Pierre Trudeau

The Right Honourable
Pierre Elliott Trudeau
PC CH CC QC FSRC
Trudeau in 1980
15th Prime Minister of Canada
In office
April 20, 1968  June 4, 1979
Monarch Elizabeth II
Governor General Roland Michener
Jules Léger
Edward Schreyer
Deputy Allan MacEachen (1977–79)
Preceded by Lester B. Pearson
Succeeded by Joe Clark
In office
March 3, 1980  June 30, 1984
Monarch Elizabeth II
Governor General Edward Schreyer
Jeanne Sauvé
Deputy Allan MacEachen
Preceded by Joe Clark
Succeeded by John Turner
Leader of the Official Opposition
In office
June 4, 1979  March 3, 1980
Prime Minister Joe Clark
Preceded by Joe Clark
Succeeded by Joe Clark
Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada
In office
April 6, 1968  June 16, 1984
Preceded by Lester B. Pearson
Succeeded by John Turner
Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada
In office
April 4, 1967  July 5, 1968
Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson
Himself
Preceded by Louis Cardin
Succeeded by John Turner
Acting President of the Privy Council
In office
March 11, 1968  May 1, 1968
Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson
Himself
Preceded by Walter L. Gordon
Succeeded by Allan MacEachen
Member of the Canadian Parliament
for Mount Royal
In office
November 8, 1965  June 30, 1984
Preceded by Alan Macnaughton
Succeeded by Sheila Finestone
Personal details
Born Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau
October 18, 1919
Montreal, Quebec
Died September 28, 2000 (aged 80)
Montreal, Quebec
Resting place Saint-Rémi Cemetery, Saint-Rémi, Quebec
Political party Liberal
Spouse(s) Margaret Trudeau (1971–1984, separated in 1977)
Children Justin Trudeau
Alexandre Trudeau
Michel Trudeau
Sarah Elisabeth Coyne (daughter with Deborah Coyne)
Parents Charles-Émile Trudeau (Father)
Grace Elliot (Mother)
Alma mater Université de Montréal
Harvard University
Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris
London School of Economics
Occupation Lawyer
Jurist
Academic
Professor
Author
Journalist
Member of Parliament
Politician
Religion Roman Catholicism
Signature
Military service
Allegiance  Canada
Service/branch Canadian Army Reserve
Years of service 1943–1945
Rank Officer Cadet

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, PC CH CC QC FSRC (/trˈd/; French pronunciation: [tʁydo]; October 18, 1919 – September 28, 2000), usually known as Pierre Trudeau or Pierre Elliott Trudeau, was the 15th Prime Minister of Canada from April 20, 1968 to June 4, 1979, and again from March 3, 1980 to June 30, 1984.

Trudeau began his political career as a lawyer, intellectual, and activist in Quebec politics. In the 1960s, he entered federal politics by joining the Liberal Party of Canada. He was appointed as Lester Pearson's Parliamentary Secretary, and later became his Minister of Justice. Trudeau became a media sensation, inspiring "Trudeaumania," and took charge of the Liberals in 1968. From the late 1960s until the mid-1980s, his personality dominated the political scene to an extent never before seen in Canadian political life, arousing passionate and polarizing reactions throughout Canada. "Reason before passion" was his personal motto.[1] He retired from politics in 1984, and John Turner succeeded him as Prime Minister.

Admirers praise the force of Trudeau's intellect[2] and salute his political acumen in preserving national unity against the Quebec sovereignty movement, suppressing a violent revolt, fostering a pan-Canadian identity, and in achieving sweeping institutional reform, including the patriation of the Constitution and the establishment of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[3] Critics accuse him of arrogance, economic mismanagement, and of unduly centralizing Canadian decision-making to the detriment of Quebec's culture and the economy of the Prairies.[4] While public opinion of him remains divided, scholars consistently rank him as one of the greatest Canadian Prime Ministers.

Early life

The Trudeau family originate from Ste-Marguerite-de-Cogne, La Rochelle, France, and trace back to a Robert Trudeau.[5] The first Trudeau to arrive in Canada was Etienne Trudeau (1641–1712), a carpenter and home builder in 1659.[6]

Pierre Trudeau was born in Montreal to Charles-Émile Trudeau, a French Canadian businessman and lawyer, and Grace Elliott, who was of French and Scottish descent. He had an older sister named Suzette and a younger brother named Charles Jr.; he remained close to both siblings for his entire life. The family had become quite wealthy by the time Trudeau was in his teens, as his father sold his prosperous gas station business to Imperial Oil.[7] Trudeau attended the prestigious Collège Jean-de-Brébeuf (a private French Jesuit school), where he supported Quebec nationalism. Trudeau's father died when Pierre was in his mid-teens. This death hit him and the family very hard emotionally. Pierre remained very close to his mother for the rest of her life.[8]

According to long-time friend and colleague Marc Lalonde, the clerically influenced dictatorships of António de Oliveira Salazar in Portugal (the Estado Novo), Francisco Franco in Spain (the Spanish State), and Marshal Philippe Pétain in Vichy France were seen as political role models by many youngsters educated at elite Jesuit schools in Quebec. Lalonde asserts that Trudeau's later intellectual development as an "intellectual rebel, anti-establishment fighter on behalf of unions and promoter of religious freedom" came from his experiences after leaving Quebec to study in the United States, France and England, and to travel to dozens of countries. His international experiences allowed him to break from Jesuit influence and study French philosophers such as Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier as well as John Locke and David Hume.[9]

Education and the Second World War

Trudeau earned his law degree at the Université de Montréal in 1943. During his studies he was conscripted into the Canadian Army like thousands of other Canadian men, as part of the National Resources Mobilization Act. When conscripted, he decided to join the "Canadian Officers' Training Corps", and he then served with the other conscripts in Canada, since they were not assigned to any overseas military service until after the Conscription Crisis of 1944 (after the Invasion of Normandy that June.) Before this, all Canadians serving overseas were volunteers, and not conscripts.

Trudeau said he was willing to fight during World War II, but he believed that to do so would be to turn his back on the population of Quebec that he believed had been betrayed by the government of William Lyon Mackenzie King. Trudeau reflected on his opposition to conscription and his doubts about the war in his Memoirs (1993): "So there was a war? Tough... if you were a French Canadian in Montreal in the early 1940s, you did not automatically believe that this was a just war... we tended to think of this war as a settling of scores among the superpowers."[8]

In an Outremont by-election in 1942, Trudeau campaigned for the anticonscription candidate Jean Drapeau (later the Mayor of Montreal), and he was thenceforth expelled from the Officers' Training Corps for lack of discipline. After the war, Trudeau continued his studies, first taking a master's degree in political economy at Harvard University's Graduate School of Public Administration. He then studied in Paris, France in 1947 at the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris. Finally, he enrolled for a doctorate at the London School of Economics, but did not finish his dissertation.[10]

Trudeau was interested in Marxist ideas in the 1940s and his Harvard dissertation was on the topic of Communism and Christianity.[11] Thanks to the great intellectual migration away from Europe's fascism, Harvard had become a major intellectual centre in which Trudeau profoundly changed.[12] Despite this, Trudeau found himself an outsider – a French Catholic living for the first time outside of Quebec in the predominantly Protestant American Harvard University.[13] This isolation deepened finally into despair,[14] and led to his decision to continue his Harvard studies abroad.[15]

In 1947, Trudeau travelled to Paris to continue his dissertation work. Over a five-week period he attended many lectures and became a follower of personalism after being influenced most notably by Emmanuel Mounier.[16] He also was influenced by Nicolas Berdyaev, particularly his book Slavery and Freedom.[17] Max and Monique Nemni argue that Berdyaev's book influenced Trudeau's rejection of nationalism and separatism.[18] The Harvard dissertation remained undone when Trudeau entered a doctoral program to study under the renowned socialist economist Harold Laski in the London School of Economics.[19] This cemented Trudeau's belief that Keynesian economics and social science were essential to the creation of the "good life" in democratic society.[20]

Early career

From the late 1940s through the mid-1960s, Trudeau was primarily based in Montreal and was seen by many as an intellectual. In 1949, he was an active supporter of workers in the Asbestos Strike. In 1956, he edited an important book on the subject, La grève de l'amiante, which argued that the strike was a seminal event in Quebec's history, marking the beginning of resistance to the conservative, Francophone clerical establishment and Anglophone business class that had long ruled the province.[21] Throughout the 1950s, Trudeau was a leading figure in the opposition to the repressive rule of Premier of Quebec Maurice Duplessis as the founder and editor of Cité Libre, a dissident journal that helped provide the intellectual basis for the Quiet Revolution.

From 1949 to 1951 Trudeau worked briefly in Ottawa, in the Privy Council Office of the Liberal Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent as an economic policy advisor. He wrote in his memoirs that he found this period very useful later on, when he entered politics, and that senior civil servant Norman Robertson tried unsuccessfully to persuade him to stay on.

His progressive values and his close ties with Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) intellectuals (including F. R. Scott, Eugene Forsey, Michael Kelway Oliver and Charles Taylor) led to his support and membership in that federal democratic socialist party throughout the 1950s.[22] Despite these connections, when Trudeau entered federal politics in the 1960s he decided to join the Liberal Party of Canada rather than the CCF's successor, the New Democratic Party (NDP). Trudeau felt the federal NDP could not achieve power, expressed doubts about the feasibility of the centralizing policies of the party, and felt that the party leadership tended toward a "deux nations" approach he could not support. [23]

In his memoirs, published in 1993, Trudeau wrote that during the 1950s, he wanted to teach at the Université de Montréal, but was blacklisted three times from doing so by Maurice Duplessis, then Premier of Quebec. He was offered a position at Queen's University teaching political science by James Corry, who later became principal of Queen's, but turned it down because he preferred to teach in Quebec.[24] During the 1950s, he was blacklisted by the United States and prevented from entering that country because of a visit to a conference in Moscow, and because he subscribed to a number of left-wing publications. Trudeau later appealed the ban and it was rescinded.

Law professor enters politics

Trudeau after being nominated to represent riding of Town of Mount Royal, June 6, 1965.

An associate professor of law at the Université de Montréal from 1961 to 1965, Trudeau's views evolved towards a liberal position in favour of individual rights counter to the state and made him an opponent of Quebec nationalism. He admired the labour unions, which were tied to the CCF party, and tried to infuse his Liberal party with some of their reforming zeal. By the late 1950s, Trudeau began to reject social democratic and labour parties, arguing that they should put their narrow goals aside and join forces with Liberals to fight for democracy first.[25] In economic theory he was influenced by professors Joseph Schumpeter and John Kenneth Galbraith while he was at Harvard. Trudeau criticized the Liberal Party of Lester Pearson when it supported arming Bomarc missiles in Canada with nuclear warheads.[26] Nevertheless, he was persuaded to join the party in 1965, together with his friends Gérard Pelletier and Jean Marchand. These "three wise men" ran successfully for the Liberals in the 1965 election. Trudeau himself was elected in the safe Liberal riding of Mount Royal, in western Montreal. He would hold this seat until his retirement from politics in 1984, winning each election with large majorities.

Upon arrival in Ottawa, Trudeau was appointed as Prime Minister Lester Pearson's parliamentary secretary, and spent much of the next year travelling abroad, representing Canada at international meetings and events, including the UN. In 1967, he was appointed to Pearson's cabinet as Minister of Justice.[8]

Justice minister and leadership candidate

Omnibus bill
Trudeau speaking about his omnibus bill, famously saying "there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation"

Prime Ministers all: (l-r) Trudeau, future leaders John Turner and Jean Chrétien, and Trudeau's predecessor, Lester B. Pearson

As Minister of Justice, Trudeau was responsible for introducing the landmark Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1968-69, an omnibus bill whose provisions included, among other things, the decriminalization of homosexual acts between consenting adults, the legalization of contraception, abortion and lotteries, new gun ownership restrictions as well as the authorization of breathalyzer tests on suspected drunk drivers. Trudeau famously defended the decriminalization of homosexual acts segment of the bill by telling reporters that "there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation", adding that "what's done in private between adults doesn't concern the Criminal Code".[27] Trudeau paraphrased the term from Martin O'Malley's editorial piece in the The Globe and Mail on December 12, 1967.[27][28] Trudeau also liberalized divorce laws, and clashed with Quebec Premier Daniel Johnson, Sr. during constitutional negotiations.

Trudeau at the Liberal convention after winning the leadership

At the end of Canada's centennial year in 1967, Prime Minister Pearson announced his intention to step down, and Trudeau entered the race for the Liberal leadership. His energetic campaign attracted massive media attention and mobilized many young people, who saw Trudeau as a symbol of generational change. Going into the leadership convention, Trudeau was the front-runner and a clear favourite with the Canadian public. However, many Liberals still had reservations, given that he joined the Liberal Party in 1965 and his views, particularly those on divorce, abortion, and homosexuality, were seen as radical and opposed by a substantial segment of the party. During the convention, prominent Cabinet Minister Judy LaMarsh was caught on television profanely stating that Trudeau wasn't a Liberal.[29]

Nevertheless, at the April 1968 Liberal leadership convention, Trudeau was elected as the leader on the fourth ballot, with the support of 51% of the delegates. He defeated several prominent and long-serving Liberals including Paul Martin Sr., Robert Winters and Paul Hellyer. As the new leader of the governing Liberals, Trudeau was sworn in as Prime Minister two weeks later on April 20.

Prime Minister, 1968–74

Trudeau soon called an election, for June 25. His election campaign benefited from an unprecedented wave of personal popularity called "Trudeaumania," [30][31] which saw Trudeau mobbed by throngs of youths. Trudeau's main national opponents were PC leader Robert Stanfield and NDP leader Tommy Douglas, both popular figures who had been Premier of Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan respectively. As a candidate Trudeau espoused participatory democracy as a means of making Canada a "Just Society". He defended vigorously the newly implemented universal health care and regional development programs, as well as the recent reforms found in the Omnibus bill.

On the eve of the election, during the annual Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day parade in Montreal, when rioting Quebec sovereignists threw rocks and bottles at the grandstand where Trudeau was seated, chanting "Trudeau au poteau." (Trudeau the post) Rejecting the pleas of his aides that he take cover, Trudeau stayed in his seat, facing the rioters, without any sign of fear. The image of the defiant Prime Minister impressed the public, and he handily won the election the next day.[32][33]

Bilingualism and multiculturalism

Trudeau's first major legislative push was implementing the majority of recommendations of Pearson's Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism via the Official Languages Act (Canada), which made French and English the co-equal official languages of the Federal government.[34] More controversial than the declaration (which was backed by the NDP and, with some opposition in caucus, the PCs) was the implementation of the Act's principles: Between 1966 and 1976, the francophone proportion of the civil service and military doubled, causing alarm in some sections of anglophone Canada that they were being disadvantaged.[35]

Trudeau's Cabinet fulfilled Part IV of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism's report by announcing a "Multiculturalism Policy" on October 8, 1971. This statement recognized that while Canada was a country of two official languages, it recognized a plurality of cultures – "a multicultural policy within a bilingual framework".[36] This raised the ire of general Quebec public opinion, who believed that it challenged Quebec's claim of Canada as a country of two nations. [37]

The first major policy failure of Trudeau's first term was the 1969 White Paper on Indians, which was promoted by newly minted Department of Indian and Northern Affairs minister Jean Chrétien as part of Trudeau's push for classical liberal participatory democracy. The statement proposed the general assimilation of First Nations into the Canadian body politic through the elimination of the Indian Act and Indian status, the parceling of reserve land to private owners, and the elimination of the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs.[38] The "White Paper" prompted the first major national mobilization of Indian and Aboriginal activists against the Federal government's proposal, leading to Trudeau tabling the legislation.

October Crisis

Trudeau's first serious test came during the October Crisis of 1970, when a Marxist group, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) kidnapped British Trade Consul James Cross at his residence on the sixth of October. Five days later, Quebec Labour Minister Pierre Laporte was also kidnapped. Trudeau, with the acquiescence of Robert Bourassa, Premier of Quebec, responded by invoking the War Measures Act, which gave the government sweeping powers of arrest and detention without trial. Trudeau presented a determined public stance during the crisis, answering the question of how far he would go to stop the violence with "Just watch me". Laporte would be found murdered on October 17 in the trunk of a car. Five of the FLQ terrorists were flown to Cuba in 1970 as part of a deal in exchange for James Cross' life, although they eventually returned to Canada years later, where they served time in prison.[39]

Although this response is still controversial and was opposed as excessive by parliamentarians like Tommy Douglas and David Lewis, it was met with only limited objections from the public.[40]

Trudeau's first government implemented many procedural reforms to make Parliament and the Liberal caucus meetings run more efficiently, significantly expanded the size and role of the Prime Minister's office,[41] and substantially expanded the welfare state,[42][43] with the establishment of new programmes,[44][45]

Constitutional Affairs

After consultations with the provincial premiers, Trudeau agreed to attend a conference called by British Columbia Premier W.A.C. Bennett to attempt to finally patriate the Canadian constitution. [46] Negotiations with the provinces by Minister of Justice John Turner created a draft agreement, known as the Victoria Charter, that entrenched a charter of rights, bilingualism, and a guarantee of a veto of constitutional amendments for Ontario and Quebec, as well as regional vetoes for Western Canada and Atlantic Canada, within the new constitution.[46] The agreement was acceptable to the nine predominantly English speaking provinces, while Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa requested two weeks to consult with his cabinet.[46] After a strong backlash of popular opinion against the agreement in Quebec, Bourassa stated Quebec would not accept it. [47]

World affairs

Trudeau was the first world leader to meet John Lennon and his wife Yoko Ono on their 'tour for world peace'. Lennon said, after talking with Trudeau for 50 minutes, that Trudeau was "a beautiful person" and that "if all politicians were like Pierre Trudeau, there would be world peace."[48]

In foreign affairs, Trudeau kept Canada firmly in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), but often pursued an independent path in international relations. He established Canadian diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, before the United States did, and went on an official visit to Beijing. He was known as a friend of Fidel Castro, the leader of Cuba.

1972 election

In the federal election of 1972, the Liberals won a minority government, with the New Democratic Party led by David Lewis holding the balance of power.

Requiring NDP support to continue, the government would move to the political left, including the creation of Petro-Canada.

1974 election

In May 1974, the House of Commons passed a motion of no confidence in the Trudeau government, defeating its budget bill after Trudeau intentionally antagonized Stanfield and Lewis.[49] The election of 1974 focused mainly on the current economic recession. Stanfield proposed the immediate introduction of wage and price controls to help end the increasing inflation Canada was currently facing. Trudeau mocked the proposal, saying to a newspaper reporter that it was the equivalent of a magician saying "Zap! You're Frozen," and instead promoted a variety of small tax cuts to curb inflation. [50] A campaign tour featuring Trudeau's wife and infant sons was popular, and NDP supporters scared of wage controls moved toward the Liberals. [51]

The Liberals were re-elected with a majority government with 141 of the 264 seats, prompting Stanfield's retirement. The Liberals received no seats in Alberta, where Peter Lougheed was a vociferous opponent of his 1974 budget.[52]

Prime Minister, 1974–79

While popular with the electorate, Trudeau's promised minor reforms had little effect on the growing rate of inflation, and he struggled with conflicting advice on the crisis. [53] In September 1975, popular Finance Minister John Turner resigned over a perceived lack of support in countervailing measures.[54] In October 1975, in an embarrassing about face, Trudeau and new Finance Minister Donald Macdonald introduced wage and price controls by passing the Anti-Inflation Act. The breadth of the legislation, which touched on many powers traditionally considered the purview of the provinces, prompted a Supreme Court reference that only upheld the legislation as an emergency requiring Federal intervention under the British North America Act. During the annual 1975 Christmas interview with CTV, Trudeau discussed the economy, citing market failures and stating that more state intervention would be necessary. However, the academic wording and hypothetical solutions posed during the complex discussion led much of the public to believe he had declared capitalism itself a failure, creating a lasting distrust among increasingly neoliberal business leaders.[55]

Trudeau continued his attempts at increasing Canada's international profile, including joining the G7 group of major economic powers in 1976 at the behest of U.S. President Gerald Ford.[8] On July 14, 1976, after long and emotional debate, Bill C-84 was passed by the House of Commons by a vote of 130 to 124, abolishing the death penalty completely and instituting a life sentence without parole for 25 years for first degree murder.[56]

Trudeau faced increasing challenges in Quebec, starting with bitter relations with Bourassa and his Liberal government in Quebec. After a rise in the polls after the rejection of the Victoria Charter, the Quebec Liberals had taken a more confrontational approach with the Federal government on the constitution, French language laws, and the language of air traffic control in Quebec.[57] Trudeau responded with increasing anger at what he saw as nationalist provocations against the Federal government's bilingualism and constitutional initiatives, at times expressing his personal contempt for Bourassa.[57]

Partially in an attempt to shore up his support, Bourassa called a surprise election in 1976 that resulted in René Lévesque and the Parti Québécois (PQ) winning a majority government. The PQ had chiefly campaigned on a "good government" platform, but promised a referendum on independence to be held within their first mandate. Trudeau and Lévesque had been personal rivals, with Trudeau's intellectualism contrasting with Lévesque's more working class image. While Trudeau claimed to welcome the "clarity" provided by the PQ victory, the unexpected rise of the sovereignist movement became, in his view, his biggest challenge.[58]

As the PQ began to take power, Trudeau faced the prolonged failure of his marriage, which was covered in lurid detail on a day-by-day basis by the English language press. Trudeau's reserve was seen as dignified by contemporaries and his poll numbers actually rose during the height of coverage,[59] but aides felt the personal tensions left him uncharacteristically emotional and prone to outbursts. [60]

As the 1970s wore on, and growing public exhaustion towards Trudeau's personality and the country's constitutional debates caused his poll numbers to fall rapidly in the late 1970s [61] After a series of defeats in by-elections in 1978, Trudeau avoided calling the 31st Canadian general election until the spring of 1979, only two months from the five-year limit provided under the British North America Act.[1]

Defeat and opposition, 1979–80

In the election of 1979, Trudeau and the Liberals faced declining poll numbers, an emaciated campaign structure, and the Joe Clark–led Progressive Conservatives focusing on "pocketbook" issues. Trudeau and his advisors, to contrast with the mild-mannered Clark, based their campaign on Trudeau's decisive personality and his grasp of the Constitution file, despite the general public's apparent wariness of both. The traditional Liberal rally at Maple Leaf Gardens saw Trudeau stressing the importance of major constitutional reform to general ennui, and his campaign "photo-ops" were typically surrounded by picket lines and protesters. Though polls portended disaster, Clark's struggles justifying his party's populist platform and a strong Trudeau performance in the election debate helped bring the Liberals to the point of contention.[62]

Though winning the popular vote by four points, the Liberal vote was concentrated in Quebec and faltered in industrial Ontario, allowing the PCs to win the seat-count handily and form a minority government. Trudeau soon announced his intention to resign as Liberal Party leader and favoured Donald Macdonald to be his successor.[63]

However, before a leadership convention could be held, with Trudeau's blessing and Allan MacEachen's maneuvering in the house, the Liberals voted against Clark's government on a Motion of Non-Confidence, which along with NDP votes and a Social Credit abstention led to the government's collapse and a new election. The Liberal caucus, along with friends and advisors persuaded Trudeau to stay on as leader and fight the election, with Trudeau's main impetus being the upcoming referendum on Quebec sovereignty.[64] Trudeau and the Liberals engaged in a new strategy for the February 1980 election: facetiously called the "low bridge", it involved dramatically underplaying Trudeau's role and avoiding media appearances, to the point of refusing a televised debate. On election day Ontario returned to the Liberal fold, and Trudeau and the Liberals defeated Clark and won a majority government.[65]

Return to power, 1980–84

The Liberal victory in 1980 highlighted a sharp geographical divide in the country: the party had won no seats west of Manitoba. Trudeau, in an attempt to represent Western interests, offered to form a coalition government with Ed Broadbent's NDP, which had won 22 seats in the west, but was rebuffed by Broadbent out of fear the party would have no influence in a majority government.[66] Trudeau then took the unusual step of appointing Liberal Senators from Western provinces to Cabinet.

Quebec referendum

The first challenge Trudeau faced upon re-election was the referendum on Quebec sovereignty, called by the Parti Québécois government of René Lévesque, the date of which (May 20, 1980) was announced when Parliament re-opened after the election. Trudeau immediately initiated federal involvement in the referendum, reversing the Clark government's policy of leaving the issue to the Quebec Liberals and Claude Ryan. He appointed Jean Chrétien as the nominal spokesman for the federal government, helping to push the "Non" cause to working-class voters who tuned out the intellectual Ryan and Trudeau. Unlike Ryan and the Liberals, he refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the referendum question, and noted that the "association" required consent from the other provinces.[67]

As the campaign began to pick up steam, and the Quebec Liberals struggled in the legislative debate, Trudeau and Lévesque became heavily involved, with Lévesque mocking Trudeau's English middle name and aristocratic upbringing.[68] Trudeau dramatically intervened in the best received speech of his career a week before the referendum, extolling the virtues of federalism, mocking the unclear nature of the referendum, and dramatically pointing out that his name was neither French nor English, but a Canadian name.[69] Trudeau noted that English Canada would have to listen to the various issues prompted by the referendum, and he promised a new constitutional agreement should it decide to stay in Canada.[70] The "No" side (that is, No to sovereignty) ended up receiving nearly 60% of the vote. Trudeau stated that night that he "had never been so proud to be a Quebecer and a Canadian." [70]

Patriation of the Constitution

Trudeau had attempted patriation of the Constitution earlier in his tenure, most notably with the Victoria Charter, but ran into the combined force of provincial premiers on the issues of an amending formula, a court-enforced Charter of Rights, and a further devolution of powers to the provinces. After the victory in the Quebec referendum, Chrétien was immediately tasked with creating a constitutional settlement.[70]

After chairing a series of increasingly acrimonious conferences with First Ministers on the issue, Trudeau announced the intention of the Federal government to proceed with a request to the British Parliament to patriate the Constitution, with additions to be approved by a referendum without input from provincial governments. Trudeau was backed by the NDP, Ontario Premier Bill Davis, and New Brunswick Premier Richard Hatfield, and was opposed by the remaining premiers and PC leader Joe Clark. After numerous provincial governments challenged the legality of the decision using their reference power, conflicting decisions prompted a Supreme Court decision that stated unilateral patriation was legal, but was in contravention of a constitutional convention that the provinces be consulted and have general agreement to the changes.

After the Court decision, which prompted some reservations in the British parliament of accepting a unilateral request,[71] Trudeau agreed to meet with the premiers one more time before proceeding. At the meeting, Trudeau reached an agreement with nine of the premiers on patriating the Constitution and implementing the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, with the caveat that provincial legislatures would have the ability to use a notwithstanding clause to protect some laws from judicial oversight.

The notable exception of Lévesque, whom Trudeau believed would never have signed an agreement. The objection of the Quebec government to the new constitution became a source of continued acrimony between the federal and Quebec governments, and would forever stain Trudeau's reputation amongst nationalists in the province.

The Canada Act, which included the Constitution Act, 1982 and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, was proclaimed by Queen Elizabeth II on April 17, 1982.

Economics/NEP

A series of difficult budgets by long-time loyalist Allan MacEachen in the early 1980s did not improve Trudeau's economic reputation. However, after tough bargaining on both sides, Trudeau did reach a revenue-sharing agreement on energy with Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed in 1982.[8] Amongst the policies introduced by Trudeau's last term in office included an expansion in government support for Canada’s poorest citizens[72] and the introduction of the National Energy Program (NEP), which created a firestorm of protest in the Western provinces and increased what many termed "Western alienation".

Trudeau's approval ratings slipped after the bounce from the 1982 patriation, and by the beginning of 1984, opinion polls showed the Liberals were headed for defeat if Trudeau remained in office. On February 29, after what he described as a "long walk in the snow", Trudeau announced he would not lead the Liberals into the next election. He formally retired on June 30, ending his 15-year tenure as Prime Minister. Trudeau was succeeded as Liberal leader and Prime Minister by John Turner.

Retirement

Trudeau joined the Montreal law firm Heenan Blaikie as counsel and settled in the historic Maison Cormier in Montreal following his retirement from politics. Though he rarely gave speeches or spoke to the press, his interventions into public debate had a significant impact when they occurred. Trudeau wrote and spoke out against both the Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown Accord proposals to amend the Canadian constitution, arguing that they would weaken federalism and the Charter of Rights if implemented. His opposition to both Accords were considered one of the major factors leading to the defeat of the two proposals.

He also continued to speak against the Parti Québécois and the sovereignty movement with less effect.

Trudeau also remained active in international affairs, visiting foreign leaders and participating in international associations such as the Club of Rome. He met with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and other leaders in 1985, shortly afterwards Gorbachev met President Ronald Reagan to discuss easing world tensions.

He published his memoirs in 1993; the book sold hundreds of thousands of copies in several editions, and became one of the most successful Canadian books ever published.

In the last years of his life, he was afflicted with Parkinson's disease and prostate cancer, and became less active, although he continued to work at his law practice until a few months before his death at the age of 80. He was devastated by the death of his youngest son, Michel Trudeau, who was killed in an avalanche in November 1998.

Death

Pierre Elliott Trudeau died on September 28, 2000, and was buried in the Trudeau family crypt, St-Rémi-de-Napierville Cemetery, Saint-Rémi, Quebec.[73][74] His body was laid in state to allow Canadians to pay their last respects. Several world politicians, including Fidel Castro, attended the funeral.[75] His son Justin delivered the eulogy during the state funeral which led to widespread speculation in the media that a career in politics was in his future.[75] Eventually, Justin did enter politics, was elected to the House of Commons in late 2008 and in April 2013 he became the leader of the federal Liberal Party.[76]

Personal life

Religious beliefs

Trudeau was a Roman Catholic and attended church throughout his life. While mostly private about his beliefs, he made it clear that he was a believer, stating, in an interview with the United Church Observer in 1971: "I believe in life after death, I believe in God and I'm a Christian." Trudeau maintained, however, that he preferred to impose constraints on himself rather than have them imposed from the outside. In this sense, he believed he was more like a Protestant than a Catholic of the era in which he was schooled.[77] Trudeau took retreats at Saint-Benoît-du-Lac, Quebec and regularly attended Hours and the Eucharist at Montreal's Benedictine community.[78]

Michael W. Higgins, a former President of St. Thomas University, has researched Trudeau's spirituality and finds that it incorporated elements of three Catholic traditions. The first of these was the Jesuits who provided his education up to the college level. Trudeau frequently displayed the logic and love of argument consistent with that tradition. A second great spiritual influence in Trudeau's life was Dominican. According to Michel Gorges, Rector of the Dominican University College, Trudeau "considered himself a lay Dominican." He studied philosophy under Dominican Father Louis-Marie Régis and remained close to him throughout his life, regarding Régis as "spiritual director and friend." Another skein in Trudeau's spirituality was a contemplative aspect acquired from his association with the Benedictine tradition. According to Higgins, Trudeau was convinced of the centrality of meditation in a life fully lived. He took retreats at Saint-Benoît-du-Lac, Quebec and regularly attended Hours and the Eucharist at Montreal's Benedictine community.[78]

Although never publicly theological in the way of Margaret Thatcher or Tony Blair, nor evangelical, in the way of Jimmy Carter or George W. Bush, Trudeau's spirituality, according to Michael W. Higgins, a former President of St. Thomas University, "suffused, anchored, and directed his inner life. In no small part, it defined him."[78]

Marriage and children

Described as a "swinging young bachelor" when he became prime minister in 1968,[79] Trudeau dated Hollywood star Barbra Streisand in 1969[80] and 1970;[81][82] Trudeau and Streisand had a serious romantic relationship although (contrary to one published report), there was no express marriage proposal.[83]

On March 4, 1971, while Prime Minister, he quietly married Margaret Sinclair at St. Stephen's Catholic church in North Vancouver.[84] They were incompatible: Contrary to his publicized exploits, Trudeau was an intense intellectual with intense work habits and little time for family or fun, and she felt trapped and bored in the marriage, feelings that were exacerbated by her retroactively diagnosed bipolar depression.[85] After three children were born they separated in 1977 and were finally divorced in 1984.[86][87] Their three children are Justin (1971–), Alexandre (Sacha, 1973–), and Michel (1975–1998).

When his divorce was finalized in 1984, Trudeau became the first Canadian Prime Minister to become a single parent as the result of divorce. In 1984, Trudeau was romantically involved with Margot Kidder (a Canadian actress famous for her role as Lois Lane in Superman: The Movie and its sequel), in the last months of his prime-ministership[88] and after leaving office.[89] In 1991, Trudeau became a father again, with Deborah Coyne to his first and only daughter, named Sarah.[90]

Judo

Trudeau began practising the Japanese martial art Judo sometime in the mid-1950s when he was in his mid-thirties, and by the end of the decade he was ranked ik-kyū (brown belt). Later, when he travelled to Japan as Prime Minister, he was promoted to sho-dan (first-degree black belt) by the Kodokan, and then promoted to ni-dan (second-degree black belt) by Masao Takahashi in Ottawa before leaving office. Trudeau began the night of his famous 'walk in the snow' before announcing his retirement in 1984 by going to Judo with his sons.[91]

Legacy

Trudeau remains well regarded by many Canadians.[92] However, the passage of time has only slightly softened the strong antipathy he inspired among his opponents.[93][94] Trudeau's charisma and confidence as Prime Minister, and his championing of the Canadian identity are often cited as reasons for his popularity. His strong personality, contempt for his opponents and distaste for compromise on many issues have made him, as historian Michael Bliss puts it, "one of the most admired and most disliked of all Canadian prime ministers."[95] "He haunts us still," biographers Christina McCall and Stephen Clarkson wrote in 1990.[96] Trudeau's electoral successes were matched in the 20th century only by those of Mackenzie King. In all, Trudeau is undoubtedly one of the most dominant and transformative figures in Canadian political history.[97][98]

Trudeau's most enduring legacy may lie in his contribution to Canadian nationalism, and of pride in Canada in and for itself rather than as a derivative of the British Commonwealth. His role in this effort, and his related battles with Quebec on behalf of Canadian unity, cemented his political position when in office despite the controversies he faced—and remain the most remembered aspect of his tenure afterwards.

Some consider Trudeau's economic policies to have been a weak point. Inflation and unemployment marred much of his tenure as prime minister. When Trudeau took office in 1968 Canada had a debt of $18 billion (24% of GDP) which was largely left over from World War II, when he left office in 1984, that debt stood at $200 billion (46% of GDP), an increase of 83% in real terms.[99] However, these trends were present in most western countries at the time, including the United States.

Though his popularity had fallen in English Canada at the time of his retirement in 1984, public opinion later became more sympathetic to him, particularly in comparison to his successor, Brian Mulroney.

Pierre Trudeau is today seen in very high regard on the Canadian political scene. Many politicians still use the term "taking a walk in the snow", the line Trudeau used to describe his decision to leave office in 1984. Other popular Trudeauisms frequently used are "just watch me", the "Trudeau Salute", and "Fuddle Duddle".

Constitutional legacy

One of Trudeau's most enduring legacies is the 1982 patriation of the Canadian constitution, including a domestic amending formula and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It is seen as advancing civil rights and liberties and, notwithstanding clause aside, has become a cornerstone of Canadian values for most Canadians. It also represented the final step in Trudeau's liberal vision of a fully independent and nationalist Canada based on fundamental human rights and the protection of individual freedoms as well as those of linguistic and cultural minorities. Court challenges based on the Charter of Rights have been used to advance the cause of women's equality, re-establish French school boards in provinces such as Alberta and Saskatchewan, and to mandate the adoption of same-sex marriage all across Canada. Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, has clarified issues of aboriginal and equality rights, including establishing the previously denied aboriginal rights of Métis. Section 15, dealing with equality rights, has been used to remedy societal discrimination against minority groups. The coupling of the direct and indirect influences of the Charter has meant that it has grown to influence every aspect of Canadian life, and the override (notwithstanding clause) of the Charter has been infrequently used.

Canadian conservatives claim the Constitution has resulted in too much judicial activism on the part of the courts in Canada. It is also heavily criticized by Quebec nationalists, who resent that the Constitution was never ratified by any Quebec government and does not recognize a constitutional veto for Quebec.

Bilingualism

Bilingualism is one of Trudeau's most lasting accomplishments, having been fully integrated into the Federal government's services, documents, and broadcasting (not, however, in provincial governments, except for Ontario, New Brunswick, and Manitoba). While official bilingualism has settled some of the grievances Francophones had towards the federal government, many Francophones had hoped that Canadians would be able to function in the official language of their choice no matter where in the country they were.

However, Trudeau's ambitions in this arena have been overstated: Trudeau once said that he regretted the use of the term "bilingualism", because it appeared to demand that all Canadians speak two languages. In fact, Trudeau's vision was to see Canada as a bilingual confederation in which all cultures would have a place. In this way, his conception broadened beyond simply the relationship of Quebec to Canada.

Multiculturalism

On October 8, 1971, Pierre Trudeau introduced the Multiculturalism Policy in the House of Commons. It was the first of its kind in the world, and was then emulated in several provinces, such as Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and other countries most notably Australia, which has had a similar history and immigration pattern. Beyond the specifics of the policy itself, this action signalled an openness to the world and coincided with a more open immigration policy that had been brought in by Trudeau's predecessor Lester B. Pearson (with the help of legendary mandarin, Tom Kent).

Cultural legacy

Few outside the museum community recall the tremendous efforts Trudeau made, in the last years of his tenure, to see to it that the National Gallery of Canada and the Canadian Museum of Civilization finally had proper homes in the national capital region. The Trudeau government also implemented programs which mandated Canadian content in film, and broadcasting, and gave substantial subsidies to develop the Canadian media and cultural industries. Though the policies remain controversial, Canadian media industries have become stronger since Trudeau's arrival.

Furthermore, his cultural legacy can be found in Canada's strong ties to multiculturalism.

Legacy with respect to western Canada

Trudeau's posthumous reputation in the Western Provinces is notably less favourable than in the rest of English-speaking Canada, and he is sometimes regarded as the "father of Western alienation." To many westerners, Trudeau's policies seemed to favour other parts of the country, especially Ontario and Quebec, at their expense. Outstanding among such policies was the National Energy Program, which was seen as unfairly depriving western provinces of the full economic benefit from their oil and gas resources, in order to pay for nationwide social programs, and make regional transfer payments to poorer parts of the country. Sentiments of this kind were especially strong in oil-rich Alberta where unemployment rose from 4% to 10% following passage of the NEP.[100] Estimates have placed Alberta's losses between $50 billion and $100 billion because of the NEP.[101][102]

More particularly, two incidents involving Trudeau are remembered as having fostered Western alienation, and as emblematic of it. During a visit to Saskatoon, Saskatchewan on July 17, 1969, Trudeau met with a group of farmers who were protesting the Canadian Wheat Board. The widely remembered perception is that Trudeau dismissed the protesters' concerns with "Why should I sell your wheat?" –however, he had asked the rhetorical question question rhetorically and then proceeded to answer it himself.[103] Years later, on a train trip through Salmon Arm, British Columbia, he "gave the finger" to a group of protesters through the carriage window – less widely remembered is that the protesters were shouting anti-French slogans at the train.[104]

Legacy with respect to Quebec

Trudeau's legacy in Quebec is mixed. Many credit his actions during the October Crisis as crucial in terminating the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) as a force in Quebec, and ensuring that the campaign for Quebec separatism took a democratic and peaceful route. However, his imposition of the War Measures Act—which received majority support at the time—is remembered by some in Quebec and elsewhere as an attack on democracy. Trudeau is also credited by many for the defeat of the 1980 Quebec referendum.

At the federal level, Trudeau faced almost no strong political opposition in Quebec during his time as Prime Minister. For instance, his Liberal party captured 74 out of 75 Quebec seats in the 1980 federal election. Provincially, though, Québécois twice elected the pro-sovereignty Parti Québécois. Moreover, there were not at that time any pro-sovereignty federal parties such as the Bloc Québécois. Since the signing of the Constitutional Act of Canada in 1982, the Liberal Party of Canada has never succeeded in winning a majority of seats in Quebec. Trudeau is disliked by many Québécois, particularly in the news media, the academic and political establishments.[105] While his reputation has grown in English Canada since his retirement in 1984, it has not improved in Quebec.

Intellectual contributions

Trudeau made a number of contributions throughout his career to the intellectual discourse of Canadian politics. Trudeau was a strong advocate for a federalist model of government in Canada, developing and promoting his ideas in response and contrast to strengthening Quebec nationalist movements, for instance the social and political atmosphere created during Maurice Duplessis' time in power.[106] Federalism in this context can be defined as "a particular way of sharing political power among different peoples within a state...Those who believe in federalism hold that different peoples do not need states of their own in order to enjoy self-determination. Peoples...may agree to share a single state while retaining substantial degrees of self-government over matters essential to their identity as peoples".[107] As a social democrat, Trudeau sought to combine and harmonize his theories on social democracy with those of federalism so that both could find effective expression in Canada. He noted the ostensible conflict between socialism, with its usually strong centralist government model, and federalism, which expounded a division and cooperation of power by both federal and provincial levels of government.[108] In particular, Trudeau stated the following about socialists:

rather than water down...their socialism, must constantly seek ways of adapting it to a bicultural society governed under a federal constitution. And since the future of Canadian federalism lies clearly in the direction of co-operation, the wise socialist will turn his thoughts in that direction, keeping in mind the importance of establishing buffer zones of joint sovereignty and co-operative zones of joint administration between the two levels of government[35]

Trudeau pointed out that in sociological terms, Canada is inherently a federalist society, forming unique regional identities and priorities, and therefore a federalist model of spending and jurisdictional powers is most appropriate. He argues, "in the age of the mass society, it is no small advantage to foster the creation of quasi-sovereign communities at the provincial level, where power is that much less remote from the people."[109]

Unfortunately, Trudeau's idealistic plans for a cooperative Canadian federalist state were resisted and hindered as a result of his narrowness on ideas of identity and socio-cultural pluralism: "While the idea of a 'nation' in the sociological sense is acknowledged by Trudeau, he considers the allegiance which it generates—emotive and particularistic—to be contrary to the idea of cohesion between humans, and as such creating fertile ground for the internal fragmentation of states and a permanent state of conflict".[110] This position garnered significant criticism for Trudeau, in particular from Quebec and First Nations peoples on the basis that his theories denied their rights to nationhood.[110] First Nations communities raised particular concerns with the proposed 1969 White Paper, developed under Trudeau by Jean Chrétien.

Supreme Court appointments

Trudeau chose the following jurists to be appointed as justices of the Supreme Court of Canada by the Governor General:

Honours

The following honours were bestowed upon him by the Governor General, or by Queen Elizabeth II herself:

Other honours include:

Honorary degrees

This list is incomplete; you can help by expanding it.

Order of Canada Citation

Trudeau was appointed a Companion of the Order of Canada on June 24, 1985. His citation reads:[127]

Lawyer, professor, author and defender of human rights this statesman served as Prime Minister of Canada for fifteen years. Lending substance to the phrase "the style is the man," he has imparted, both in his and on the world stage, his quintessentially personal philosophy of modern politics.


Trudeau in film

Through hours of archival footage and interviews with Trudeau himself, the documentary Memoirs details the story of a man who used intelligence and charisma to bring together a country that was very nearly torn apart.

Trudeau's life is depicted in two CBC Television mini-series. The first one, Trudeau[128] (with Colm Feore in the title role), depicts his years as Prime Minister. Trudeau II: Maverick in the Making[129] (with Stéphane Demers as the young Pierre, and Tobie Pelletier as him in later years) portrays his earlier life.

The 1999 documentary film Just Watch Me: Trudeau and the 70's Generation explores the impact of Trudeau's vision of Canadian bilingualism through interviews with eight young Canadians.

He was the co-subject along with René Lévesque in the Donald Brittain-directed documentary mini-series The Champions.

Writings by Trudeau

See also

References

Notes

  1. 1.0 1.1 Kaufman (2000-09-29).
  2. Mallick (2000-09-30), p. P04.
  3. The Globe and Mail (2000-09-29), p. A20.
  4. Fortin (2000-10-09), p. A17.
  5. Généalogie du Québec (2012).
  6. "Généalogie Etienne Trudeau". Nosorigines.qc.ca. 2007-01-14. Retrieved 2014-08-16.
  7. Downey (2000-09-30).
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 Trudeau (1993), p. ?.
  9. Windsor (2006-04-08), p. A6.
  10. English (2006), p. ?.
  11. English (2006), pp. 145–146.
  12. English (2006), p. 124.
  13. English (2006), p. 134.
  14. English (2006), p. 137.
  15. English (2006), p. 141.
  16. English (2006), p. 147.
  17. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of A Statesman 1944–1965, pp 70–72, http://books.google.ca/books?id=fd-nSGK8c1QC&pg=PA70&lpg=PA70&dq=Trudeau+and+Berdyaev&source=bl&ots=Qg8TGqEx3N&sig=COLj5auUyLHfO4iVOa4ev-S6_bQ&hl=en&sa=X&ei=yP8TUue8D5DeyQGIsYHQDw&ved=0CCwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false
  18. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of A Statesman 1944–1965, pg 71, http://books.google.ca/books?id=fd-nSGK8c1QC&pg=PA70&lpg=PA70&dq=Trudeau+and+Berdyaev&source=bl&ots=Qg8TGqEx3N&sig=COLj5auUyLHfO4iVOa4ev-S6_bQ&hl=en&sa=X&ei=yP8TUue8D5DeyQGIsYHQDw&ved=0CCwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false
  19. English (2006), p. 166.
  20. English (2006), p. 296.
  21. English (2006), pp. 289,292.
  22. English (2006), p. 364.
  23. English (2006), pp. 364–365.
  24. Trudeau (1993), pp. 63–64.
  25. Christo Aivalis, "In the Name of Liberalism: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left, 1949–1959," Canadian Historical Review (June 2013) 94#7 pp 263–288 DOI 10.3138/chr.1498
  26. English (2006), pp. 183–185.
  27. 27.0 27.1 CBC News (1967-12-21).
  28. O'Malley (1967-12-12), p. 6.
  29. CBC News (1968-09-09). "The Style is the Man Himself". Pierre Trudeau: 'Canada must be a just society'. Toronto: CBC Archives. Archived from the original on 2013-12-21. Retrieved 2013-12-21.
  30. Zink (1972), p. Backcover.
  31. Canada.com.
  32. CBC News (1968-06-24).
  33. Maclean's Magazine (1998-04-06).
  34. "Official Languages Act – 1985, c. 31 (4th Supp.)". Act current to July 11th, 2010. Department of Justice. Retrieved 2010-08-15.
  35. 35.0 35.1 English (2009), p. 141.
  36. English (2009), p. 145.
  37. English (2009), p. 146.
  38. English (2009), p. 144.
  39. Munroe (2012).
  40. Janigan (1975-11-01), p. 3.
  41. Trudeau (1993), pp. 22–24.
  42. Lyon & Van Die, pp. 137–144.
  43. Laxer (1977), pp. 22–24.
  44. Moscovitch (2012).
  45. Towards A Just Society: The Trudeau Years edited by Thomas S. Axworthy and Pierre Elliott Trudeau
  46. 46.0 46.1 46.2 English (2009), p. 135.
  47. English (2009), p. 136.
  48. Canadian Press (1969-12-24).
  49. English (2009), p. 233.
  50. English (2009), p. 237.
  51. English (2009), p. 238.
  52. English (2009), p. 240.
  53. English (2009), p. 246.
  54. English (2009), p. 282.
  55. English (2009), p. 290-94.
  56. "Le grandes etapes de l'abolition". Radio Canada.
  57. 57.0 57.1 English (2009), p. 302-306.
  58. English (2009), p. 308.
  59. English (2009), p. 329.
  60. English (2009), p. 327-8.
  61. Gwyn (1980), p. 325.
  62. John English, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau Volume Two: 1968–2000 (2009) ch 13
  63. Trudeau (1993), pp. 265.
  64. Trudeau (1993), pp. 265–66.
  65. Stephen Clarkson (2011). The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominates Canadian Politics. UBC Press. pp. 87–105.
  66. English (2009), p. 446-7.
  67. English (2009), p. 454.
  68. English (2009), p. 450.
  69. English (2009), p. 455.
  70. 70.0 70.1 70.2 English (2009), p. 459.
  71. Heard, Andrew (1990). "Canadian Independence". Vancouver: Simon Fraser University. Retrieved 2010-08-25.
  72. Clarkson, Stephen (1988). "The Dauphin and the Doomed: John Turner and the Liberal Party's Debacle". In Penniman, Howard Rae. Canada at the Polls, 1984: A Study of the Federal General Elections. At the polls. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. pp. 98–99. ISBN 978-0-8223-0821-8. LCCN 87027252. Retrieved 2014-11-28.
  73. The Canadian Press (September 27, 2010). "Trudeaumania fades at Pierre Trudeau's tomb". CBC News. Retrieved 2014-03-02.
  74. "Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada – Former Prime Ministers and Their Grave Sites – The Right Honourable Pierre Elliott Trudeau". Parks Canada. Government of Canada. December 20, 2010. Retrieved 2014-03-02.
  75. 75.0 75.1 CBC News (2000-10-03).
  76. "Trudeau to face off against Harper in question period today – Politics – CBC News". Cbc.ca. Retrieved 2014-08-16.
  77. Trudeau (1996), p. 302-303.
  78. 78.0 78.1 78.2 Higgins, M. (2004), p. 26–30.
  79. "Liberal Right Wing Pushed Into Exile". Vancouver Sun. 1968-04-08. p. 1 (photo caption). Retrieved 2013-02-01. Swinging young bachelor, Canada's new prime minister-designate Pierre Trudeau signs autographs for youngsters during stroll on Ottawa street Sunday. He held press conference and attended memorial service for Martin Luther King.
  80. "Prime Minister Trudeau won't tell about date with Barbra". Windsor Star. AP. 1969-11-12.
  81. "Barbra Visits Commons, Members Play to Gallery". Milwaukee Sentinel. AP. 1970-01-30. Retrieved 2013-02-01.
  82. "Barbra—Act 2". Ottawa Citizen. 1970-06-08. Retrieved 2013-02-01.
  83. TVO, Video Interview of John English by Allan Gregg, timecode 10:45
  84. Christopher Guly (2000-10-01). "Archive: The man who kept Trudeau's biggest secret". Ottawa Citizen. Retrieved 2013-02-01.
  85. English (2009), pp. 242–43 321, 389.
  86. Southam (2005), pp. 113, 234.
  87. McCall (1982), p. 387.
  88. Carl Mollins (1983-04-29). "Dating Superman's girl Trudeau's major impact". Ottawa Citizen. Canadian Press. Retrieved 2013-02-01.
  89. "Trudeau steals the spotlight at Montreal film premiere". Ottawa Citizen. CP. 1984-08-03. Retrieved 2013-02-01.
  90. Popplewell, Brett (November 24, 2010). "Pierre Trudeau's daughter, Sarah, lives under the radar". The Toronto Star (Toronto). Retrieved 2012-04-06.
  91. Nurse, Paul. "Pierre Trudeau and Judo?" (PDF). The Gentle Way (Volume 6, Issue 4). Judo Ontario. Retrieved 2012-08-01.
  92. "Trudeau tops 'greatest Canadian' poll." Toronto Star, February 16, 2002
  93. "The Worst Canadian?", The Beaver 87 (4), Aug/Sep 2007. The article reports the results of a promotional, online survey by write-in vote for "the worst Canadian", which the magazine carried out in the preceding months, and in which Trudeau polled highest.
  94. Brian Mulroney, who was Prime Minister at the time of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown accords, and one of the chief forces behind them, sharply criticized Trudeau's opposition to them, in his 2007 autobiography, Memoir: 1939-1993. CTV News: Mulroney says Trudeau to blame for Meech failure; September 5, 2007
  95. Bliss, M. "The Prime Ministers of Canada: Pierre Elliot Trudeau" Seventh Floor Media. Retrieved: 2007-04-07.
  96. Clarkson, S. and C. McCall (1990). Trudeau and Our Times, Volume 1: The Magnificent Obsession. McClelland & Stewart. ISBN 978-0-7710-5414-3
  97. Whitaker, R. "Trudeau, Pierre Elliot" The Canadian Encyclopedia Historica. Retrieved: 2007-04-07.
  98. Behiels, M. "Competing Constitutional Paradigms:Trudeau versus the Premiers, 1968–1982" Saskatchewan Institute of Public Policy. Regina, Saskatchewan. Retrieved: 2007-04-07.
  99. Centre for the Study of Living Standard—GDP figures
  100. Alberta's economy. Thecanadianencyclopedia.com. Retrieved 2011-07-07.
  101. Vicente, Mary Elizabeth (2005). "The National Energy Program". Canada's Digital Collections (Heritage Community Foundation). Retrieved 2008-04-26.
  102. Mansell, Robert; Schlenker, Ron; Anderson, John (2005). "Energy, Fiscal Balances and National Sharing" (PDF). Institute for Sustainable Energy, Environment and Economy/University of Calgary. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-06-26. Retrieved 2008-04-26.
  103. "Chrétien Accused of Lying", Maclean's, December 23, 1996.
  104. Anthony Westell, Paradox: Trudeau as Prime Minister.
  105. Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Quebec and the Constitution. .marianopolis.edu. Retrieved 2011-07-07.
  106. Gagnon (2000).
  107. Ignatieff, quoted in Balthazar (1995), p. 6.
  108. English (2009), p. ?.
  109. English (2009), p. 133.
  110. 110.0 110.1 Gagnon (2000), 16–17.
  111. Canada Privy Council Office—Members of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada, Version: February 6, 2006
  112. Governor General of Canada—Pierre Elliott Trudeau—Companion of the Order of Canada, October 30, 1985
  113. Royal Heraldry Society of Canada—Arms of Canada's Prime Ministers
  114. Pierre Elliott Trudeau High School. Trudeau.hs.yrdsb.edu.on.ca. Retrieved 2011-07-07.
  115. "What’s in an eponym? Celebrity airports - could there be a commercial benefit in naming?". Centre for Aviation.
  116. CBC Article—Mt. Trudeau named; CBC Article—Mount Trudeau to be officially named in June
  117. Takahashi, M. et all (2005). Mastering Judo. USA: Human Kinetics.
  118. Pierre Elliot Trudeau – Q Hall of Fame
  119. Leitch, Andrew (September 29, 2000). "Trudeau legacy lives on, say profs". University of Alberta ExpressNews. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  120. "Bob Rae, Ben Heppner and William Hutt among Queen's honorary degree recipients". Queen's University. May 2, 2006. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  121. Duke University—Center for Canadian Studies
  122. Pallascio, Jacques (October 6, 2000). "Pierre Trudeau and U of O". University of Ottawa Gazette. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  123. "Vol. 4. Conferment of Honorary Degree of Doctor". Keio University. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  124. Nathan Nemetz and Pierre Trudeau (receiving honorary degree), Lt. Gov. Robert Rogers, University of British Columbia., Jewish Museum & Archives of British Columbia
  125. "Honorary Degrees and Titles" (PDF). University of Macau. Retrieved 2009-05-21.
  126. "Nos pionnières et nos pionniers". Université de Montréal. Retrieved 2013-02-07.
  127. Order of Canada. Archive.gg.ca (April 30, 2009). Retrieved 2011-07-07.
  128. "Trudeau" (2002) mini-series IMDB Page
  129. "Trudeau II: Maverick in the Making" (2005) mini-series IMDB Page

Bibliography

Books

  • Clarkson, Stephen; McCall, Christina (1997a). Trudeau and our times: The magnificent obsession. Vol. 1 (Revised ed.). Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. ISBN 0-77105-415-7.
  • Clarkson, Stephen; McCall, Christina (1997b). Trudeau and our times: The heroic delusion. Vol. 2 (Revised ed.). Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. ISBN 0-77105-408-4.
  • Cohen, Andrew; Granatstein, J. L., eds. (1998). Trudeau's shadow : the life and legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Toronto: Random House Canada. ISBN 0-67930-954-3.
  • English, John (2006). Citizen of the World: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau Volume One: 1919–1968. Toronto: Knopf Canada. ISBN 978-0-676-97521-5.
  • English, John (2009). Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau Volume Two: 1968–2000. Toronto: Knopf Canada. ISBN 978-0-676-97523-9.
  • Gwyn, Richard (1980). The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. ISBN 0771037325.
  • Higgins, M. (2004). English, John; Gwynne, Richard; Lackenbauer, P. Whitney, eds. The Hidden Pierre Elliott Trudeau: The Faith Behind the Politics. Ottawa: Novalis. ISBN 978-2-895-07550-9.
  • Laxer, James; Laxer, Robert (1977). The Liberal idea of Canada: Pierre Trudeau and the question of Canada's survival. Toronto: J. Lorimer. ISBN 0888621248.
  • Lyon, David; Van Die, Marguerite (2000). Rethinking church, state, and modernity: Canada between Europe and America. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9780802044082.
  • McCall, Cristina (1982). Grits: an intimate portrait of the Liberal Party. Toronto: MacMillan of Canada. ISBN 0-77159-573-5.
  • Southam, Nancy, ed. (2005). Pierre: colleagues and friends talk about the Trudeau they knew. Toronto: McCelland & Stewart. ISBN 978-0-7710-8168-2.
  • Trudeau, Pierre Elliot (1993). Memoirs. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. ISBN 0-771-08588-5.
  • Trudeau, Pierre Elliot (1996). Pelletier, Gérard, ed. "Against the Current: Selected Writings 1939–1996". Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. ISBN 0-77106-979-0.
  • Zink, Lubor (1972). Trudeaucracy. Toronto: Toronto Sun Publishing. p. 152. lubor Zink is the one who first coined those two terms of our times – Trudeaumania and Trudeaucracy. When Canada, led by its media, was dazzled by the Trudeau "charisma" and style, Zink saw behind the glitter and sought to define the man ...

News media

Other online sources

Further reading

  • Aivalis, Christo. "In the Name of Liberalism: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left, 1949–1959." Canadian Historical Review (2013) 94#2 pp: 263-288.
  • Bliss, Michael (1994). Right honourable men : the descent of Canadian politics from Macdonald to Mulroney (1 ed.). Toronto: HarperCollins. ISBN 0002550717.
  • Bowering, George (1999). Egotists and autocrats : the prime ministers of Canada. Toronto: Viking. ISBN 0-67088-081-7. Chapter on Trudeau.
  • Butler, Rick, Carrier Jean-Guy, eds. (1979). The Trudeau decade. Toronto: Doubleday Canada. ISBN 0-38514-806-2. Essays by experts.
  • Couture, Claude (1998). Paddling with the Current: Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Étienne Parent, liberalism and nationalism in Canada. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press. ISBN 1-4175-9306-7
  • Donaldson, Gordon (1997). The Prime Ministers of Canada. Chapter on Trudeau
  • Granatstein, J. L.; Bothwell, Robert (1990). Pirouette : Pierre Trudeau and Canadian foreign policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-80205-780-2.
  • Granatstein, J. L., and Robert Bothwell. "Pierre Trudeau on his foreign policy: A conversation in 1988." International Journal (2010) pp: 171-181. in JSTOR
  • Hillmer, Norman and Granatstein, J.L. Prime Ministers: Rating Canada's Leaders, 1999. ISBN 0-00-200027-X; chapter on Trudeau
  • Laforest, Guy (1995). Trudeau and the end of a Canadian dream. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-77351-300-0
  • Lotz, Jim (1987). Prime ministers of Canada. London: Bison Books. ISBN 0861243773. Chapter on Trudeau.
  • Munroe, H. D. "Style within the centre: Pierre Trudeau, the War Measures Act, and the nature of prime ministerial power." Canadian Public Administration (2011) 54#4 pp: 531-549.
  • Nemni, Max and Nemi, Monique (2006). Young Trudeau: Son of Quebec, Father of Canada, 1919-1944. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.
  • Nemni, Max and Nemi, Monique (2011).Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman 1944–1965. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.
  • Bob Plamondon (2013). The Truth about Trudeau. Ottawa: Great River Media. ISBN 978-1-4566-1671-7.
  • Ricci, Nino (2009). Extraordinary Canadians: Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Toronto: Penguin Canada. ISBN 978-0-670-06660-5
  • Sawatsky, John (1987). The Insiders: Government, Business, and the Lobbyists. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. 0-77107-949-4.
  • Simpson, Jeffrey (1984). Discipline of power: the Conservative interlude and the Liberal restoration. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada. ISBN 0-920510-24-8.
  • Stewart, Walter (1971). Shrug: Trudeau in power. Toronto: New Press. ISBN 0-88770-081-0. A critique from the left.
Editorial cartoons & humour.
  • Ferguson, Will (1999). Bastards & boneheads: Canada's glorious leaders, past and present. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre. ISBN 1550547372. Humorous stories.
  • McIlroy, Thad, ed. (1984). A Rose is a rose: a tribute to Pierre Elliott Trudeau in cartoons and quotes. Toronto: Doubleday. ISBN 0385197888.
  • Peterson, Roy (1984). Drawn & quartered: the Trudeau years. Toronto: Key Porter Books. ISBN 0-91949-342-4.
Archival videos of Trudeau

External links

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