Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain

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The Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain was the process, from the mid 5th to early 7th centuries, by which the coastal lowlands of Britain developed from a Romano-British to a Germanic culture following the Roman withdrawal in the early 5th century. The traditional view of the process has assumed an invasion of several Germanic peoples, later collectively referred to as Anglo-Saxons, from the western coasts of continental Europe, followed by the establishment of Anglo-Saxon kingdoms across most of what is now England and parts of lowland Scotland. The arrival of a Germanic element in the history of Britain is also called the Advent of the Saxons (Latin: Adventus Saxonum), a term first used by Bede in about 731.^[1]

The assumption that the Anglo-Saxon settlement developed from the invasion or migration of people from the Germanic coastlands, largely displacing the native people, has been challenged by those suggesting that the changes in material culture and language were caused primarily by a process of acculturation that followed the movement of a relatively small number of people. Some writers have also argued that the influence of Germanic peoples and culture was already present in eastern regions of pre-Roman Britain. The view that the Anglo-Saxons arose from insular changes and developments, rather than as a result of mass migration and displacement, is now widely accepted.^[2] However, the extent to which incomers displaced or supplanted the existing inhabitants and the extent to which mutual acculturation occurred is still the subject of ongoing debate.^{[lower-alpha 1]} At the centre of this debate is the creation of an acceptable model for cultural and linguistic change, as there are few historical or contemporary sources relating to the anglicisation of lowland Britain. The sources that do exist are open to a variety of interpretations, as is the more recently available evidence largely derived from archaeology and genetic research.

Background

By AD 400, the Roman provinces in Britain (all the territory to the south of Hadrian's Wall) were a peripheral part of the Roman Empire in the west, occasionally lost to rebellion or invasion, but until then always eventually recovered. That cycle of loss and recapture collapsed over the next decade. Eventually around 410, while Roman power remained a force to be reckoned with for a further three generations across much of Gaul, Britain slipped beyond direct imperial control into a phase which has generally been termed "sub-Roman".^[4]

The history of this period has traditionally been a narrative of decline and fall. However evidence from Verulamium suggested that urban-type rebuilding,^[5] featuring piped water, was continuing late on in the fifth century, if not beyond. At Silchester, there are signs of sub-Roman occupation down to around AD 500,^[6] and at Wroxeter new Roman baths have been identified as Roman-type.^[7]

The writing of Patrick and Gildas (see below) demonstrates the survival of Latin literacy and Roman education, learning and law within elite society and Christianity, in Britain throughout the bulk of the 5th and 6th centuries. There are also signs in Gildas' works that the economy was thriving without the Roman taxation, as he complains of luxuria and self-indulgence. This is the 5th century Britain into which the Anglo-Saxons appear.^[8]

Historical evidence

Surveying the historical sources for signs of the Anglo-Saxon settlement, and the people, assumes that the words Angles, Saxons or Anglo-Saxon have the same meaning in all the sources. Assigning ethnic labels such as "Anglo-Saxon" is fraught with difficulties and the term itself only began to be used in the 8th century to distinguish "Germanic" groups in Britain from those on the continent.^{[9][lower-alpha 3]}

Early sources

The Chronica Gallica of 452 records for the year 441: "The British provinces, which to this time had suffered various defeats and misfortunes, are reduced to Saxon rule." The Chronicle was written some distance from Britain,^[10] There is uncertainty about precise dates for fifth-century events especially before 446.^[11] This, however, does not undermine the position of the Gallic Chronicles as a very important contemporary source, which suggests that Bede's later date for 'the arrival of the Saxons' was mistaken. In the Chronicle, Britain is grouped with four other Roman territories which came under 'Germanic' dominion around the same time, the list being intended as an explanation of the end of the Roman empire in the west.^[12] The four share a similar history, as they were all given into the "power of the barbarians" by Roman authority: three were deliberately settled with German federates and though the Vandals took Africa by force their dominion was confirmed by treaty.^[10]

Procopius states that Britain was settled by three races: the Angiloi, Frisones, and Britons, each ruled by its own king. Each race was so prolific that it sent large numbers of individuals every year to the Franks, who planted them in unpopulated regions of its territory. Writing in the mid-sixth century, he also states that after the overthrow of Constantine III in 411, "the Romans never succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time under tyrants."^[13]

Gildas's De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae

In Gildas's work of the sixth century, De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, a religious tract on the state of Britain, the Saxons were enemies originally from overseas, who brought well-deserved judgement upon the local kings or 'tyrants'.^{[lower-alpha 4][14]}

The sequence of events in Gildas is interesting:^[15]

1. After an appeal to Aëtius (the Groans of the Britons) the Britons were gripped by famine while suffering attacks from the Picts and Scoti; some fought back successfully, leading to a period of peace.
2. Peace led to luxuria and self-indulgence.
3. A renewed attack was threatened by the Picts and Scoti, and this led to a council, where it was proposed and agreed that land in the east would be given to the Saxons on the basis of a treaty, a foedus, by which the Saxons would defend the Britons in exchange for food supplies. This type of arrangement was unexceptional in a Late Roman context; Franks had been settled as foederati on imperial territory in northern Gaul (Toxandria) in the 4th century, and the Visigoths were settled in Gallia Aquitania early in the 5th century.
4. The Saxon foederati first complained that their monthly supplies were inadequate. Then they threatened to break the treaty, which they did, spreading the onslaught from "sea to sea".
5. This war, which Higham called the "War of the Saxon Federates", ended some 20–30 years later shortly after the siege at Montis Badonici, and some 40 years before Gildas was born.^{[lower-alpha 5]}
6. There was a peace with the Saxons who returned to their eastern home, which Gildas called a lugubre divortium barbarorum - a grievous divorce with the barbarians. The "divorce settlement", Higham in particular argued ^[16] was a better treaty and the ability to get tribute from the people in the east, under the leadership of the person Gildas called pater diabolus or Father-devil.

Gildas used the correct late Roman term for the Saxons, foederati, people who came to Britain under a well used treaty system. This kind of treaty had been used elsewhere to bring people into the Roman Empire to move along the roads or rivers and work alongside the army.^[17] Gildas called them Saxons, which was probably the common British term for the settlers. Interestingly Gildas' use of the word Patria,^{[lower-alpha 6][18]} when used in relation to the Saxons and Picts, gave the impression that some Saxons could by then be regarded as native to Britannia.^[19]

Britain for Gildas was the whole island; ethnicity and language were not the issue, it was the leader's faith and actions. The rest of the details are as Snyder had it: "by-products from his recounting of royal-sins".^[20] There is a strong tradition of Christian writers who were concerned with the moral qualities of leadership and Gildas joined these. He used apocalyptic language; for example the Saxons were "villains", "enemies" and led by a Devil-father. Yet Gildas had lived through, in his own words, an age of "external peace", and it is this peace that brought with it the tyrannidem - "unjust rule".

Gildas' remarks reflected his continuing concern regarding the vulnerability of his countrymen and their disregard and in-fighting: for example, "it was always true of this people (as it is now) that it was weak in beating off the weapons of the enemy but strong in putting up with civil war and the burden of sin."^[21] However, after the War of the Saxon Federates, if there were acts of genocide, mass exodus or mass slavery, Gildas did not seem to know about them. Gildas, in discussing the holy shrines, mentioned that the spiritual life of Britain had suffered, because the partition, divortium, of the country, which was preventing the citizens cives from worshipping at the shrines of the martyrs. Control had been ceded to the Saxons, even control of access to such shrines. The church was now 'tributary', her sons had 'embraced dung' and the nobility had lost their authority to govern.^[22]

Gildas described the corruption of the elite: "Britain has kings but they are tyrants; she has judges but they are wicked".^[23] This passage provides a glimpse into the world of Gildas, he continued: "they plunder and terrorise the innocent, they defend and protect the guilty and thieving, they have many wives, whores and adulteresses, swear false oaths, tell lies, reward thieves, sit with murderous men, despise the humble, their commanders are 'enemies of God'"; the list is long. Interesting oath breaking and the absence of just judgements for ordinary people was mentioned a number of times. British leadership, everywhere, was immoral and the cause of the "ruin of Britain".^[23]

Bede's Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum

Gildas and other sources were used by Bede in his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, written around 731. Bede identifies the migrants as Angles, Saxons and Jutes, reporting (Bk I, Ch 15) that the Saxons came from Old Saxony and the Angles from 'Anglia', which lay between the homelands of the Saxons and Jutes.^[24] Anglia is reasonably taken to be the old Schleswig-Holstein Province (straddling the modern Danish-German border), and containing the modern Angeln. Jutland was the homeland of the Jutes, and the coast between the Elbe and Weser rivers is the Saxon area of origin.

Crucially, Bede seems to identify three phases of settlement: an exploration phase, when mercenaries came to protect the resident population; a migration phase, which was substantial as implied by the statement that Anglus was deserted; and an establishment phase, in which Anglo-Saxons started to control areas, implied in Bede's statement about the origins of the tribes.^[25] This analysis of Bede has led to a re-evaluation, in terms of continuity and change, of Bede's "Northumbrian" view of history and how this view was projected back into the account of the latter two phases of settlement; and a possible overhaul of the traditional chronological framework.

The concept of Bretwalda originates in Bede's comment on who held the Imperium of Britain.^[26] From this concept, historians have inferred a formal institution of overlordship south of the Humber. Whether such an institution existed is uncertain, but Simon Keynes argues that the idea is not an invented concept.^[27] The Bretwalda concept is taken as evidence for a presence of a number of early Anglo-Saxon elite families. Whether the majority were early settlers, descendant from settlers, or especially after the exploration stage, were Roman-British leaders who adopted Anglo-Saxon culture is unclear, but the balance of opinion is that most were migrants. Notable gaps include: no-one from the East or West Midlands is represented in the list of Bretwaldas, and there is some uncertainty about the dates of these leaders.

Bede's view of Britons is partly responsible for the picture of them as the downtrodden subjects of Anglo-Saxon oppression. This has been used by linguists and archaeologists who have produced genocidal, slavery and bloody invasion settlement theories.^[28] Bede's derogatory depiction of the Britons is influenced by what he had read in Gildas, which had also sought to understand God's will. For Gildas, the Saxons represented God's scourge, and he saw the horrors of the Saxon as God's retribution for the sins of his people. Bede focused on this point and extended Gildas's vision by portraying the pagan Anglo-Saxons not as God's scourge against the reprobate Britons, but rather as the agents of Britain's redemption. Therefore, the ghastly scenario that Gildas feared is calmly explained away by Bede: any rough treatment was necessary, and ordained by God, because the Britons had lost God's favour, and incurred his wrath. Bede isn't using ethnicity in the same manner as a modern reader. Windy McKinney observes, "Bede's use of (ethnic terminology) was much more mutable: tied to the expression of tradition and religious ideas, to the loyalty of a people to authority, and subject to change as history continued to unfold. Therefore, it is a moot point whether all of those whom Bede encompassed under the term Angli were racially Germanic".^[29] Indeed, Bede himself may not have been an ethnically 'pure' Angle.^[30]

Tribal Hideage

The Tribal Hideage is a list of thirty-five tribes that was compiled in Anglo-Saxon England some time between the 7th and 9th centuries. The inclusion of the 'Elmet-dwellers', suggests to Simon Keynes, that the Tribal Hideage was compiled in the early 670s, during the reign of King Wulfhere, since Elmet seems to have reverted thereafter to Northumbrian control.^[27]

It includes a number of independent kingdoms and other smaller territories and assigns a number of hides to each one. A hide was an amount of land sufficient to support a household. The list of tribes is headed by Mercia and consists almost exclusively of peoples who lived south of the Humber estuary and territories that surrounded the Mercian kingdom, some of which have never been satisfactorily identified by scholars. The document is problematic, but extremely important for historians as it provides a glimpse into the relationship between people, land and the tribes and groups into which they had organised themselves.

The individual units in the list developed from the settlement areas of tribal groups some of which are as little as 300 hides. The names are difficult to locate: places like East wixna and Sweord ora. What it reveals is that micro-identity of tribe and family is important from the start. The list is evidence for more complex settlement, than the single political entity of the other historical sources.^[31]

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is an historical record of events in Anglo-Saxon England which was kept from the late ninth to the mid-twelfth century. The Chronicle is a collection of annals that were still being updated in some cases more than 600 years after the events they describe. They contain various entries that seem to add to the breadth of the historical evidence and provide good evidence for a migration, the Anglo-Saxon elites and various significant historical events.

The earliest events described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were transcribed centuries after they had occurred. Barbara Yorke, Patrick Sims-Williams and David Dumville among others have highlighted how a number of features of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the fifth and early sixth centuries clearly contradict the idea that they contain a reliable year-by-year record.^[32] Stuart Laycock has suggested that there may be information from the early period that can be used on the basis that: the obvious glosses and fictions should be rejected (such as the information about Porta and Portsmouth); the kernel behind some entries might contain a truth (such as the sequence of the events associated with Ælle of Sussex); and whilst the dates are uncertain, Laycock believes some of the 6th century events may describe real situations.^[33] However presenting evidence for the Anglo-Saxon settlement from a chronicle such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is uncertain and relies heavily on the present view of which entries are acceptable truth. As Dumville points out about the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: "medieval historiography has assumptions different from our own, particularly in terms of distinctions between fiction and non-fiction".^[34]

Archaeological evidence

Archaeologists seeking to understand evidence for migration and/or acculturation must first get to grips with early Anglo-Saxon archaeology as an "Archaeology of Identity". Guarding against considering one aspect of archaeology in isolation, this concept ensures that different topics are considered together, that previously were considered separately, such as: gender, age, ethnicity, religion and status.^[35]

The task of interpretation has been hampered by the lack of works of archaeological synthesis for the Anglo-Saxon period, in general, and the early period in particular. This is changing, with new works of synthesis and chronology, in particular the work of Catherine Hills and Sam Lucy on the evidence of Spong Hill, which has opened up the possible synthesis with continental material culture and, most interestingly, has moved the chronology for the settlement earlier than A.D.450, with a significant number items now in phases before this historically set date.^[36]

Understanding the Roman legacy

Archaeological evidence for identity in the 5th and 6th centuries must consider first the end (or ends) to the Roman period. The collapse of Roman material culture some time in the early 5th century left a gap in the archaeological record that was quite rapidly filled by the intrusive Anglo-Saxon material culture while the native population became archaeologically close to invisible, although recent hoards and metal-detector finds show that coin use and imports did not stop abruptly at AD 410.^[37][38][39]

The archaeology of the Roman military systems within Britain is well-known but is not well understood. An example being, whether the "Saxon Shore" was defensive or to facilitate the passage of goods. Andrew Pearson suggests that the 'Saxon Shore Forts' and other coastal installations played a more significant economic and logistical role than is often appreciated and that the tradition of Saxon and other continental piracy, based on the name of these forts is probably a myth.^[40]

The archaeology of late Roman (and sub-Roman) Britain has been dominated by a focus on the elite over the peasant or slave; their villas, houses, mosaics, furniture, fittings and silver plate.^[41] This group had a strict code on how their wealth was to be displayed and this provides a wealth of material culture, from which "Britons" are identified. There was a large gap between richest and poorest, the trappings of the latter have been the focus of less archaeological study. However the archaeology of the peasant from the 4th and 5th centuries is dominated by "ladder" field systems or enclosures, associated with extended families, and in the South and East of England the extensive use of timber-built buildings and farmsteads shows a lower level of engagement with Roman building styles than the houses of the numerically much smaller elite.^[42]

Settler evidence

Confirmation of the use of Anglo-Saxons as foederati or federate troops has been seen as coming from burials of Anglo-Saxons wearing military equipment of a type issued to late Roman forces which have been found both in late Roman contexts, such as the Roman cemeteries of Winchester and Colchester, and in purely 'Anglo-Saxon' rural cemeteries like Mucking (Essex),^[43] though this was at a settlement used by the Romano-British. The distribution of the earliest Anglo-Saxon sites and place-names in close proximity to Roman settlements and roads has been interpreted as showing that initial Anglo-Saxon settlements were being controlled by the Romano-British.^[44]

Catherine Hills suggests it is not necessary to see all the early settlers as federate troops and this interpretation has been used rather too readily by some archaeologists.^[45] A variety of relationships could have existed between Romano-British and incoming Anglo-Saxons. The broader archaeological picture suggests that no one model will explain all the Anglo-Saxon settlements in Britain and that there was considerable regional variation.^[46] Settlement density varied within southern and eastern England. Norfolk has more large Anglo-Saxon cemeteries than the neighbouring East Anglian county of Suffolk; eastern Yorkshire (the nucleus of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Deira) far more than the rest of Northumbria.^[47] The settlers were not all of the same type. Some were indeed warriors who were buried equipped with their weapons, but we should not assume that all of these were invited guests who were to guard Romano-British communities. Possibly some, like the later Viking settlers, may have begun as piratical raiders who later seized land and made permanent settlements. Other settlers seem to have been much humbler people who had few if any weapons and suffered from malnutrition. These were characterised by Sonia Chadwick Hawkes as Germanic 'boat people', refugees from crowded settlements on the North Sea which deteriorating climatic conditions would have made untenable.^[48]

Tribal characteristics

Catherine Hills points out that it is too easy to consider Anglo-Saxon archaeology solely as a study of ethnology and fail to consider that identity is: "less related to an overall Anglo-Saxon ethnicity and more to membership of family or tribe, Christian or pagan, elite or peasant".^[49] "Anglo-Saxons" or "Britons" were no more homogeneous than people are today and there would have exhibited diverse characteristics: male/female, old/young, rich/poor, farmer/warrior - or even Gildas' 'patria' (fellow citizens) /'cives' (indigenous people) /'hostes' (enemy) - as well as a diversity associated with language. Beyond these, in the early Anglo-Saxon period, identity was local, although people would have known their neighbours, it may have been important to indicate tribal loyalty with details of clothing and especially fasteners.^[50] It is also unlikely that people would have thought of themselves as Anglo-Saxon, instead there were part of a tribe, region, descendants of a patron or followers of a leader. It is this identity that archaeological evidence seeks to understand and determine, considering how it might support separate identity groups, or identities that were inter-connected.^[51]

Part of a well-furnished pagan period mixed-inhumation and cremation cemetery was excavated at Alwalton near Peterborough. Twenty-eight urned and two unurned cremations dating to between the fifth and sixth centuries and thirty-four inhumations, dating to between the late fifth and early seventh centuries, were uncovered. Both cremations and inhumations were provided with pyre or grave goods, and some of the burials were richly furnished. The excavation found evidence for a mixture of practices and symbolic clothing, these reflected local differences that appeared to be associated with tribal or family loyalty. This use of clothing in particular was very symbolic and distinct differences within groups in the cemetery could be found.^[52]

Reuse of earlier monuments

The evidence for monument reuse in the early Anglo-Saxon period reveals a number of significant aspects to the practice. Ancient monuments were one of the most important factors determining the placing of the dead in the early Anglo-Saxon landscape. Anglo-Saxon secondary activity on prehistoric and Roman sites traditionally was explained in practical terms. These explanations in the view of Howard Williams failed to account for the numbers and types of monuments and graves (from Villas to Barrows) reused.^[53]

Anglo-Saxon barrow burials started in the late 6th century and continued into the early 8th century. Prehistoric barrows, in particular, have been seen as physical expressions of land claims and links to the ancestors, and John Shephard has extended this interpretation to Anglo-Saxon tumuli.^[54] Eva Thäte has emphasised the continental origins of monument reuse in post-Roman England,^[55] Howard Williams has suggested that the main purpose of this custom was to give sense to a landscape that the immigrants did not find empty.^[53]

In the 7th/8th century, monument reuse became so widespread that it strongly suggests the deliberate location of burials of the elite next to visible monuments of the pre-Saxon past, but with 'ordinary' burial grounds of this phase also frequently being located next to prehistoric barrows. The relative increase of this kind of spatial association from the 5th/6th centuries to the 7th/8th centuries is conspicuous. Williams' analysis of two well-documented samples shows an increase from 32 to 50% of Anglo-Saxon burial sites in the Upper Thames region, and from 47 to 71% of Anglo-Saxon cemeteries excavated since 1945. Härke suggests that one of the contexts for the increasing reuse of monuments may be "the adoption by the natives of the material culture of the dominant immigrants".^[2]

Landscape archaeology

The Anglo-Saxons did not settle in an abandoned landscape on which they imposed new types of settlement and farming, as was once believed. By the late fourth century the English rural landscape was largely cleared, generally occupied by dispersed farms and hamlets, each surrounded by its own fields but often sharing other resources in common (called "infield-outfield cultivation").^[56] Such fields, whether of prehistoric or Roman origin, fall into two very general types, found both separately and together: irregular layouts, in which one field after another had been added to an arable hub over many centuries; and regular rectilinear layouts, often roughly following the local topography, that had resulted from the large-scale division of considerable areas of land. Such stability was reversed within a few decades of the 5th century, as early "Anglo-Saxon" farmers, affected both by the collapse of Roman Britain and a climatic deterioration which reached its peak probably around 500, concentrated on subsistence, converting to pasture large areas of previously ploughed land. However, there is little evidence of abandoned arable land.

Evidence across southern and central England increasingly shows the persistence of prehistoric and Roman field layouts into and, in some cases, throughout the Anglo-Saxon period, whether or not such fields were continuously ploughed. Landscapes at Yarnton, Oxfordshire, and Mucking, Essex, remained unchanged throughout the fifth century, while at Barton Court, Oxfordshire, the 'grid of ditched paddocks or closes' of a Roman villa estate formed a general framework for the Anglo-Saxon settlement there.^[57] Similar evidence has been found at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire.^[58] The Romano-British fields at Church Down in Chalton and Catherington, both in Hampshire, Bow Brickhill, Buckinghamshire, and Havering, Essex, were all ploughed into the seventh century ^[59][60]

Susan Oosthuizen has taken this further and establishes evidence that aspects of the "collective organisation of arable cultivation appear to find an echo in fields of pre-historic and Roman Britain".^[61] In particular: the open field systems, shared between a number of cultivators, but cropped individually; the link between arable holdings and rights to common pasture land, in structures of governance and the duty to pay some of the surplus to the local overlord, whether in rent or duty. Together these reveal that kinship ties and social relations were continuous across a 5th and 6th centuries and no evidence of the uniformity or destruction, imposed by lords, the savage action of invaders or system collapse. This has implications on how later developments are considered, such as the developments in the 7th and 8th century.

Landscape studies draw upon a variety of topographical, archaeological and written sources. There are major problems in trying to relate Anglo-Saxon charter boundaries to those of Roman estates for which there are no written records, and by the end of the Anglo-Saxon period there had been major changes to the organisation of the landscape which can obscure earlier arrangements.^[62] Interpretation is also hindered by uncertainty about late Roman administrative arrangements. Nevertheless, studies carried out throughout the country, in "British" as well as "Anglo-Saxon" areas, have found examples of continuity of territorial boundaries where, for instance, Roman villa estate boundaries seem to have been identical with those of medieval estates, as delineated in early charters, though settlement sites within the defined territory might shift.^[63] What we see in these examples is probably continuity of the estate or territory as a unit of administration rather than one of exploitation.^[64] Although the upper level of Roman administration based on towns seems to have disappeared during the fifth century, a subsidiary system based on subdivisions of the countryside may have continued.^[65]

The basis of the internal organisation of both the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and those of their Celtic neighbours was a large rural territory which contained a number of subsidiary settlements dependent upon a central residence which the Anglo-Saxons called a villa in Latin and a tūn in Old English. These developments suggest that the basic infrastructure of the early Anglo-Saxon local administration (or the settlement of early kings or earls) was inherited from late Roman or Sub-Roman Britain.^[66]

Distribution of settlements

There are a number of difficulties in recognising early Anglo-Saxon settlements as migrant settlers. This in part is because most early rural Anglo-Saxon sites have yielded few finds other than pottery and bone. The use of aerial photography does not yield easily identifiable settlements, partly due to the dispersed nature of many of these settlements.^[67]

The distribution of known settlements also remains elusive with few settlements found in the West Midlands or North-West. Even in Kent, an area of rich early Anglo-Saxon archaeology, the number of excavated settlements is fewer than expected. However, in contrast the counties of Northamptonshire, Oxfordshire, Suffolk and Cambridgeshire are relative rich in early settlements. These have revealed a tendency for early Anglo-Saxon settlements to be on the light soils associated with river terraces.^[67]

Many of the inland settlements are on rivers that had been major navigation routes during the Roman era.^[68][69] These sites, such as Dorchester on Thames on the upper Thames, were readily accessible by the shallow-draught, clinker-built boats used by the Anglo-Saxons. The same is true of the settlements along the rivers Ouse, Trent, Witham, Nene and along the marshy lower Thames. Less well-known due to a dearth of physical evidence but attested by surviving place names, there were Jutish settlements on the Isle of Wight and the nearby southern coast of Hampshire.

A number of Anglo-Saxon settlements are located near or at Roman-era towns, but the question of simultaneous town occupation by the Romano-Britons and a nearby Anglo-Saxon settlement (i.e., suggesting a relationship) is not confirmed. At Roman Caistor-by-Norwich, for example, recent analysis suggests that the cemetery post-dates the town's virtual abandonment.^[70]

Cemetery evidence

The earliest cemeteries that can be classified as Anglo-Saxon are found in widely separate regions and are dated to the early 5th century.^[71] The exception is in Kent, where the density of cemeteries and artifacts suggest either an exceptionally heavy Anglo-Saxon settlement, or continued settlement beginning at an early date, or both. By the late 5th century there were additional Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, some of them adjacent to earlier ones, but with a large expansion in other areas, and now including the southern coast of Sussex.^[72]

Up to the year 2000, roughly 10,000 early 'Anglo-Saxon' cremations and inhumations had been found, exhibiting a large degree of diversity in styles and types of mortuary ritual.^[73] This is consistent with evidence for many micro cultures and local practice. Cemetery evidence is still dominated by the material culture: finds of clothes, jewellery, weapons, pots and personal items; but physical and molecular evidence from skeletons, bones and teeth are increasingly important.

Considering the early cemeteries of Kent, most relevant finds come from furnished graves with distinctive links to the Continent. However, there are some unique items, these include pots and urns and especially brooches,^[74] an important element of female dress that functioned as a fastener, rather like a modern safety pin. The style of brooches (called Quoits), is unique to southern England in the fifth century AD, with the greatest concentration of such items occurring in Kent. Seiichi Suzuki defines the style through an analysis of its design organisation, and, by comparing it with near-contemporary styles in Britain and on the continent, identifying those features which make it unique. He suggests that the quoit brooch style was made and remade as part of the process of construction of new group identities during the political uncertainties of the time, and sets the development of the style in the context of the socio-cultural dynamics of an emergent post-Roman society. The brooch shows that culture was not just transposed from the continent, but from an early phase a new "Anglo-Saxon" culture was being developed.^[74]

Women's fashions (tracht, native costumes not thought to have been trade goods), have been used to distinguish and identify settlers,^[75] supplemented by other finds that can be related to specific regions of the Continent. A large number of Frankish artifacts have been found in Kent, and these are largely interpreted to be a reflection of trade and commerce rather than early migration. Yorke (Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995), for example, only allows that some Frankish settlement is possible.^[76] Frankish sea raiding was recorded as early as 260^[77] and became common for the next century, but their raids on Britain ended c. 367^[78] as Frankish interest turned southward and was thereafter focused on the control and occupation of northern Gaul and Germania.

The presence of artifacts that are identifiably North German along the coastal areas between the Humber Estuary and East Anglia indicates that Scandinavians migrated to Britain.^{[79][80][81][82]} However, this does not suggest that they arrived at the same time as the Angles: they may have arrived almost a century later,^[82][83] and their status and influence upon arrival is uncertain. In particular, regarding a significant Swedish influence in association with the Sutton Hoo ship and a Swedish origin for the East Anglian Wuffinga dynasty, both possibilities are now considered uncertain.^[84]

The process of mixing and assimilation of immigrant and native populations is virtually impossible to elucidate with material culture, but the skeletal evidence may shed some light on it. The 7th/8th-century average stature of male individuals in Anglo-Saxon cemeteries dropped by 15 mm (⅝ in) compared with the 5th/6th-century average.^[85] This development is most marked in Wessex where the average dropped by 24 mm (1 in).^[86] This drop is not easily explained by environmental changes; there is no evidence for a change in diet in the 7th/8th centuries, nor is there any evidence of a further influx of immigrants at this time. Given the lower average stature of Britons, the most likely explanation would be a gradual Saxonisation or Anglicisation of the material culture of native enclaves, an increasing assimilation of native populations into Anglo-Saxon communities, and increasing intermarriage between immigrants and natives within Anglo-Saxon populations. Skeletal material from the Late Roman and Early Anglo-Saxon period from Hampshire was directly compared. It was concluded that the physical type represented in urban Roman burials, was not annihilated nor did it die-out, but it continued to be well represented in subsequent burials of Anglo-Saxon date.^[87]

At Stretton-on-Fosse II (Warwickshire), located on the western fringes of the early Anglo-Saxon settlement area, the proportion of male adults with weapons is 82%, well above the average in southern England. Cemetery II, the Anglo-Saxon burial site, is immediately adjacent to two Romano-British cemeteries, Stretton-on-Fosse I and III, the latter only 60 metres away from Anglo-Saxon burials. Continuity of the native female population at this site has been inferred from the continuity of textile techniques (unusual in the transition from the Romano-British to the Anglo-Saxon periods), and by the continuity of epigenetic traits from the Roman to the Anglo-Saxon burials. At the same time, the skeletal evidence demonstrates the appearance in the post-Roman period of a new physical type of males who are more slender and taller than the men in the adjacent Romano-British cemeteries.^[88] Taken together, the observations suggest the influx of a group of males, probably most or all of them Germanic, who took control of the local community and married native women. It is not easy to confirm such cases of 'warband' settlement in the absence of detailed skeletal, and other complementary, information, but assuming that such cases are indicated by very high proportions of weapon burials, this type of settlement was much less frequent than the kin group model.^[2]

Nick Higham outlines the main questions:

"It is fairly clear that most Anglo-Saxon cemeteries are unrepresentative of the whole population, and particularly the whole age range. This was, therefore, a community which made decisions about the disposal of the dead based upon various factors, but at those we can barely guess. Was the inclusion of some but not all individuals subject to political control, or cultural screening? Was this a mark of ethnicity or did it represent a particular kinship, real or constructed, or the adherents of a particular cult? Was it status specific, with the rural proletariat – who would have been the vast majority of the population – perhaps excluded? So are many of these cemeteries associated with specific, high-status households and weighted particularly towards adult members? We do not know, but the commitment of particular parts of the community to an imported and in some senses 'Germanic', cremation ritual does seem to have been considerable, and is something which requires explanation."^[16]

Molecular evidence

Two methods of molecular evidence have been employed to provide evidence for the Anglo-Saxon settlement: Y-chromosome variation as a sign of past populations, and isotope analysis as a sign of individual histories.

Y-chromosome evidence

The inheritance of DNA is a complex process that varies between male and female individuals; consequently this allows the study of separate female and male lineages using mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosome DNA respectively.^[89] Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA for short) and Y-chromosome DNA differ from the DNA of diploid nuclear chromosomes in that they are not formed from the combination of both parents' genes. Rather, males inherit the Y-chromosome directly from their fathers, and both sexes inherit mtDNA directly from their mothers. Consequently, they preserve a genetic record from individual to individual that is altered only through mutation.

An examination of Y-chromosome variation, sampled in an east-west transect across England and Wales, was compared with similar samples taken in Friesland and Norway. Friesland was selected for the study due to it being regarded as a source location for Anglo-Saxon migrants, and because of the similarities between Old English and Frisian. Samples from Norway were also compared, as this is a source of the later Viking migrations. It found that in England 50% to 100% of paternal genetic inheritance was derived from incomers originating in the Germanic coastlands of the North Sea.^[90]

Research published in 2003 on Y-chromosome marker variation, taken from a larger sample population and from more sites throughout Britain, came to a different conclusion. This study suggested that in most of England, continental (North German and Danish) paternal genetic input varied between 20% and 40%, with York forming an outlier at about 60%. Southern England, including Kent, had markedly lower frequencies of non-indigenous Y-chromosome markers than eastern England, where Danish Viking settlement is attested. However, the study could not distinguish between North German and Danish populations, thus the relative proportions of genetic input derived from the Anglo-Saxon settlements and later Danish Viking colonisation could not be ascertained.^[91]

Historical evidence suggests that following the Anglo-Saxon transition, people of indigenous ethnicity were at an economic and legal disadvantage compared to those having Anglo-Saxon ethnicity. This has led to the development of the "apartheid-like social structure" theory to explain this high contribution to the modern gene pool, where the proportion of settlers would be smaller.^[92]

This view has been challenged by JE Pattison, who suggested that the Y-chromosome evidence could still support the idea of a small settlement of people without the apartheid-like structures.^[93] In addition, there is no reliable method for dating the influx of genetic material into Britain from the Continent; and the genetic similarities between people on either side of the North Sea may reflect a cumulative process of population movement, possibly beginning well before the historically attested formation of the Anglo-Saxons or the invasions of the Vikings.^[94]

Stephen Oppenheimer reviewed the Weale and Capelli studies and suggested that correlations of gene frequency mean nothing without a knowledge of the genetic prehistory of the regions in question. His criticism of these studies is that they generated models based on the historical evidence of Gildas and Procopius, and then selected methodologies to test against these populations. Weale's transect spotlights that Belgium is further west in the genetic map than North Walsham, Asbourne and Friesland. In Oppenheimer's view, this is evidence that the Belgae and other continental people – and hence continental genetic markers indistinguishable from those ascribed to Anglo-Saxons – arrived earlier and were already strong in the 5th century in particular regions or areas.^[95] Oppenheimer, basing his research on the Weale and Capelli studies, maintains that none of the invasions since the Romans have had a significant impact on the gene pool of the British Isles, and that the inhabitants from prehistoric times belong to an Iberian genetic grouping. He says that most people in the British Isles are genetically similar to the Basque people of northern Spain and southwestern France, from 90% in Wales to 66% in East Anglia.^[95] Oppenheimer suggests that the division between the West and the East of England is not due to the Anglo-Saxon invasion but originates with two main routes of genetic flow – one up the Atlantic coast, the other from neighbouring areas of Continental Europe – which occurred just after the Last Glacial Maximum.^[95] He reports works on linguistics by Forster and Toth which suggest that the Indo-European languages began to fragment some 10,000 years ago, at the end of the last Ice Age. He claims that the Celtic languages split from Indo-European far earlier than previously suspected, some 6000 years ago.^[95] He claims that the English language split from the other Germanic languages before the Roman period, and became the English that was spoken by the Belgae tribes of what is now southern and eastern England, northeastern France, and Belgium prior to their conquest by the Romans, and long before the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons.^[95] Many feasible scenarios can be constructed to account for evidence. However, Y-chromosome evidence relies on the archaeological and historical evidence for interpretation, and there is a danger of creating a circular argument. Therefore, scenarios that are not justified by other evidence or are created to account for the historical evidence have not been universally accepted.

Isotope analysis

Isotope analysis has begun to be employed to help answer the uncertainties regarding Anglo-Saxon migration. However, the number of studies is small. Strontium data in a 5th–7th-century cemetery in West Heslerston implied the presence of two groups: one of "local" and one of "nonlocal" origin. Although, the study suggested that they could not define the limits of local variation and identify immigrants with confidence, they could give a useful account of the issues.^[96] Oxygen and strontium isotope data in an early Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Wally Corner, Berinsfield in the Upper Thames Valley, Oxfordshire, found only 5.3% of the sample originating from continental Europe, supporting the hypothesis of acculturation. Furthermore, they found that there was no change in this pattern over time, except amongst some females.^[97]

Another isotopic method has been employed to investigate whether protein sources in human diets in the early Anglo-Saxon varied with geographic location, or with respect to age or sex. This would provide evidence for social advantage. The results suggest that protein sources varied little according to geographic location and that terrestrial foods dominated at all locations. However, there were some subtle patterns. Slightly elevated carbon isotope in skeletons from coastal locations and nitogen isotope in those from riverine sites may indicate that communities in these locations made greater use of marine and freshwater resources respectively. If this is correct, then it demonstrates that early communities made some use of wild resources even within a predominantly agrarian economy.^[98]

Linguistic evidence

The emergence of Old English, a West Germanic language, as a major insular language has traditionally been regarded as evidence of the settlement of substantial numbers of incomers from the Germanic areas of the North Sea littoral, although no records survive of Old English dialects before the 7th century. Francis Pryor has warned against making such an assumption, arguing that it does not necessarily follow that language replacement requires large numbers of settlers.^[99] Conversely, an answer to the problem of language replacement may be indicated by the linguistic evidence for contact between, and transfer from, Brythonic, the language spoken in England by the Celtic population at the time of the Anglo-Saxon settlement, and the Old English language.

Contact and transfer

The standard wisdom on contact and transfer when languages are in close contact has traditionally been that the language with more status influences that with less: that is, borrowing is from the superstrate into the substrate, as is attested by Latin and French borrowings into English. A review of the changes in the Brythonic language during this period is given by Kenneth Jackson.^[100] Studies of Old English, P- and Q-Celtic and Latin have looked for contact between the Britons, the Gaels, and the Anglo-Saxons. The general consensus has been that Old English has little evidence of linguistic contact.^[101]

Richard Coates re-evaluated this evidence and examined examples of other language contacts for parallel situations. The only characteristic Coates considers as evidence is "borrowed words" from one language to another; this is considered a prerequisite of language contact evidence,^[102] and, following Thomason and Kaufman, represents the lowest, least intense, degree of contact.^[103] Coates concludes that there was "near-zero" borrowing and therefore a lack of contact evidence. This would suggest that in certain parts of Lowland Britain there were few Brythonic speakers after the Anglo-Saxon settlement, and that "this state might in principle have been achieved by emigration, annihilation or enslavement, for each of which there is evidence in English historic sources, though much hinges, of course, on whether these sources are viewed as credible witnesses".^[104]

However, Thomason and Kaufman have shown that a distinction needs to be drawn between different contact scenarios; "borrowing scenarios" differ from "shift scenarios". Borrowing presupposes language maintenance between the respective languages or dialects in contact. If two or more languages or dialects are maintained within one and the same society, and one of them carries more prestige than the other and consequently may be more widely used than the other, then linguists speak of 'diglossia'.^[105] In other words, borrowing is the "lowest least intense degree of contact", but takes place between the languages of adjacent population groups or where a language operates as a global language, such as English today. Shift scenarios, on the other hand, involve the death or end of the source language and the restructuring into a target language. These two contact scenarios (borrowing and shift) seem to be subject to different patterns of feature transfer between languages. The different types of shift scenarios depend on the social prestige of the people involved and the power relationships between the social groups; these determine the direction of the shift.

Celtic hypothesis

Table 1: A number of shift features selected as representative by Richard Coates, Gary Miller and Raymond Hickey

Features	Coates [lower-alpha 7]	Miller [lower-alpha 8]	Hickey [lower-alpha 9]
Two functionally-distinct 'to be' verbs	✔	✔	✔
Northern Subject Rule	✔	✔	✔
Development of reflexives	✔	✔
Rise of progressive		✔	✔
Loss of external possessor		✔	✔
Rise of the periphrastic "do"		✔	✔
Negative comparative particle	✔
Rise of pronoun -en	✔
Merger of /kw-/, /hw-/ and /χw-/	✔
Rise of "it" clefts		✔
Rise of sentential answers and tagging		✔
Preservation of θ and ð			✔
Loss of front rounded vowels			✔

Building on these ideas, scholarly opinion that Brythonic had a significant effect on the development of English, has increased; this is known as the "Celtic hypothesis".^[109] Supporters of the Celtic hypothesis criticise the view taken in many textbooks that because there are only a few loanwords from Celtic there was no other influence. Suggesting that if contact persists over a longer period and forms the language learning environment for many generations, then the substrate language can have a gradual and imperceptible influence on the superstrate language, often leading to grammatical change. This scenario may well have been the source of syntactic features in English, which the latter has in common with Celtic.^[110] It is especially likely if a section of the population shifted language and transferred features from their original language in the process.^[111]

In 5th- and 6th-century Britain, supposing an elite dominance situation, a shift scenario may have taken place between the language of relatively small military elite, i.e. the social group in power (the superstrate), and the language of the majority population (the substrate). The members of the evolving elite were originally speakers of prestigious varieties of Germanic (Frisian, Saxon, Anglian, Jutish, Frankish),^[112] while the bulk of the population is likely to have consisted of low-prestige speakers of Late British and/or British Latin in the Lowlands and Late British in the Uplands.^[113] These seem to have shifted to the evolving Old English dialects over quite some time (5th to 9th century).^[114] The shift pattern is likely to have been uneven and variously conditioned, with some areas, such as the south-east, shifting much earlier than the north and south-west, with pockets in remoter areas preserving their British cultural and linguistic identity longer than elsewhere. Thomas Toon suggests that the population of Lowland Britain may have been bilingual in Brythonic and Latin, and that such a multilingual society might adapt to the use of a third language in such a "shift scenario" more readily than a monoglot population. It is the almost universal opinion of Germanic philologists that the dialect distinctions within Old English arose in Britain, and do not reflect continental dialect differences, but reflect possible shifts in language.^[115]

Place names

Similarly, there has been a change in the way place names are regarded and the clues about their linguistic history. Traditionally, it was just assumed that names were either of Germanic or Latin origin. However, as Coates suggests, there are Brythonic names widely spread through England and "an absolute number may have been underestimated".^[104] Coates provides an interesting example of how traditionally these names were misinterpreted in the name Leatherhead. The traditional solution of the name had been Old English; Leodridan,^[116] meaning "place where people [can] ride [across the river]" in the Anglo-Saxon (Old English). In producing this solution the writers of The place-names of Surrey invented an element which had never been discovered in place-names before or since, lēode 'people', and to invent another one, *ride 'place suitable for riding'. Coates suggests that this showed disregard for "known elements compounded in a known fashion, obeying the phonological development of both Brittonic and English, being consistent with the record of medieval spellings, and being topographically appropriate for a place centred on a ford across the River Mole". Hence the Brythonic lēd-rïd 'grey ford'.^[104]

Coates also mentions a number of common place name words which have a direct link to Brythonic: cumb, torr, crag, ced, binn, bannoc, gafeluc, dunn, broc, assen, and many others. Two of these words became fully lexicalized, joined the English collection of names and terms and were used as place-name generics: cumb and torr. The other words are words that do not appear outside place names. Coates suspects that the English took over monomorphemic Brittonic words for landscape features as if they were proper names or the Brythonic word remained, as changing the place name when the language started to change didn't make any sense.^[104]

Some modern place names of apparent Germanic form may conceal Celtic or Latin origins. For example, the city of York's connection to its original Romanised Celtic name 'Eburacum' is not obvious; however, knowledge of the intermediate forms of the name, Anglo-Saxon 'Eoforwic' and Norse, 'Jorvik' alongside Welsh 'Efrog', makes the connection clearer. Names of British origin may or may not indicate survival of a British population. Names based on the Anglo-Saxon word for the British, wealh (itself the origin of the name Wales), are also taken as indicating British survival in areas which became English; examples include Walsall, meaning valley of the British, and Walton, meaning settlement of the British.^[117]

Surviving inscriptions on stones provide another source of information on the settlements of Britons and the Anglo-Saxons. Celtic inscribed stones from this period occur in western England and Wales, and the CISP project has been set up to record these and provide information online. In the north-west, the inscriptions are written in runes and provide information on the settlement of Angles.

Elite personal names

While many studies admit that a substantial survival of native British people of lower social strata is probable, with these people becoming anglicised over time due to the action of "elite dominance" mechanisms, there is also evidence of the survival of British elites and their anglicisation. An Anglo-Saxon elite could be formed in two ways: from an incoming chieftain and his war band from northern Germania taking over an area of Britain, or through a native British chieftain and his war band adopting Anglo-Saxon culture and language.

The incidence of British Celtic personal names in the royal genealogies of a number of "Anglo-Saxon" dynasties is very suggestive of the latter process. The Wessex royal line was traditionally founded by a man named Cerdic, an undoubtedly Celtic name ultimately derived from Caratacus. This may indicate that Cerdic was a native Briton, and that his dynasty became anglicised over time.^[118][119] A number of Cerdic's alleged descendants also possessed Celtic names, including the 'Bretwalda' Ceawlin.^[120] The last occurrence of a British name in this dynasty being that of King Caedwalla, who died as late as 689.^[121] The British name Caedbaed is found in the pedigree of the kings of Lindsey, which argues for the survival of British elites in this area also.^[122] In the Mercian royal pedigree, the name of King Penda and the names of other kings have more obvious Brythonic than German etymologies, though they do not correspond to known Welsh personal names.^[123] Bede, in his major work, charts the careers of four upper-class brothers in the English Church, he refers to them as being Northumbrian, and therefore "English".^[124] However, the names of Saint Chad of Mercia (a prominent bishop) and his brothers Cedd (also a bishop), Cynibil and Caelin (a variant spelling of Ceawlin) are British rather than Anglo-Saxon.^[125]

A good case can be made for southern Britain (especially Wessex, Kent, Essex and parts of Southern East Anglia), at least, having been taken over by dynasties having some Germanic ancestry or connections, but also having origins in, or intermarrying with, native British elites.^[119][126]

Migration and acculturation theories

Various scholars have used a synthesis of evidence to present models to suggest an answer to the questions that surround the Anglo-Saxon settlement. These questions include: How many migrants were there? When did the "Saxons" gain political ascendency? What happened to the 'Romano-Brittonic' peoples in the south-east of Britain? The Anglo-Saxons were a mix of invaders, migrants and acculturated indigenous people. The ratios and relationships between these formative elements at the time of the Anglo-Saxon settlement are the subject of enquiry. The traditional interpretation^{[lower-alpha 10]} of the settlement of Britain has been subject to profound reappraisal, with scholars embracing the evidence for both migration and acculturation. Heinrich Härke explains the nature of this agreement:

"It is now widely accepted that the Anglo-Saxons were not just transplanted Germanic invaders and settlers from the Continent, but the outcome of insular interactions and changes. But we are still lacking explicit models that suggest how this ethnogenetic process might have worked in concrete terms".^[127]

Estimating continental migrants' numbers

Knowing the number of migrants who came from the continent provides a context from which scholars can build an interpretation framework and understanding of the events of the 5th and 6th centuries. Robert Hedges in discussing this point observes that "archaeological evidence only addresses these issues indirectly"^[128] The traditional methodology used by archaeology to estimate the number of migrants starts with a figure for the population in Britain in the 3rd and 4th centuries. This is usually estimated at between 2-4 million.^[129] From this figure it is estimated that the population of Southern and Eastern England is 1 million. Within 200 years the settlement density has been established as an Anglo-Saxon village every 2–5 km, in the areas where evidence has been gathered.^[130] Given that these settlements are typically of around 50 people, this implies an Anglo-Saxon population in Southern and Eastern England of 250,000. This estimate is hardly certain, but does provide a ratio of 1 to 4, between those with a settler background and those with an insular background.

The number of migrants therefore depends on the variable of population increase, if the population rose by 1 per cent per year (which is slightly less than the present world population) this would suggest a population of 30,000 migrants. However, if the population rose by 2 percent per year (which is similar to India in the last 20 years) this would suggest a population of 5,000 migrants.^[128]

This number is confirmed by the archaeological evidence. The excavations at Spong Hill, for example, revealed over 2,000 cremations and inhumations in what is a very large early cemetery. However, when the period of use is taken into account (over 200 years) and its size, it is presumed to be a major cemetery for the entire area and not just one village, it does point to a smaller rather than large number of original immigrants of 20,000.^[131]

Heinrich Härke, who has always sought to take a maximal view of the number of migrants, sees the population rate increasing much very little. Based on the same ratio of 1:4 a figure is deducted, which when gender imbalance is taken into account, of 100,000.^[2] Drawing on historical evidence Härke suggests that there would have been an extended period and maybe phases of immigration lasting over 100 years.

Generally, the problems associated with seeking estimates for the population before AD 1089 were set out by Mark Thomas, Michael Stumpf and Heinrich Härke. They suggest that: "Incidental reports of numbers of immigrants are notoriously unreliable, and absolute numbers of immigrants before the Norman period can only be calculated as a proportion of the estimated overall population."^[132]

However, there is a discrepancy between, on the one hand, archaeological and some historical ideas about the scale of the Anglo-Saxon immigration, and on the other, estimates of the genetic contribution of the Anglo-Saxon immigrants to the modern English gene pool (see "Molecular evidence" above). Mark Thomas, Michael Stumpf and Heinrich Härke created a statistical study of the two groups: those who held the "Migrant" Y chromosome and those that didn't. They examined the effect of differential reproductive success between those groups, coupled with limited intermarriage between the groups, on the spread of the genetic variant to discover whether the levels of migration needed to meet a 50% contribution to the modern gene pool. What they found is the genetic pool can rise from less than 5% to more than 50% in as little as 200 years with the addition of a slight increase in reproduction advantage of 1.8 (meaning a ratio 51.8 to 50) and restricting the amount of female (migrant genes) and male (indigenous genes) inter-breeding to the most 10%.^[92]

"Saxon" political ascendency in Britain

A re-evaluation of the traditional picture of decay and dissolution Post-Roman Britain, has occurred, with Britain being thought rather more a part of the Late Antique world of western Europe than was customary a half century ago.^[133] As part of this re-evaluation some suggest that sub-Roman Britain, in its entirety, retained a significant political, economic and military momentum across the fifth century and even the bulk of the sixth. This in large part stems from attempts to develop visions of British success against the incoming Anglo-Saxons, as suggested by the Chronicles which were written in the ninth and mid-tenth century. However, recent scholarship has contested the extent to which either can be credited with any level of historicity regarding the decades around AD 500.^[134]

The representation of long-lasting British triumphs against the Saxons appears in large parts of the Chronicles, but stem ultimately from Gildas's brief and frustratingly elusive reference to a British victory at mons Badonicus– Mount Badon (see historical evidence above). Nick Higham suggests, that the war between Britons and Saxons seems to have ended in some sort of compromise, which conceded a very considerable sphere of influence within Britain to the incomers. This vision of the Anglo-Saxons exercising extensive political and military power at an early date remains highly contested. The most developed vision of a continuation in sub-Roman Britain, with control over its own political and military destiny for well over a century, is that of Kenneth Dark,^[135] who has argued that Britain should not be divided during the fifth, and even the bulk of the sixth, century into 'British' and 'Anglo-Saxon' cultural and/or political provinces, but should be thought of as a generally 'British' whole. His theory is that the sub-Roman elite survived in culture, politics and military power, both in the far west but also in the east, where it has to be imagined alongside incoming settlements. Kenneth Dark suggests that the sub-Roman community was the dominant force in insular affairs right up to c.570.

Kenneth Dark's argument for continuing British military and political power in the east rests on the very uneven distribution of Anglo-Saxon cemeteries and the proposition that large gaps in that distribution necessarily represent strong British polities which excluded Anglo-Saxon settlers by force.^[136] However the very low level of Brythonic which entered Old English would seem to suggest that had large-scale interaction occurred between incoming "Germanic" communities and numerous indigenous Brythic speakers of equivalent social rank, then we might have expected far greater language borrowing both in terms of structure and vocabulary (see linguistic evidence above). The contrary archaeological evidence reveals that an early chronology for the start of cremation cemeteries in eastern Britain north of the Thames during the second quarter of the fifth century^[137] and backedup by new archaeological phases before 450 (see Archaeological evidence above). The chronology of this "adventus" of cremations is supported by the Gallic Chronicle of 452, which states that wide parts of Britain fell under Saxon rule in 441.

'Romano-Brittonic' peoples' fate in the south-east

Given that the most extreme estimation for the size of the Anglo-Saxon settlement suggests that some 80% of the resident population of Britain were not Anglo-Saxon. Explanation has been sought to account for the change in culture of the Britons to one where by the 8th Century the majority of people in southern Britain saw themselves as heirs to the Anglo-Saxon culture. Whilst the developments were rather complicated, there are two competing theories.

One theory, first set out by Edward Augustus Freeman, suggests that the Anglo Saxons and the Britons were competing cultures, and that through invasion, slavery and genocide the Anglos-Saxons defeated the Britons and consequently their culture and language prevailed.^[138] This view has influenced much of the linguistic, scholarly and popular perceptions of the process of anglicisation in Britain. Our best contemporary source, Gildas, certainly suggests that just such a change of populations did take place. However, Freeman's ideas did not go unchallenged, even as they were being propounded. In particular, the essayist Grant Allen believed in a strong Celtic contribution to Englishness.

Another theory has challenged this view and started to examine evidence that the majority of Anglo Saxons were Brittonnic in origin. The major evidence comes firstly from the figures, taking a fairly high Anglo-Saxon figure (200,000) and a low Brittonic one (800,000), Britons are likely to have outnumbered Anglo-Saxons by at least four to one. The interpretation of such figures is that while "culturally, the later Anglo-Saxons and English did emerge as remarkably un-British, ... their genetic, biological make-up is none the less likely to have been substantially, indeed predominantly, British".^[139]

Two processes leading to Anglo-Saxonisation have been proposed. One is similar to culture changes observed in Russia, North Africa and parts of the Islamic world; where a politically and socially powerful minority culture becomes, over a rather short period, adopted by a settled majority. A process usually termed 'elite dominance'.^[140]

The second process is explained through incentives, such as the Wergild outlined in the law code of Ine of Wessex which produced an incentive to become Anglo-Saxon or at least English speaking.^[92] The wergild of an Englishman was set at a value twice that of a Briton of similar wealth. However, some Britons could be very prosperous and own five hides of land, which gave thegn-like status, with a wergild of 600 shillings.^[141] Ine set down requirements to prove guilt or innocence, both for his English subjects and for his British subjects, who were termed 'foreigners/wealas' ('Welshmen').^[142] The binary ethnic distinction that appears in Ine's Laws seems to be between ' Englisc/English ('us') and 'Wylisc/Welsh' ('them'). Since Ine's people self-identified as Saxons (West Saxons) this very early use of the word 'English' (unless it is a later introduction into the text) suggests that it was the use of a particular language, already recognised as a single language, and already called 'English', that was the crucial determinant in ethnic identity. This implies that in the early Anglo-Saxon period it was language use that was the key determination of ethnicity, and not whether you had "Germanic" ancestors.

Whatever the case, a continuity of 'sub-Roman' Britons cannot be doubted, as evidenced, for example, by the sheer number of burials which already date to the late 5th and early 6th centuries - otherwise impossible to maintain by even the largest 'migration' estimates. In addition to the 'highland Tyrants' in the west, the case has been made by persistence of a 'native', post-Roman, polity of sorts south of the Thames during much of the fifth century CE- evidenced by the oppositional deposition of Quoit Brooch Style artefacts in inhumation burials south of the Thames versus 'Scandinavian' artefacts (such as 'square headed brooches') within predominantly cremation burial settings dominate north of the Thames (i.e. in "Anglian" areas). However, a take-over by continental migrants cannot be denied, as evidenced by an abrupt end of Quoit Broch style artefacts and inundation of exotic artefacts of a "Jutish' character in the final decade or two of the fifth century.^[143] Thus Ken Dark's notion of a long chronology of a surviving, even dominant "sub-Roman" Britain finds little support.^[144] Moreover, Halsall argues that 'Britons' are scarcely if at all visible in the archaeological record of lowland England by the 6th century and beyond, not because of any bizarre notions of ethnic cleansing or 'apartheid', but simply because, by then, everyone was an 'Anglo-Saxon', whatever their geographic origin.^[145]

Reasons behind the success of the Anglo-Saxon settlement

The reasons for the success of Anglo-Saxon settlements remains uncertain. Helena Hamerow has made an observation that in Anglo-Saxon society "local and extended kin groups remained ... the essential unit of production throughout the Anglo-Saxon period". "Local and extended kin groups" is one of a number of possible reasons for success; along with societal advantages, freedom and the relationship to an elite, that allowed the Anglo-Saxons' culture and language to flourish in the fifth and sixth centuries.^[146]

Anglo-Saxon political formation

Nick Higham is convinced that the success of the Anglo-Saxon elite in gaining an early compromise shortly after the Battle of Badon is a key to the success of the culture. This produced a political ascendancy across the south and east of Britain, which in turn required some structure to be successful.^[147]

The Bretwalda concept is taken as evidence for a presence of a number of early Anglo-Saxon elite families and a clear unitary oversight. Whether the majority of these leaders were early settlers, descendant from settlers, or especially after the exploration stage they were Roman-British leaders who adopted Anglo-Saxon culture is unclear. The balance of opinion is that most were migrants, although it shouldn't be assumed they were all Germanic (see Elite personal names evidence). There is agreement: that these were small in number and proportion, yet large enough in power and influence to ensure "Anglo-Saxon" acculturation in the lowlands of Britain.^[148] Most historians believe these elites were those named by Bede, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and others, although there is discussion regarding their floruit dates. Importantly, whatever their origin or when they flourished, they established their claim to lordship through their links to extended kin ties. As Helen Peake jokingly points out "they all just happened to be related back to Woden".^[149]

The Tribal Hidage is evidence of the existence of numerous smaller provinces, meaning that southern and eastern Britain may have lost any macro-political cohesion in the fifth and sixth centuries and fragmented into many small autonomous units, though late Roman administrative organisation of the countryside may have helped dictate their boundaries. By the end of the sixth century the leaders of these communities were styling themselves kings, with the majority of the larger kingdoms based on the south or east coasts.^[150] They include the provinces of the Jutes of Hampshire and Wight, the South Saxons, Kent, the East Saxons, East Angles, Lindsey and (north of the Humber) Deira and Bernicia. Several of these kingdoms may have their foundation the former Roman civitas and this has been argued as particularly likely for the provinces of Kent, Lindsey, Deira and Bernicia, all of whose names derive from Romano-British tribal or district names.^[33]

The southern and east coasts were, of course, the areas settled first and in greatest numbers by the settlers and so presumably were the earliest to pass from Romano-British to Anglo-Saxon control. Once established they had the advantage of easy communication with continental territories in Europe via the North Sea or the Channel. The east and south coast provinces may never have fragmented to the extent of some areas inland and by the end of the sixth century they were already beginning to expand by annexing smaller neighbours. Barbara Yorke suggests that such aggressiveness must have encouraged areas which did not already possess military protection in the form of kings and their armies to acquire their own war-leaders or protection alliances.^[46] By the time of the Tribal Hidage there were also two large 'inland' kingdoms, those of the Mercians and West Saxons, whose spectacular growth we can trace in par in our sources for the seventh century, but it is not clear how far this expansion had proceeded by the end of the sixth century.^[150]

What Bede seems to imply in his Bretwalda list of the elite is the ability to extract tribute and overawe and/or protect communities, which may well have been relatively short-lived in any one instance, but ostensibly "Anglo-Saxon" dynasties variously replaced one another in this role in a discontinuous but influential and potent roll call of warrior elites, with very few interruptions from other "British" warlords.^[151] The success of this elite was felt beyond their geography, to include neighbouring British territories in the centre and west of what later became England, and even the far west of the island. Again, Bede was very clear that English imperium could on occasion encompass British and English kingships alike,^[152] and that Britons and Angles marched to war together in the early seventh century, under both British and English kings.^[153] It is Bede who provides the most vivid picture of a late sixth- and early seventh-century Anglian warlord in action, in the person of Æthelfrith of Northumbria, King of Bernicia (a kingship with a non-English name), who rapidly built up a personal 'empire' by military victories over the Britons of the North, the Scots of Dalriada, the Angles of Deira and the Britons of north-eastern Wales, only ultimately to experience disaster at the hands of Rædwald of East Anglia.^[154]

Rural freedoms and kinship groups

Where arable cultivation continued in early Anglo-Saxon England, there seems to have been considerable continuity with the Roman period in both field layout and arable practices, although we do not know whether there were also changes to patterns of tenure or the regulation of cultivation. The greatest perceptible alterations in land usage between about 400 and 600 are therefore in the proportions of the land of each community that lay under grass or the plough, rather than in changes to the layout or management of arable fields.^[155]

The Anglo-Saxons settled in small groups covering a handful of widely dispersed local communities.^[156] These farms were for the most part mobile. This mobility, which was typical across much of Northern Europe took two forms: the gradual shifting of the settlement within its boundaries or the complete location of the settlement altogether. These shifting settlements (called Wandersiedlungen or "wandering settlements") were a common feature since the Bronze Age. Why farms became abandoned and then relocated is much debated. However it is suggested that this might be related to the death of a patron of the family or the desire to move to better farmlands.^[157]

These farms are often falsely supposed to be "peasant farms". However, a ceorl, who was the lowest ranking freeman in early Anglo-Saxon society, was not a peasant but an arms-owning male with access to law, support of a kindred and the wergild, situated at the apex of an extended household working at least one hide of land. It is the ceorl that we should associate with the standard 8–10m x 4–5m post-hole building of the early Anglo-Saxon period, grouped with others of the same kin group. Each such household head had a number of less-free dependants.^[158]

The success of the rural world in the 5th and 6th centuries, according to the landscape archaeology, was due to three factors: the continuity with the past, with no evidence of up-rooting in the landscape; farmer's freedom and rights over lands, with provision of a rent or duty to an overlord, who provided only slight lordly input; and the common outfield arable land (of an outfield-infield system) that provided the ability to build kinship and group cultural ties.

Material culture

The origins of the timber building tradition seen in early Anglo—Saxon England has generated a lot of debate which has mirrored a wider debate about the cultural affinities of Anglo-Saxon material culture.

Philip Rahtz asserted that buildings seen in West Stow and Mucking had late Roman origins.^[159] Archaeologist Philip Dixon noted the striking similarity between Anglo-Saxon timber halls and Romano-British rural houses. The Anglo-Saxons did not import the 'long-house', the traditional dwelling of the continental Germanic peoples, to Britain. Instead they upheld a local vernacular British building tradition dating back to the late first century. This has been interpreted as evidence of the endurance of kinship and household structures from the Roman into the Anglo-Saxon period.^[160][161]

However, this has been considered too neat an explanation for all the evidence. Anne and Gary Marshall summarise the situation:

"One of the main problems in Anglo-Saxon archaeology has been to account for the apparent uniqueness of the English timber structures of the period. These structures seem to bear little resemblance either to earlier Romano-British or to continental models. In essence, the problem is that the hybrid Anglo-Saxon style seems to appear full-blown with no examples of development from the two potentially ancestral traditions ... The consensus of the published work was that the Anglo-Saxon building style was predominantly home-grown." ^[162]

For Bryan Ward-Perkins the answer is found in the success of the Anglo-Saxon culture and highlights the micro-diversity and larger cohesion that produced a dynamic force in comparison to the Brittonic culture^[140] From beads and Quoits, to clothes and houses there is something unique happening in the early Anglo-Saxon period. The material culture evidence shows that people adopted and adapted styles based on set roles and styles. John Hines, commenting on the diversity of nearly 1000 glass beads and many different clothes clasps from Lakenheath, states that these reveal a "society where people relied on others to fulfill a role" and "what they had around them was making a statement", not one about the individual, but about "identity between small groups not within small groups".^[163]

Julian Richards commenting on this and other evidence suggests:

"(The Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain) was more complex than a mass invasion bringing fully formed lifestyles and beliefs. The early Anglo-Saxon, just like today's migrants, were probably riding different cultural identities. They brought from their homelands the traditions of their ancestors. But they would have been trying to work out not only who they were, but who they wanted to be ... and forge an identity for those who followed".^[164]

Looking beyond simplistic 'homeland' scenarios, and explaining the observations that 'Anglo-Saxon' houses and other aspects of material culture do not find exact matches in the 'Germanic homelands' in Europe, Halsall explains the changes within the context of a larger 'North Sea interaction zone', including lowland England, Northern Gaul and northern Germany. These areas experienced marked social and cultural changes in the wake of Roman collapse - experienced not only within the former Roman provinces (Gaul, Britain) but also in Barbaricum itself. All three areas experienced changes in social structure, settlement patterns and ways of expressing identities, as well as tensions which created push and pull factors for migrations in, perhaps, multiple directions.^[165]

Culture of belief

The study of pagan religious practice in the early Anglo-Saxon period is difficult. Most of the texts that may contain relevant information are not contemporary, but written later by Christian writers who tended to have a hostile attitude to pre-Christian beliefs, and who may have distorted their portrayal of them. Much of the information used to reconstruct Anglo-Saxon paganism comes from later Scandinavian and Icelandic texts and there is a debate about how relevant these are. The study of pagan Anglo-Saxon beliefs has often been approached with reference to Roman or even Greek typologies and categories. Archaeologists therefore use such terms as gods, myths, temples, sanctuaries, priests, magic and cults. Charlotte Behr argues that this provides a worldview of Anglo-Saxon practice culture which is unhelpful.^[166]

Peter Brown employed a new method of looking at the belief systems of the fifth to seventh Centuries, by arguing for a model of religion which was typified by a pick and choose approach. The period was exceptional because there was no orthodoxy or institutions to control or hinder the people. This freedom of culture is seen also in the Roman-British community and is very evident in the complaints of Gildas.^[167]

One Anglo-Saxon cultural practice that is better understood are the burial customs, due in part to archaeological excavations at various sites including Sutton Hoo, Spong Hill, Prittlewell, Snape and Walkington Wold, and the existence of around 1,200 pagan (or non-Christian) cemeteries. There was no set form of burial, with cremation being preferred in the north and inhumation in the south, although both forms were found throughout England, sometimes in the same cemeteries. When cremation did take place, the ashes were usually placed within an urn and then buried, sometimes along with grave goods.^[168] According to archaeologist Dave Wilson, "the usual orientation for an inhumation in a pagan Anglo-Saxon cemetery was west-east, with the head to the west, although there were often deviations from this."^[169] Indicative of possible religious belief, grave goods were common amongst inhumation burials as well as cremations; free Anglo-Saxon men were buried with at least one weapon in the pagan tradition, often a seax, but sometimes also with a spear, sword or shield, or a combination of these.^[168] There are also a number of recorded cases of parts of animals being buried within such graves. Most common amongst these was body parts belonging to either goats or sheep, although parts of oxen were also relatively common, and there are also isolated cases of goose, crab apples, duck eggs and hazelnuts being buried in graves. It is widely thought therefore that such items constituted a food source for the deceased.^[170] In some cases, animal skulls, particularly oxen but also pig, were buried in human graves, a practice that was also found earlier in Roman Britain.^[168]

There is also evidence for the continuation of Christianity in south and east Britain. The Christian shrine at St Albans and its martyr cult survived throughout the period (see Gildas above). There are references in Anglo-Saxon poetry, including Beowulf, that show some interaction between pagan and Christian practices and values. While there is little scholarly focus on this subject, there is enough evidence from Gildas and elsewhere that it is safe to assume some continuing - perhaps more free - form of Christianity survived. Richard Whinder states "(The Church's pre-Augustine) characteristics place it in continuity with the rest of the Christian Church in Europe at that time and, indeed, in continuity with the Catholic faith ... today." ^[171]

The complexity of belief, indicated by various pieces of evidence, is disturbing to those looking for easy categories. The extent to which belief was discursive and free during the settlement period suggests a lack of proscription, indeed, this might be a characteristic of Anglo-Saxon cultural success.

Language and literature

Little is known about the everyday spoken language of people living in the migration period. Old English is a contact language and it is hard to reconstruct the pidgin used in this period from the written language found in the West Saxon literature of some 400 years later. Two general theories are proposed regarding why people changed their language to Old English (or an early form of such): either a person or household changed so as to serve an elite, or a person or household changed through choice as it provided some advantage economically or legally.^[172]

According to Nick Higham, the adoption of the language - as well as the material culture and traditions - of an Anglo-Saxon elite, "by large numbers of the local people seeking to improve their status within the social structure, and undertaking for this purpose rigorous acculturation", is the key to understanding the Anglo-Saxon from Romano-British transition. The progressive nature of this language acquisition, and the 'retrospective reworking' of kinship ties to the dominant group led, ultimately, to the "myths which tied the entire society to immigration as an explanation of their origins in Britain".^[173]

The Wanderer, an early poem that appears in the Exeter Book,

translation: Sean Miller^[174]

Old English	Modern English
Oft him anhaga are gebideð, metudes miltse, þeah þe he modcearig geond lagulade longe sceolde hreran mid hondum hrimcealde sæ, wadan wræclastas. Wyrd bið ful aræd!	Often the solitary one finds grace for himself, the mercy of the Lord, Although he, sorry-hearted, must for a long time move by hand (in context = row) along the waterways, along the ice-cold sea, tread the paths of exile. Events always go as they must!

This explains the conviction of later medieval historians (such as Bede) that their ancestral origins were not with the British, but rather with the Germanic migrants of the early Anglo-Saxon period. It also explains the enduring appeal of poems and heroic stories such as Beowulf, Wulf and Eadwacer and Judith, well into the Christian period. The success of the language is the most obvious result of the settlement period. This language was not just the language of acculturation but through the stories, poetry and oral traditions became the agency of change.

Nick Highham has provided this summary of the processes:

"As Bede later implied, language was a key indicator of ethnicity in early England. In circumstances where freedom at law, acceptance with the kindred, access to patronage, and the use of possession of weapons were all exclusive to those who could claim Germanic descent, then speaking Old English without Latin or Brittonic inflection had considerable value."^[175]

See also

Notes

Citations

References