Romano-Berber states

Kahina memorial in Khenchela, Algeria

Romano-Berber states (called even Neo-Latin Berber States) are a group of political entities that developed in the central-eastern area of the Maghreb region after the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the mid-fifth century. They lasted nearly three centuries until 703 AD, while the Arab conquest of North Africa was completed in 708 AD with the occupation of western Morocco and Septum.

Characteristics

The "Romano-Berber" states are so called because they had a population Romanized at different levels: the coastal and urban areas were populated by descendants of Roman colonists and by Romanized Berbers, while in the mountainous interior the population was made by semi-Romanized Berbers and by some Roman colonists in a few military centers (like Lambaesis[1] in the Aures region, headquarters of the Legio III Augusta). Sometimes these states were called "Romano-Moorish" States, but this name was referred properly to those in Mauritania (Tingitana and Caesariensis) while the Neo-Latin Berber States were all in Numidia (actual Tunisia and central-eastern Algeria).

Indeed many Berber tribes were, as one ventured further south and west from Roman Carthage in the fourth and fifth centuries, progressively less Romanized. The three Romano-Berber tribal leaders whose names have come down to us (Masuna, Mastigas and Garmul), ruled in the former Mauretania west of the territories occupied by the Vandals and later by the Byzantines and styled themselves Rex Romanorum et Maurorum. These were the less Romanized kings, who took more care to emulate the Roman culture and were settled leaders, but not "pastoralists". They more often than not ruled over a former Roman city or Military camp turned town, together with many Latinized Berbers and Latins themselves.

These kings had the most independence of any post-Imperium kingdom. They only gave nominal allegiance to Constantinople, and unlike the Byzantine Exarchate of Africa did not interact on any level with Constantinople, except during the Vandalic War of Belisarius. Roman emperor Justinian I is actually credited with essentially giving them free authority (although how he did so hasn't come down to us) and further legitimized their rule. After the Vandals conquered Carthage, the areas of Numidia bordering the Romano-Moorish kingdoms achieved independence under Berber kings, from Caesarea to Capsa: these areas during the fifth century were populated by a Romanized population in the cities (mostly related to Roman colonists and legionaries, liked Timgad[2]) and in the mountains by a Berber population speaking a Latinized Berber according to Saint Augustine (who wrote that the original native Berber was spoken only by the nomad tribes).

Many tribes, however, especially north and south of the salt lakes in Tunisia and Algeria, were mainly pastoral and semi-barbarians. They were very "tribal", and although no doubt many of them had absorbed superficial features of Roman culture, they were easily recognizable as the common type of Berber found through the Atlas range: semi-Romanized in language, religion, and not much else.

The most Romanized "Tribal confederation" actually existed in the Aures, or even in the settled and most Latin regions of the Byzantine Exarchate (like Ammaedara and surroundings[3]). They were only recognizable as Berbers, however, because of their familial ancestry. They were of the type one could find throughout Spain, Italy, and Gaul during the fourth century: the native, Latinized, regional "Aristocracies". They conducted themselves in a manner similar to that of the Rome's Senatorial aristocracy: owned "Villae", participated in the local City Politics, and even had representation along with the major Roman Senatorial families of the region at the Administrative capital.

Statue of a probably Romano-Berber defunct found in Ammaedara necropolis[4]

Furthermore nearly all Berbers were Christians since the third century, to the point that one of the most famous and important Christian saints was Berber: Saint Augustine.[5] But in the Atlas mountains was still worshipped some form of paganism and idolatry when the Vandals arrived: Pope Gelasius I, a Berber born in what is now Kabylia, successfully converted to Christianity around 492 AD all the Berbers of the Aures (who were the last to defend Romanised north western-Africa with their queen Kahina from the Moslem invasion).

However after eight centuries secure from foreign attack, Rome fell to the Visigoths in 410 AD and Carthage had been captured in 439 AD by Vandals under Gaiseric.[6] These changes were traumatic to Roman citizens in Africa Province including, of course, those acculturated Berbers who once enjoyed the prospects for livelihood provided by the long fading, now badly broken Imperial economy.

Yet also other Berbers saw a chance for betterment if not liberation in the wake of Rome's slide toward disorder. Living within the empire in urban poverty or as rural laborers, or living beyond its frontiers as independent pastoralists primarily but also as tillers of the soil, were Berbers who found new political-economic opportunities in Rome's decline, e.g., access to better land and trading terms. The consequent absence of Imperial authority at the periphery soon led to the emergence of new Berber polities. These arose not along the sea coast in the old Imperial cities, but centered inland at the borderland (the limes) of empire, between the steppe and the sown.

This "pre-Sahara" geographic and cultural zone ran along the mountainous frontier, the Tell, hill country and upland plains, which separated the "well-watered, Mediterranean districts of the Maghreb to the north, from the Sahara desert to the south." Here Berber tribal chiefs acted through force and negotiation to establish a new source of governing authority.[7]

...the builders of the first Djeddars were kings who ruled in the territories of Mauretania Caesariensis from the fifth century...One of them named Masuna, contemporary of the Vandal kings, in 508 AD said that ruled as "King of the Mauri and of the Romans". We know only a few of the names of these kings, like Mastinas and Garmul. Another named Vartaia (called Ortaias by Procopius) ruled former Mauretania Setifiana, while some years before Masties ruled the Aures region, and a king whose name has been lost but who -like Masties and Masuna- proclaimed his faith in a Christian God, used to say that he was king of the Ucutamani...and was the ruler of little Kabylia - Roger Camps

These Berber states are often called "Neo-Latin" because were post-Roman (meaning: no more under the Roman Empire authority), with a local and differentiated Latin language mixed with many local Berberisms, and with a Christian religion. They even initially developed a local form of heresy called Donatism: this "Donatismus" was a Christian sect within the Roman Province of Africa that flourished in the fourth, fifth and early sixth centuries inside communities of Berber Christians. The "Donatists" (named for the Berber Christian bishop Donatus Magnus) were members of a schismatic church not in communion with the churches of the Catholic tradition in Late Antiquity. Some of their Christian kings left the monuments called Djeddars. Indeed during the fifth century the area was fully Christianized, according to historian Theodore Mommsen, and the kings were probably buried in a mausoleum called "Djeddar" in berber.[8] Historian Gabriel Camps[9] thinks that some Berber kings (like Masuna and Garmul) were buried in a Djeddar near Frenda.

History

With the Vandal invasion of the Maghreb in 429 AD, these Neo-Latin Berber states started to achieve full (or nearly) independence.

Eastern Hemisphere in 480 AD, showing some Romanised Berber kingdoms after the fall of Rome

From west to east across North Africa, eight of these new Berbers states have been identified, being the kingdoms of: Altava (near present-day Tlemcen); the Ouarsenis (by Tiaret); Hodna; the Aures (southern Numidia); the Nemencha; the Dorsale (at Thala, south of El Kef); Capsus (at Capsa); and, Cabaon (in Tripolitania, at Oea).[10]

The eastern-most five of these Berber kingdoms were located within the old Africa Proconsularis, and all eight were within the now defunct Diocese of Africa (314-432), Carthage its capital. Alike in situation to the newly formed Germanic kingdoms within the fallen Empire in Europe to the north,[11] these Berber kingdoms served two disparate populations: the Romani who were "the settled communities of provincial citizens" and the "barbarians", here the Mauri, "Berber tribes along and beyond the frontier". The Romani contributed the urban resources and fiscal structure for which a civil administration was required, while the Mauri provided fruits of the countryside and satisfied essential military and security requirements.[12]

The Romani spoke Latin, while the Mauri spoke the old Berber language mixed with some (but even -in some tribes- many) Latinisms. Probably in the independent Berber States started to be developed a Neo-Latin language: the African Romance. Most of them were Christians, but there was a huge presence of Jews between them.[13]

One of the most famous of these Berber states was the one ruled by Masuna a Romano-Moorish king in Mauretania Caesariensis (western Algeria), that later had Altava as the capital. Masuna was a Berber, possibly descended from a Romano-Berber family appointed as federate commanders in Roman times, who simply continued after the Vandal invasion, or a Berber warlord who extended his rule in the chaos of Vandal times beyond the pastoralist Berber tribes (contemporaneously known as "Mauri" or Moors), to also cover the Romanized cities of Mauretania.

In Mauretania, between the Roman outpost of Septum and the province of Mauretania Caesariensis, various small "Moorish" kingdoms, which also ruled over Romanized urban populations, had been established ever since the arrival of the Vandals. Little information exists about them, but these were never subdued by the Vandals, and claimed continuity from the Roman Empire, their leaders styling themselves with titles such as rex, like the chieftain Masties at Arris (in the Aures) in the late fifth century, or, in the case of king Masuna of Altava (modern Ouled Mimoun, northwest Algeria), rex gentium Maurorum et Romanorum in the early sixth century.[14]

The Vandal conquest of Roman Africa resulted even in the abandonement of the Fossatum Africae,[15] a Roman vallum that continued in Libya with the Limes Tripolitanus and that was even the southern limit of the Romanised Berbers.

When Belisarius defeated the Vandals, the Romano-Moorish kings had apparently acknowledged Roman suzerainty (at least nominally), but soon, taking advantage of the Moorish revolts, renounced it. In the late 560s, the Moorish king Garmul of the Regnum Maurorum et Romanorum (probably a successor of the aforementioned Masuna of Altava) launched raids into Roman territory, and although he failed to take any significant town, three successive generals (the praetorian prefect Theodore and the magister militum Theoctistus in 570 AD, and Theoctistus' successor Amabilis in 571) are recorded by John of Biclaro to have been killed by Garmul's forces.[16] His activities, especially when regarded together with the simultaneous Visigoth attacks in Spania, presented a clear threat to the province's authorities. Garmul was not the leader of a mere semi-nomadic tribe, but of a fully-fledged barbarian kingdom, with a standing army. Thus the new emperor, Tiberius II Constantine, re-appointed Thomas as praetorian prefect, and the able general Gennadius was posted as magister militum with the clear aim of reducing Garmul's kingdom. Preparations were lengthy and careful, but the campaign itself, launched in 577–78, was brief and effective, with Gennadius utilizing terror tactics against Garmul's subjects. Garmul was defeated and killed by 579, and the coastal corridor between Tingitana and Caesariensis secured.[17]

The title of king has never thoroughly disappeared at Moors' states, but during the 4th century, we can attend to a beginning of confusion of the Roman and native powers upon the same sway of ambitious principles, with Nubel, Firmus and Gildon family's ascension. The kingdoms, as Masuna's one, "King of the Roman and Moorish peoples", which appear during the Vandal and Byzantine periods, are some greatly interesting examples of arrangement between two so undying than contradictory traditions: Roman administrations set upon a cities' network and Moorish tribe organization based on the private allegiance. Contrary to C. Courtois's fractionist hypothesis, it seems that the Cesarían Mauretany has only constituted a kingdom the successive chiefs of which were Masuna (508), Mastinas (535-571), Garmul (+ 579).The analysis of rare literary, epigraphical, numismatic and archeological sources back this hypothesis up. Though likely coming from the southern regions, the princes for who the Djedars were built,were Christian.The Christianity seems indeed having widely possessed the Moors, even beyond the old limes (tumulus with chapel of Djorf Torba). In Meknès el Hajeb area, the Gour is another evidence of the Moorish chiefs power in the 8th century. This funeral monument is contemporary of the Christian writings of Volubilis and Koseïla (which was may be named Caecilius), this Awreba chief from the Algero-Moroccan borders who ended by holding sway over Kairouan. - Gabriel Camps

The Vandals conquered the coastal area around Carthago, but some of these eight Berber States remained independents. Indeed after a century, in 534 AD, the Roman province of Africa was reconquered by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I with his general Belisarius. The changes that occurred in spoken Latin during that time are unknown; literary Latin, however, was maintained at a high standard, as seen in the Latin poetry of the African writer Corippus. Anyway, probably the Berbers were starting to lose their Roman characteristics.[18] After the Byzantine defeat of the Vandals, all their Exarchate and the eight Berber states enjoyed an economic revival, with even construction of new fortifications and churches.[19] The city of Carthago and others, like Timgad, returned to a similar (but smaller) importance to the one they had in the fourth century.[20]

Ruins of the Roman walls of Theveste, one of the many sites restored and fortified under Solomon

Indeed there were revolts against the Byzantine rule, like those done by Antalas against governor Solomon. Troglita, with the Battle of Marta and the battle of Cato Fields re-established the civil administrative apparatus as originally envisaged by Emperor Justinian in 533, sharing his authority with the prefect Athanasius. The provincial fortifications were restored, and the subdued Romanised Berber tribes carefully returned to a status of vassalage as imperial foederati in 548 AD.

In 539 AD Solomon ....devoted the energies of the state to an enormous building programme that fortified the Bizantine province of Africa. The open cities and villa-dotted countryside of the past was transformed into a medieval landscape of small walled towns surrounded by fortified manor houses...at the same time sewer systems were overhauled, acqueducts reconnected, harbours cleared and grandiose churches erected to dominate the new urban centres...The three great rectangular military fortresses, which were constructed on the south-western frontier zone of Tebessa, Thelepte and Ammaedara, would have required over a million laboring days in their construction. - Barnaby Rogerson

According to the scholar John B. Bury, Troglita's record in re-establishing order and tranquility in the troubled province make him, along with Belisarius and Solomon, "the third hero of the Imperial reoccupation of Africa".

Successively the Neo-Latin Berber States fought the Arab conquest, with success in the first decades.

Initially the Berber States were able to defeat the Arabs at the Battle of Vescera (modern Biskra in Algeria), that was fought in 682 AD between the Berbers of Christian king Kusaila and their Byzantine allies from the Exarchate of Carthage against an Umayyad Arab army under Uqba ibn Nafi (the founder of Kairouan).[21] Uqba ibn Nafi had led his men in an expedition across north Africa, eventually reaching the Atlantic Ocean and marching as far south as the Draa and Sous rivers. On his return, he was ambushed by the Berber-Byzantine coalition at Tahuda south of Vescera, defeated and killed. As a result of this defeat, the Arabs were expelled from the area of modern Tunisia for more than a decade.[22]

The amphitheatre of Thysdrus (modern El Djem), where Berber queen Kahina fought the Arab invasion

The second tentative of Arab conquest was done in 690 with their initial conquest of Carthage, but the Byzantine were able to defeat them with help from their Christian Berber allies. Soon the Arabs returned with a powerful army of 40000 Arabs who did the final conquest of Carthage in 698 AD and in this third tentative expelled forever from what is now Tunisia the Bizantines.[23]

The final main resistance came from Kahina, a Berber queen, religious and military leader of the Aures Berber State, who led indigenous Berber resistance to Arab expansion in Northwest Africa, the region then known as Numidia. She (called "Dihyā" in Arab) was born in the early seventh century and may well have been of mixed descent: Berber and Byzantine Christian, since one of her sons is described as a 'yunani' or Greek.[24] Kahina ruled as a Christian queen (but some Arab historians wrote that she was a Jewish "sorcerer") and was able to defeat the Arab invaders (who had already lost Carthage to the Bizantines) who retreated to Tripolitania: for five years ruled a free Berber state from the Aures mountains to the oasis of Gadames (695-700 AD).

But the Arabs, commanded by Musa bin Nusayr, returned with a strong army of more than 40000 warriors and defeated her (after having expelled the Bizantines from Carthage). She fought at the Thysdrus Roman amphitheater (in actual El Djem) but finally died around the end of the seventh century in modern-day Algeria in a battle near Tabarka: according to legends, she ordered -when dying after her final defeat in 702 AD- her sons to convert to Moslem faith, and one of those sons was Gebel el Tariq, the leader of the Moslem invasion of Spain in 711 AD.

Ceuta (then called "Septum") and the surrounding territories were the last area of Byzantine Africa to be occupied by the Arabs: around 708 AD, as Muslim armies approached the city, its Byzantine governor, Julian (described as King of the Ghomara) changed his allegiance, and exhorted the Muslims to invade the Iberian Peninsula. After Julian's death, the Arabs took direct control of the city, which the indigenous Berber tribes resented. They destroyed Septum during the Kharijite rebellion led by Maysara al-Matghari in 740 AD, but Christian Berbers remained there (even if harshly persecuted in the next centuries): Ceuta is the only place in the Maghreb were Roman Africa heritage has continuously survived to our days. Furthermore, Christianity has been present in Ceuta continuously since Roman times. The ruins of a basilica in downtown Ceuta confirm this reality.[25]

Indeed the fortunes of "African Latin" following the Arab conquest of all the Romano-Berber States in 698-702 AD are difficult to trace, though it was soon replaced by Arabic as the primary administrative language. Presumably it continued to be used for some centuries under Arab rule, just as Coptic continued to be spoken in Egypt. It is also possible that Latin in Africa was already in sharp decline due to the growing presence of the Berbers in the urban regions (and the Vandalic conquest that resulted in the persecution of native Latin speakers). Christianity started to disappear after the Arab conquests, but was still relatively active after two centuries (even if minimal) and survived until the thirteenth century: in the area of Volubilis was created a dioceses in 1226 AD[26]

.a Christian community is recorded in 1114 in Qal'a in central Algeria.In the mid-twelfth century an Africanized Latin was still being spoken by Orthodox in Gafsa in the south of Tunisia. - Frandew A.

The twelfth-century Moroccan geographer Muhammad al-Idrisi, describing Gafsa (that was the capital of one of the Berber States before Arab conquest) in southern Tunisia, noted that "its inhabitants are Berberised, and most of them speak the African Latin tongue (al-latini al-afriqi)."[27] In the same centuries nearly disappeared the last Christian Berber communities in the Maghreb.[28] Indeed in 1227 AD St Daniel found a Christian community worshipping in a Berber village just outside Ceuta[29]

Caesarea: a Post-Roman history of a Romano-Berber city

The city of Caesarea (actual Algerian "Cherchell") and the surroundings were part of the Neo-Latin Berber kingdom of Ouarsenis on the Mediterranean coast and it is a recorded example of what happened in the Maghreb area after the fall of the Roman empire. Indeed it was a totally Romanised city in the fifth century, according to historian Theodore Mommsen, and as the capital of the Mauretania Caesariensis was fully Christian. Caesarea was one of the 80 cities in the Maghreb populated (and sometimes even created) by Roman colonists from Italy. It was conquered by the Vandals around 435 AD, but left in the hands of the Berbers after a few years. Successively, the unintended consequences of the Byzantine's wars and suppression of the Vandals left much of the coast without the strong military abilities of the Vandal nobility and their armies. As a result, Berber raids and settlements, which had been checked by the Vandals returned once more in the area of Caesarea, finally conquering it and the city become the main port of the Neo-Latin Berber kingdom of Ouarsenis.

Around the beginning of the seventh century Caesarea was returned to the Byzantine Exarchate. The bizantines started to use officially the Greek language, but the Neo-Latin local dialect remained in use by the inhabitants. Additionally, under the stratified and centralized economic practices of the Empire, many of the small freeholding farmers around the city both of Vandal and Roman origin lost economic opportunities which left them prey to more powerful rich landlords. Thus, the whole system decayed to the point it became vulnerable to powerful movements such as Islam which ultimately conquered the city at the end of the century. This only further worsened the local economy impoverishing its inhabitants who became increasingly acculturated toward Arabs. By the tenth century, the city's name had transformed in the local dialect from a Latin to a Berber and ultimately into the Arabized name for Caesarea, Sharshal (actual Cherchell).

Eastern Hemisphere in 600 AD, showing the Neo-Latin Berber kingdom of Ouarsenis

In the city's remaining Byzantine history, it went into slow decline in which the city's remaining Roman and what remained of the semi-Romanized Vandal elite held a stratified position over the growing numbers of Berbers it allowed to settle in return for cheap labor. However, this reduced the economic status of small freeholders and urban dwellers, especially what remained of the Vandal population who provided most of the local military forces. Furthermore, the increasing use of Berber workers ground down the Roman population of free peasants. By the eighth century, the city and surrounding area was lacking both a strong urban middle class of free citizens, or a rural population of freeholding farmers, or a crack military aristocracy of Vandal warriors and their retinue. Lacking both a strong and motivated local militia for emergencies, or a large enough local military aristocracy, the province -which included present day north-central Algeria- succumbed to Arab Moslem Jihad.

Over a period of fifteen years, successive waves of Islamic Jihads into Byzantine North African territory wore down the smaller and less motivated Imperial armies, until finally, Moslem tribesmen lay siege to the city of Caesarea. Despite being resupplied by Byzantine fleets, the small Byzantine ruling class and its dependents were eventually overwhelmed by Islamic forces. Much of the Byzantine nobility and its civil service fled to other parts of the Empire, while most of what remained of the Roman and semi-Roman Berber population accepted Islamic supremacy in return for protected status.

However, some Christians remained in the city but hope of living as free Christians under Islamic rulers was dashed. For two generations what remained of the Roman population and Romanized Berbers launched several revolts often in conjunction with reinforcements from the Empire. In turn, Islamic forces would react with even more death and oppression. After several revolts by Berbers and what remained of the Romano-Berber and tiny partially Vandal populations, Arab Moslems in the ninth century tore down much of the city's defenses and recycled its crumbling Roman buildings, leaving the former city little more than a town and pale relic of its former glory, surrounded by a camp of Moslem warriors and their retinue. Additionally, the various Jihads and growing numbers of Arab tribesmen forcibly converted the majority of the population to Islam over two centuries of oppression and war. As a result, most of what remained of Roman and Vandal civilization, including its language and Christianity disappeared under the onslaughts of Arab attacks.

Nonetheless, after the tenth century later Berbero-Islamic rule was more tolerant and respectful of its Greco-Roman Christian past and endeavored to rebuild aspects of the towns' former civilization. For the following few centuries, the city remained a power center of Arabs and Berbers with a small but significant population of semi-Roman Christians. During this period, several attempts at reconquest were made by Europeans, who under various nationalities such as Spanish, French, or Norman managed to hold the city off and on for a few generations before being pushed out again by Moslems. The most significant of these in providing material for historical review, especially of what remained of its Roman and Byzantine infrastructure and population was the Norman Kingdom of Africa. Since then Caesarea changed continuously hands between European Christians and Arab Moslems. Eventually, Ottoman Turks managed to successfully call an all Islamic Jihad which reconquered the city from Spanish control in the sixteenth century. These later sieges and conquest obliterated what remained of any of the city's ancient architecture and left the city primarily a fortified port that was fully Moslem.

See also

Notes

  1. "Lambaesis" history and photos
  2. Timgad, the last Roman colony created in Numidia, populated by colonists from Italy
  3. Romano-berber Ammaedara: "Recherches archéologiques à Ammaedara (Haïdra)"
  4. Ammaedara ruins
  5. Christianity and the Berbers
  6. Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (Paris 1970; Princeton Univ. 1977) at 67-69.
  7. Alan Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids: State Formation and Regional Identity in the Pre-Saharan Zone" at 77-98, 77-78, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers. New perspectives on late antique North Africa (Aldershot: Ashgate 2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.
  8. Christian Djeddars
  9. Gabriel Camps. "Rex gentium Maurorum et Romanorum. Recherches sur les royaumes de Maurétanie des VIe et VIIe siècles"
  10. Cf., Christian Courtois, Les Vandales et l'Afrique (Paris 1955), map at 334; modified and reproduced in Alan Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids: State Formation and Regional Identity in the Pre-Saharan Zone" at 77-98, 80, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers. New perspectives on late antique North Africa (Aldershot: Ashgate 2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.
  11. E.g., c.f., discussion of the Visigothic state at Toulouse, regarding the laws promulgated by the kings Euric (r.466-484) and Alaric II (r.484-507), namely the Codex Euricianus which sets out the personal law for the Goths, and the Lex Romana Visigothorum which states Roman law to be applied to the former provincial citizens of the Empire now under Gothic rule. Herwig Wolfram, Das Reich und die Germanun (Berlin: Wolf Jobst Siedler Verlag 1990), translated as The Roman Empire and Its Germanic Peoples (University of California 1997, 2005) at 156-158.
  12. Courtous: Berbers and Roman empire (JSTOR) uid=3739256&uid=2129&uid=2&uid=70&uid=4&sid=21103761300947
  13. History of Christianity in the Roman north Africa
  14. Julien (1931: v.1, p.253-54). For a survey, see C. Courtois (1955) Les Vandales et l' Afrique. Paris: AMG.
  15. Fossatum Africae: "Les milliaires de Chebika (Sud tunisien)"
  16. PLRE IIIa, p. 504
  17. El Africa Bizantina, pp. 45-46
  18. Romans and Berbers (Camps, Gabriel."Rex gentium Maurorum et Romanorum. Recherches sur les royaumes de Maurétanie des VIe et VIIe siècles". Map: pag. 189)
  19. Bizantine Africa
  20. Carthago, p. 4-7
  21. McKenna, Amy (2011). The History of Northern Africa. Britannica Educational Publishing. p. 40. ISBN 1615303189.
  22. Conant, Jonathan (2012). Staying Roman : conquest and identity in Africa and the Mediterranean, 439-700. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 280–281. ISBN 0521196973.
  23. Battle of Carthage in 698 AD
  24. Pedro Chalmeta, Invasión e islamización: la sumisión de Hispania y la formación de al-Andalus (Jaen, 2003), p. 93.
  25. Christian Ceuta
  26. Creation of Dioceses of Fez
  27. "Al-Latini al-Afriqi" in Gafsa
  28. Last Christians in medieval Maghreb, by Frandew A.
  29. St Daniel and his martyrs

Bibliography