering the fort hand-iu-hand with the Samorin, prudently gave up the place to be sacked by the line feed character in |quote= at position 968 (help)
  20. ↑ T. Madhava Menon, International School of Dravidian Linguistics (2000). A handbook of Kerala, Volume 1. International School of Dravidian Linguistics. p. 161. ISBN 81-85692-27-0. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Kunjali was led to the scaffold. He was fifty years of age, fair, thick set and broadbreasted. He was 'of a low stature, well-shaped and strong'. With him was Chinali, a Chinese youth whom Kunjali had rescued from a Portuguese ship.
  21. ↑ Odayamadath Kunjappa Nambiar (1963). The Kunjalis, admirals of Calicut (2 ed.). Asia Pub. House. p. 133. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Last of all came Kunjali with a black kerchief on his head, and a sword in his hand with the point lowered. He was at that time a man of fifty, of middle height, muscular and broad-shouldered. He walked between three of his chief Moors. One of these was Chinali a Chinese who had been servant at Malacca, and said to have been the captive of a Portuguese, taken as a boy from a fusta and afterwards brought to Kunjali, who conceived such an affection for him that he
  22. ↑ Indian Pirates. Concept Publishing Company. p. 138. Retrieved 2 March 2012. He walked between three of his chief Muslims: one of them was Chinali "A Chinese who had been a servant at Malacca and said to have been a captive of the Portuguese taken as a boy from a fusta and afterwards brought to Kunhali." He had conceived such an affection for him that "he treated him with everything." He was "the greatest exponent of the Moorish superstition and an enemy of the Christians in all Malabar." It is said of him that for those captured at sea and brought to Kunhali's little kingdom, he "invented the most exquisite kinds of torture when he martyred them." This wild assertion of de Couto, lacking corroboration, is apparently incredible.
  23. ↑ François Pyrard, Pierre de Bergeron, Jérôme Bignon (1890). The voyage of François Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil, Issue 80, Volume 2, Part 2. VOL. II, PART II. LONDON : WHITING AND CO., SARDINIA STREET. LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS: Printed for the Hakluyt society. p. 516. Retrieved 2 March 2012. withdrew to his camp. All this time the obstructions in the river, and the deficiency of boats, had kept Luiz da Gama a mere spectator of the scene, unable either to direct or to succour. We have, from de Couto, a picture of him standing knee-deep in the mud of the river bar, endeavouring to embark succours in the boats, while ever and anon his attempts thus to rally his forces were frustrated by the sight of the fugitives, some in boats, some swimming down the river, and all shouting, "Treason! Treason!" The body of the brave Luiz da Sylva had been got into a boat, wrapped in his flag, which a captain had torn from its standard, in order to conceal the fact of his fall. This manoeuvre, however, only added to the disorder of the soldiery, who found themselves of a sudden, and at the critical moment of the attack, without a competent leader and without colours. Thus ended the gravest disaster which had as yet befallen the Portuguese arms in India. De Couto gives a long list of noble fidalgos who fell that day, sacrificed by the incapacity of their leaders; and though he confidently asserts that the total loss was 230 men and no more, his own story of the events of the fight gives colour to the statement of Pyrard that the loss amounted to no less than 500 lives. It is further stated by de Couto, who talked the matter over with Kunhali and his lieutenant, Chinale, when they were in the Goa prison, that the loss of the besieged exceeded 500 men. The sorrow and vexation of Luiz da Gama at the death of his brave captain and the miscarriage of the whole enterprise were unbounded. His next measures, however, were dictated by good sense and humanity. Leaving a small force to blockade the fort under Francisco de Sousa, and dispatching the body of da Sylva to Cannanor, where it was temporarily interred with all available pomp, 1 he withdrew his shattered forces to Cochin, where the wounded received attention at the hospital and in the houses of the citizens. The blockading force was insufficient, and Kunhali, who had thirteen galeots ready for action in his port, might easily have forced a way to sea, had not de Sousa, by a skillful ruse, led him 1 It was afterwards conveyed to Portugal. line feed character in |quote= at position 1467 (help)
  24. 1 2 3 4 Biswas, Ranjita (2005). "Little China Stays Alive in Eastern India". IPS News. Inter Press Service News Agency. Retrieved 2006-09-26. Though most of the local Chinese are Christians, they celebrate the traditional Chinese New Year with gusto and many who emigrated from Kolkata make it a point to return at this time.
  25. 1 2 Datta, Rangan (19 March 2006). "Next weekend you can be at ... Achipur". Telegraph. Retrieved 2006-09-26.
  26. ↑ Madras (India : Presidency), Madras (India : State) (1908). Madras district gazetteers, Volume 1. MADRAS: Printed by the Superintendent, Government Press. p. 263. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Mr. Chisholm was the architect of the new buildings. The CHAP. X. boys' part is designed in the Italian Gothic style, and is a two- Educational storeyed construction forming three sides of a quadrangle Institutions. a feature of which is the campanile, 130 feet in height. The girls were at first placed in the building intended for the hospital. * Much of the building work was done by Chinese convicts sent to the Madras jails from the Straits Settlements (where there was no sufficient prison accommodation) and more than once these people escaped from the temporary buildings' in which they were confined at Lovedale. In 186^ seven of them got away and it was several days before they were apprehended by the Tahsildar, aided by Badagas sent out in all directions to search. On 28 July in the following year twelve others broke out during a very stormy night and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties of police had disappeared—an ominous coincidence. Search was made all over the country for the party, and at length, on 15 September, their four bodies were found lying in the jungle at Walaghat, half way down the Sisp^ra'gha't path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders. It turned out that the wily Chinamen, on being overtaken, had at first pretended to surrender and had then suddenly attacked the police and killed them with their own weapons. In 1884 the benefits of the Lawrence Asylum were extended by the admission to it of the orphan children of Volunteers who had served in the Presidency for seven years and upwards, it being however expressly provided that children of British soldiers were not to be superseded or excluded by this concession. In 1899 the standard of instruction in the Asylum was raised to the upper secondary grade. In 1901 the rules of the institution, which had been twice altered since 1864 to meet the changes which had occurred, were again revised and considerably modified. They are printed in full in the annual reports. In 1903 owing to the South Indian Railway requiring for its new terminus at Egmore the buildings then occupied by the Civil Orphan Asylums of Madras, Government suggested that these should be moved to the premises on the Poonamallee Road in which the Military Female Orphan Asylum was established and that the girls in the latter, who numbered about 100, should be transferred to the Lawrsnce Asylum. The transfer was line feed character in |quote= at position 349 (help)
  27. ↑ W. Francis (1994). The Nilgiris. Volume 1 of Madras district gazetteers (reprint ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 263. ISBN 81-206-0546-2. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  28. ↑ The Nilgiris. Concept Publishing Company. p. 263. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  29. ↑ Sarat Chandra Roy (Rai Bahadur), ed. (1959). Man in India, Volume 39. A. K. Bose. p. 309. Retrieved 2 March 2012. d: TAMIL-CHINESE CROSSES IN THE NILGIRIS, MADRAS. S. S. Sarkar* (Received on 21 September 1959) DURING May 1959, while working on the blood groups of the Kotas of the Nilgiri Hills in the village of Kokal in Gudalur, inquiries were made regarding the present position of the Tamil-Chinese cross described by Thurston (1909). It may be recalled here that Thurston reported the above cross resulting from the union of some Chinese convicts, deported from the Straits Settlement, and local Tamil Paraiyan
  30. ↑ Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari (1909). Castes and tribes of southern India, Volume 2 (PDF). Government press. p. 99. Archived from the original on June 21, 2013. Retrieved 2 March 2012. 99 CHINESE-TAMIL CROSS in the Nilgiri jail. It is recorded * that, in 1868, twelve of the Chinamen " broke out during a very stormy night, and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight
  31. ↑ Edgar Thurston (2011). The Madras Presidency with Mysore, Coorg and the Associated States (reissue ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 218. ISBN 1107600685. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  32. ↑ RADHAKRISHNAN, D. (April 19, 2014). "Unravelling Chinese link can boost Nilgiris tourism". The Hindu. Archived from the original on April 19, 2014. Retrieved May 17, 2014.http://www.bulletin247.com/english-news/show/unravelling-chinese-link-can-boost-nilgiris-tourism
  33. ↑ Raman, A (May 16, 2012). "Chinese in Madras". The New Indian Express. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  34. ↑ Raman, A (May 16, 2012). "Quinine factory and Malay-Chinese workers". The New Indian Express. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  35. ↑ "Chinese connection to the Nilgiris to help promote tourism potential". travel News Digest. 2013. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  36. ↑ W. Francis (1908). The Nilgiris. Volume 1 of Madras District Gazetteers (reprint ed.). Logos Press. p. 184. Archived from the original on January 1, 2010. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  37. ↑ Madras (India : State) (1908). Madras District Gazetteers, Volume 1. Superintendent, Government Press. p. 184. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  38. ↑ W. Francis (1908). The Nilgiris. Concept Publishing Company. p. 184. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  39. ↑ Government Museum (Madras, India) (1897). Bulletin ..., Volumes 2-3. MADRAS: Printed by the Superintendent, Govt. Press. p. 31. Retrieved 2 March 2012. ON A CHINESE-TAMIL CKOSS. Halting in the course of a recent anthropological expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, in the midst of the Government Cinchona plantations, I came across a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some years on the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur, and developed, as the result of 'marriage' with Tamil pariah women, into a colony, earning an honest livelihood by growing vegetables, cultivating cofl'ce on a small scale, and adding to their income from these sources by the economic products of the cow. An ambassador was sent to this miniature Chinese Court with a suggestion that the men should, in return for monies, present themselves before me with a view to their measurements being recorded. The reply which came back was in its way racially characteristic as between Hindus and Chinese. In the case of the former, permission to make use of their bodies for the purposes of research depends essentially on a pecuniary transaction, on a scale varying from two to eight annas. The Chinese, on the other hand, though poor, sent a courteous message to the effect that they did not require payment in money, but would be perfectly happy if I would give them, as a memento, copies of their photographs. The measurements of a single family, excepting a widowed daughter whom I was not permitted to see, and an infant in arms, who was pacified with cake while I investigated its mother, are recorded in the following table: line feed character in |quote= at position 26 (help)
  40. ↑ Edgar Thurston (2004). Badagas and Irulas of Nilgiris, Paniyans of Malabar: A Cheruman Skull, Kuruba Or Kurumba - Summary of Results. Volume 2, Issue 1 of Bulletin (Government Museum (Madras, India)). Asian Educational Services. p. 31. ISBN 81-206-1857-2. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  41. ↑ Government Museum (Madras, India) (1897). Bulletin ..., Volumes 2-3. MADRAS: Printed by the Superintendent, Govt. Press. p. 32. Retrieved 2 March 2012. The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to 'cut him tail off.' The mother was a typical Tamil Pariah of dusky hue. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish tint of the father than to the dark tint of the mother; and the semimongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose, and (in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones. To have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children would have been useless for the purpose of comparison with those of the parents, and I selected from my repertoire the length and breadth of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the paternal influence on the external anatomy of the offspring. The figures given in the table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with the length of the heads of all the children, and the resultant high cephalic index. In other words, in one case a mesaticephalic (79), and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80"1; 801 ; 82-4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman (78-5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Pariah (76"8). How great is the breadth of the head in the children may be emphasised by noting that the average head-breadth of the adult Tamil Pariah man is only 13"7 cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five only, was 14 3, 14, and 13"7 cm. respectively. Quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the character of the nose; the nasal index, in the case of each child (68"1 ; 717; 727; 68'3), bearing a much closer relation to that of the long nosed father (71'7) than to the typical Pariah nasal index of the broadnosed mother (78-7). It will be interesting to note, hereafter, what is the future of the younger members of this quaint little colony, and to observe the physical characters, temperament, improvement or deterioration, fecundity, and other points relating to the cross-breed resulting from the union of Chinese and Tamil. line feed character in |quote= at position 458 (help)
  42. ↑ Edgar Thurston (2004). Badagas and Irulas of Nilgiris, Paniyans of Malabar: A Cheruman Skull, Kuruba Or Kurumba - Summary of Results. Volume 2, Issue 1 of Bulletin (Government Museum (Madras, India)). Asian Educational Services. p. 32. ISBN 81-206-1857-2. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  43. ↑ Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 99. ISBN 81-206-0288-9. Retrieved 2 March 2012. The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to "cut him tail off." The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil paraiyan,
  44. ↑ Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 98. ISBN 81-206-0288-9. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  45. ↑ Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 99. Retrieved 2 March 2012.
  46. ↑ Government Museum (Madras, India), Edgar Thurston (1897). Note on tours along the Malabar coast. Volumes 2-3 of Bulletin, Government Museum (Madras, India). Superintendent, Government Press. p. 31. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  47. ↑ Government Museum (Madras, India) (1894). Bulletin, Volumes 1-2. Superintendent, Government Press. p. 31. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  48. ↑ Government Museum (Madras, India) (1894). Bulletin. v. 2 1897-99. Madras : Printed by the Superintendent, Govt. Press. p. 31. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  49. ↑ Madras Government Museum Bulletin. Vol II. Madras. 1897. p. 31. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  50. ↑ Sarat Chandra Roy (Rai Bahadur) (1954). Man in India, Volume 34, Issue 4. A.K. Bose. p. 273. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Thurston found the Chinese element to be predominant among the offspring as will be evident from his description. 'The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil Paraiyan. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish
  51. ↑ Mahadeb Prasad Basu (1990). An anthropological study of bodily height of Indian population. Punthi Pustak. p. 84. Retrieved 2 March 2012. Sarkar (1959) published a pedigree showing Tamil-Chinese-English crosses in a place located in the Nilgiris. Thurston (1909) mentioned an instance of a mating between a Chinese male with a Tamil Pariah female. Man (Deka 1954) described
  52. ↑ Man in India, Volumes 34-35. A. K. Bose. 1954. p. 272. Retrieved 2 March 2012. (c) Tamil (female) and African (male) (Thurston 1909). (d) Tamil Pariah (female) and Chinese (male) (Thuston, 1909). (e) Andamanese (female) and UP Brahmin (male ) (Portman 1899). (f) Andamanese (female) and Hindu (male) (Man, 1883).
  53. ↑ Sarat Chandra Roy (Rai Bahadur) (1954). Man in India, Volume 34, Issue 4. A.K. Bose. p. 272. Retrieved 2 March 2012. (c) Tamil (female) and African (male) (Thurston 1909). (d) Tamil Pariah (female) and Chinese (male) (Thuston, 1909). (e) Andamanese (female) and UP Brahmin (male ) (Portman 1899). (f) Andamanese (female) and Hindu (male) (Man, 1883).
  54. ↑ Edgar Thurston, K. Rangachari (1987). Castes and Tribes of Southern India (illustrated ed.). Asian Educational Services. p. 100. ISBN 81-206-0288-9. Retrieved 2 March 2012. the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80-1 ; 80-1 ; 82-4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman (78•5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76-8).
  55. ↑ Sarat Chandra Roy (Rai Bahadur), ed. (1959). Man in India, Volume 39. A. K. Bose. p. 309. Retrieved 2 March 2012. d: TAMIL-CHINESE CROSSES IN THE NILGIRIS, MADRAS. S. S. Sarkar* ( Received on 21 September 1959 ) iURING May 1959, while working on the blood groups of the Kotas of the Nilgiri Hills in the village of Kokal in Gudalur, enquiries were made regarding the present position of the Tamil-Chinese cross described by Thurston (1909). It may be recalled here that Thurston reported the above cross resulting from the union of some Chinese convicts, deported from the Straits Settlement, and local Tamil Paraiyan
  56. ↑ CHOWDHURY, RITA (November 18, 2012). "The Assamese Chinese story". The Hindu. Retrieved May 17, 2014.
  57. 1 2 3 Sen, Tansen (13 April 2005). "Go for a slight change of route". Telegraph. Retrieved 2006-09-26.
  58. 1 2 3 4 5 Jaideep Mazumdar (2010-11-20). "The 1962 jailing of Chinese Indians". OPEN. Retrieved 2014-11-17.
  59. ↑ Matt Schiavenza (2013-08-09). "India's Forgotten Chinese Internment Camp". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2014-11-17.
  60. ↑ Sardar, Aninda (3 April 2005). "Kolkata's only Chinese daily on shaky ground". Indian Express. Archived from the original on 2005-04-03. Retrieved 2006-09-26.
  61. ↑ "Loss for law, gain for school". Telegraph. 18 September 2003. Retrieved 2006-09-26.
  62. ↑ Ramduari, Charukesi (1 Sep 2013). "City Scope: Dancing to a new tune". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 4 February 2014.
  63. ↑ "Chinese New Year Celebration". New Indian Express. 31 Jan 2014. Retrieved 1 February 2014.

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