Democratic Party (Hong Kong)

Democratic Party
民主黨
Chairperson Emily Lau
Vice-Chairpersons Lo Kin-hei
Andrew Wan
Founded 2 October 1994
Merger of United Democrats
Meeting Point
The Frontier
Headquarters 4/F, Hanley House,
776–778 Nathan Road,
Kowloon, Hong Kong
Youth wing Young Democrats
Membership  (2015) Increase 788[1]
Ideology Liberalism[2]
Social liberalism
Political position Centre to centre-left[3]
Regional affiliation Pan-democracy camp
Colours      Green
Legislative Council
6 / 70
District Councils
44 / 507
Website
dphk.org
Politics of Hong Kong
Political parties
Elections
Democratic Party (Hong Kong)
Traditional Chinese 民主黨

The Democratic Party (Chinese: 民主黨 ) is a centre-left[3] pro-democracy liberal[2] political party in Hong Kong. It was founded on 2 October 1994 as the merger of the two pro-democracy parties the United Democrats of Hong Kong and the Meeting Point. Since its creation, it had been the pro-democracy flagship party in Hong Kong in the 1990s and 2000s.[4] Headed by Chairwoman Emily Lau since December 2012, the party is currently the third largest party in the Legislative Council, having 6 legislators, 44 District Councillors and around 788 members.

Party beliefs

From the outset, the party supported the restoration of Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong. However, since the Handover it has consistently stressed the "two systems" part of the "one country, two systems" principle. The party's stance on Hong Kong's future development differs from that of pro-Beijing parties. It believes Hong Kong must develop more democratic institutions and preserve freedoms and human rights to achieve prosperity.

The party proposed policies on various areas of governance through designated spokespersons, including:

Overall, the Democratic Party advocates economic policies pretty close to "liberalism" in the sense of John Rawls (rather than, say, of Robert Nozick or Friedrich Hayek, as commonly accepted outside North America), in sharp contrast with the traditional radical free-market orientation of Hong Kong. However, this point is rarely mentioned in the speeches held by party members during their trips abroad to seek political support. The party's position on social or cultural issues is not well-defined but verges on the conservative, partly due to sizeable support from Catholic constituents. In a way that may seem contradictory to traditional liberal ideology, the party generally opposes the legalisation of commercial sex or gambling operations.

History

Founding

The Party's first logo used in 1994–2003.

The Democratic Party was founded with the merger of the two major pro-democracy parties at the time, the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK) and the Meeting Point (MP). The Meeting Point was formed in 1983 by a group of liberal intellectuals and people from middle class in the background of the Sino-British negotiations on the sovereignty of Hong Kong after 1997. The group favoured the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China but called for a "free, democratic and autonomous Hong Kong government under Chinese sovereignty". Together with the Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood (ADPL) and the Hong Kong Affairs Society (HKAS), they were the three major pro-democracy organisations actively participated in the local and municipal elections in the 1980s.

The like-minded liberals also formed the Joint Committee on the Promotion of Democratic Government (JCPDG) and the Group of 190 to strive for the 1988 Legislative Council election and the faster democratisation the political structure towards 1997 and after 1997 during the drafting of the Hong Kong Basic Law, under the leadership of liberal drafters Martin Lee Chu-ming and Szeto Wah. During the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the liberals stood firmly with the student protestors, formed the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China (HKASPDMC) and condemned the bloody suppression on 4 June.

In preparation for the first Legislative Council direct election in 1991, members of the three political groups and many liberal activists joined together and formed the United Democrats of Hong Kong in April 1990.[5] Chaired by the Martin Lee Chu-ming, the United Democrats of Hong Kong formed an alliance with Anthony Cheung Bing-leung's Meeting Point in the campaign.[6] The liberal alliance won a landslide victory in the direct election, receiving over 52% of the vote[7] and winning 14 of the 16 geographical constituency seats in September. The popularity of the pro-democratic alliance was principally rose from its position towards the Tiananmen Square protests and the widespread fear towards the Beijing government afterwards.

The United Democrats stood a firm anti-Beijing stances, criticising the Tiananmen crackdown and also the democratic situation. As a result, Lee and Szeto were deprived their posts in the Basic Law Drafting Committee and were accused of "treason". The United Democrats supported the last governor Chris Patten's democratic reform proposal, which allowed a much extended electorate for the first fully elected Legislative Council election in 1995 and was ferociously opposed by Beijing.

The United Democrats of Hong Kong and the Meeting Point further united by announcing the formation of the Democratic Party on 18 April 1994.[8] They formally merged into the Democratic Party on 2 October 1994, in eve of the three-tier elections in 1994 and 1995. Martin Lee became the first Chairman of the party and Anthony Cheung and Yeung Sum became the Vice-Chairmen, elected on the first general meeting on the establishment day. The ADPL continued to keep its own identity, arguing that it represented grassroots' interest whereas the Democratic Party was more focused on the "middle class".[5]

The founding manifesto of the Democratic Party said it would seek to further unite democratic forces, strive for a high degree of autonomy and an open, democratic government, and would promote welfare and equality in Hong Kong. The party also tried to appropriate the discourse of nationalism as it stated "We care for China and, as part of the Chinese citizeny, we have the rights and obligations to participate in and comment on the affairs of China." It also called for the condemnation of the 1989 Tiananmen Incident as well as an amendment of the Hong Kong Basic Law before 1997 to allow full election of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council of Hong Kong.[9]

1994/95 elections and Provisional Legislative Council (1994–1998)

The electorate base of the 1995 LegCo election was largely extended by the Governor Chris Patten's controversial electoral reform package supported by the pro-democrats. Facing the challenge from the newly formed business conservative Liberal Party and pro-Beijing loyalist Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB), the Democratic Party was able to win handsome victories in the three-tier elections in 1994 and 1995. In the LegCo election in September 1995, the party secured 42% of the vote and 19 of the 60 total seats, emerging as the largest party in the Legislative Council, compared to Liberal Party's 10 seats and DAB's 6 seats. Together with the ADPL and other pro-democracy independents, the democratic coalition was able to garner one- or two-vote majorities on certain anti-government issues during the last term of the legislature.[10]

The party's stance conflicted with the PRC government's, which, for a while, earned the party more popularity and recognition both locally and overseas. The party chairman Martin Lee became well-known internationally in the run-up to reunification as a human rights and democracy fighter, and won a number of international human rights awards.

After Patten's reform package was passed, Beijing decided that the legislature elected in 1995 could not ride the "through train" beyond the handover of Hong Kong, as the first legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR). Instead, Beijing set up a highly controlled Provisional Legislative Council (PLC) in December 1996. The Democratic Party refused to join the Selection Committee as it opposed to Beijing's decision "to scrap Hong Kong's elected legislature and replace it with a hand-picked version."[11] The party thus lost all 19 seats until the PLC was replaced by the first Legislative Council of the Hong Kong SAR in 1998.

At the midnight on 30 June just after the handover ceremony, the Democratic Party LegCo members protested against the abrupt termination of their tenure and call for the establishment of democratic government at the balcony of the Legislative Council Building, and vow to return to the legislature by means of election in 1998.[12]

Return to Legislative Council and early crises (1998–2002)

Decided by the Provisional Legislative Council, the first-past-the-post voting system was replaced by the proportional representation system in the first LegCo election in 1998. The proportional representation gave an advantage to the weaker pro-Beijing DAB as it did not require a majority to win a seat. Thus in 1995 the Democratic Party won 12 seats in the geographical constituencies with 42.3% of the vote, but it got only 9 seat with 40.2% of the vote in 1998.[13]

After the handover, the Right of Abode litigation was initiated immediately and reached its climax in the Court of Final Appeal's (CFA) decisions favouring the right of abode seekers in Ng Ka Ling and Chan Kam Nga lawsuits in January 1999. The Democratic Party supported the right of abode seekers and opposed strongly to the government's decision to refer the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) to interpret the Basic Law.[14] Party chairman Martin Lee condemned this move as "a dagger striking at the heart of the rule of law" and in symbolic protest walked out of the Legislative Council with 18 other members, all dressed in black.[15] However, the party appeared to suffer from popular discontent with the party's position.[16] The party was also criticised for failing to broaden its post-1997 agenda and develop a well-defined social base.[17]

The party also appeared to suffer from the internal dissension. In December 1998, the "Young Turks" led by Andrew To Kwan-hang staged a successful coup d'état in the party leadership election, which promptly brought the party into a phase of factional struggle. The Young Turks formed their own list of about ten candidates to run for the Central Committee and nominated Lau Chin-shek to run for vice-chairman against the former Meeting Point chairman Anthony Cheung. Some hoped to make Lau as their factional leader, to lead the party from the Meeting Point faction's pro-middle class, pro-laissez-faire and pro-Beijing positions to a more pro-grassroots position. Although Lau was elected vice-chairman, he resigned after the election. Lau was subsequently forced to leave the party in June 2000 after a one-year membership freeze, due to Lau's Democratic Party/Frontier dual membership.

In a general meeting in September 1999, the Young Turks also proposed to put the minimum wage legislation on the 2000 LegCo election platform of the party. The Mainstreamers which included the "triumvirate", Yeung Sum, Cheung Man-kwong and Lee Wing-tat, saw the minimum wage debate was a challenge to the party authority and decide to fight back by joining hands with the Meeting Point faction to defeat the Young Turks. Andrew To wrote a newspaper article accusing the Mainstreamers of suppressing intra-party dissent, "just like the butchers in the Tiananmen massacre."[18] To's comment led to a backlash of opinion within the party and led to the defeat of the minimum wage motion.[18] The debate, largely took place in the mass media, publicised the factional rivalries and created a bad image within the party.[19]

The popular discontent and internal fragmentation appeared to have marked a turning point in the prospects of the Democratic Party and the DAB. In the 1999 District Council elections, the DAB more than doubled its representation, while Democratic Party performed less well than anticipated, winning 86 seats.[20] In the second LegCo election in the following year, Tsang Kin-shing and Steve Chan left the party and ran as independents after failing to be nominated on the candidates list by the Central Committee.[21] The election results showed the party's share in the geographical constituencies dropped to 35%, and the party secured 9 out of the 24 directly elected seats. Its total number of seats in LegCo remained at 12.

In December 2002, Yeung Sum succeeded Martin Lee as Party chairman in the leadership change, legislator Albert Chan Wai-yip, belonging to the pro-grassroots relatively "radical" faction, left the party.[22] By the end of 2002, more than 50 members of the party had defected to the Frontier, mostly Young Turks.[22]

2003 July 1 March and rebound in popularity (2002–2004)

In 2002 and 2003 the party saw a rebound in popularity, largely due to the low popularity of the Tung Chee-hwa's administration, and more significantly the controversy over the Basic Law Article 23 legislation. The pro-democrats worried that the anti-subversion law would threaten the rights and freedom of the Hong Kong people and damaged the rule of law and "One Country, Two Systems." The Article 23 legislation turned into a territory-wide debate and led to a re-awakening of civil society, mobilising different sectors to join the opposition movement.[23] The Democratic Party used many of their 94 district offices for community-level moblisation. In the weeks before the 1 July march, the Democratic Party managed to collect phone numbers of about 40,000 supporters. The party's volunteers and staff called them one by one to call on them to join the demonstration.[23] The demonstration resulted in a record-breaking number of people, more than 500,000 Hong Kong people joined the march. The SAR government had to back down and shelve the bill indefinitely.

In the following 2003 District Council elections in November, the pro-democracy camp turned the popular support into the demand of democratisation, universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and Legislative Council in 2007 and 2008, their primary goals for years. The Democratic Party received a great victory by claiming 95 seats out of the 120 candidates in the election.[24]

The civil movement in 2003 also broadened the spectrum of the pro-democracy camp. A number of pro-democracy groups such as Article 45 Concern Group and individuals such as Leung Kwok-hung and Albert Cheng Jing-han were elected in the 2004 LegCo election. Although the pan-democracy camp took 25 of 60 seats, the Democratic Party won only 9 seats, falling from the largest party in the Legislative Council to the third, behind DAB's 13 (including the FTU members) and pro-business Liberal Party's 10.[25] Worried by pre-election surveys indicating that Martin Lee might be in danger, the Democratic Party sent out a last minute S.O.S. call to "save Martin Lee" who was listed second on the Democratic Party's list behind chairman Yeung Sum in the Hong Kong Island constituency. As a result, Yeung's and Lee's list absorbed too many votes at the expense of pro-democracy ally Cyd Ho Sau-lan losing by just 815 votes to DAB's Choy So-yuk.[26] It caused some dissatisfaction among some supporters of the party and the camp generally. Yeung Sum announced he would not seek for re-election as chairman after the election as a result and subsequently replaced by Lee Wing-tat in the party leadership election in December.

Campaign for 2007/08 universal suffrage (2004–2007)

Although lack of breakthrough in the legislative elections, the pan-democracy maintains its basic position of seeking universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008 for Chief Executive and Legislative Council respectively, even though the NPCSC's interpretation of the Basic Law in April 2004 rejected the demand. After Tung Chee-hwa's resigned as Chief Executive in March 2005, Party chairman Lee Wing-tat attempted to run for the post against Donald Tsang but failed to get enough nominations in the Election Committee. Donald Tsang was elected uncontestedly in the Chief Executive election.

In October 2005, Donald Tsang's administration issued a blueprint for the electoral reform. The proposal aimed to double to size of Election Committee to 1,600 and add 10 seats to the Legislative Council, half of which would be directly elected and the rest returned by District Councillors.[27] The pro-democracy parties criticised the proposal as conservative as it did not move towards to universal suffrage. In December, the camp held a mass rally against the government's reform package and demanded a timetable and road-map to democracy be attached to the proposal. The reform package was at last vetoed by the pan-democracy camp.[27] In December 2006, 114 of the 137 pro-democracy candidates filled by the Democratic Party and the newly established Civic Party won the Election Committee subsector elections which secured the threshold of 100 nominations to enter the next Chief Executive election.

Since early 2005, 24 members had quit the party, including district councillor Stephen Fong Chun-bong (who was forced out by the party) and Lau Tak-cheung. Twelve district councillors also left the party. Another district councillor died in a car accident. The number of district councillors decreased by 13 to 79. In March 2006, the Mainstreamer faction alleged that some senior members were involved in spying activities of China. The "suspects" were all Young Turks Reformist members including vice-chairman Chan King-ming and Gary Fan Kwok-wai. The Young Turk members were all ousted in the following leadership election in December, with Mainstreamer Albert Ho Chun-yan defeating Chan King-ming as the new party chairman.

The democrats suffered a humiliating defeat in the District Council elections in November 2007. The Democratic Party took the heaviest loss of 36 seats as compared with 2003.[28] 23 of the party's incumbent Councillors were ousted, with just over half of its candidates elected.[29] The Democratic Party was by far outstripped by the Beijing loyalist DAB which won total of 115 seats, recapturing the loss in 2003 and also much expanding.

On 29 December 2007, the NPCSC unveiled a timetable for the universal suffrage of the Chief Executive in 2017 and for the entire Legislative Council by 2020 with a host of conditions. The NPCSC decision helped reducing the political pressure on Tsang while removing pan-democracy camp's key rallying cry in the following LegCo election, although the pro-democratic parties were still calling for the universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and Legislative Council in 2012.

Merge with the Frontier and 2010 electoral reform proposal (2008–2011)

In the 2008 LegCo election, the Democratic Party's share of vote further dropped to 20.6%, winning only 8 seats. The emerging pro-democratic parties professionals-formed Civic Party and left-wing League of Social Democrats (LSD) took the share of 13.7% and 10.1% and won 5 and 3 seats respectively. Facing the emerging new parties, the two old political parties the Democratic Party and the Frontier merged. At the time, the Democratic Party had 636 members, 8 legislators and 57 District Council members, while the Frontier had one legislator, Emily Lau Wai-hing, three District Councillors and around 110 members.[30] In the following month, Albert Ho was re-elected chairman, and Emily Lau became a Vice-Chairman of the new combined party in the party leadership election.[31]

In the following electoral reform for the 2012 Chief Executive and LegCo elections in 2009 and 2010, Donald Tsang proposed a reform package which had not much difference from the 2005 proposal. The pan-democracy camp were saying they were going to veto it again. The Civic Party and League of Social Democrats launched a de facto referendum by resigning and triggering territory-wide by-elections to let the voters voice out their demand on democracy. The Democratic Party refused to participate as it argued it was not an effective way. The party's heavyweight veteran Szeto Wah said the Democratic Party would not join in the resignations itself, but would support pan-democrats who stood for re-election. In December 2009, the Democratic Party members voted 229 voted against, 54 in favour and one abstention not to join the resignation plan after a four-hour debate at a general meeting.[32]

Instead in May 2010, the party leaders met with the officials of the Central Government's Liaison Office in Hong Kong to negotiate on the reform package, which was the first meeting between Democratic Party leaders and senior officials from the central government since the Tiananmen massacre of 1989.[33] The central government subsequently accepted the Democratic Party's revised proposal in the run-up to the LegCo vote, which allowed the five new functional constituency members of LegCo to be elected by popular vote. The Democratic Party's move significantly divided the opinion within the pan-democracy camp but the bill was ultimately passed in June 2010 with the support of the Democratic Party. After the agreement with Beijing, 30 Young Turk Reformists (comprising 4% of the membership) left the party before the December Party leadership election, accusing their leaders of betraying the people and slowing the pace towards universal suffrage.[34] LegCo member Andrew Cheng Kar-foo had also quit the party earlier at the LegCo voting in June.

The party's refusal of participating the by-election and the agreement with Beijing heavily damaged the solidarity of the pan-democracy camp. The "radical" League of Social Democrats accused the Democratic Party for "selling out" Hong Kong people. During the annual 1 July march in 2010, the Democratic Party leaders were verbally attacked by other democratic protestors, chanting "Shame on you, Democratic Party, for selling out Hong Kong people."[35] In the following District Council elections in November 2011, the newly formed People Power headed by Rayamond Wong Yuk-man, who quit as the Chairman of the League of Social Democrats early the year, launched an anti-Democratic Party campaign and filled in candidates run against the Democratic Party members. The Democratic Party was able to retain 47 seats with an increase of the vote. The People Power failed to get any seat against the Democratic Party but one seat where was no other democratic candidates.

2012 Chief Executive and LegCo elections (2011–present)

In the Election Committee Subsector elections in December 2011, pan-democracy camp was able to get more than 150 seats to secure the threshold of nominating a candidate in the 2012 Chief Executive election. Democratic Party chairman Albert Ho won over Frederick Fung Kin-kee of ADPL in the pan-democracy primary election[36][37] and stood for the camp in the election. The election was dominated by the two candidates from the pro-Beijing camp, Henry Tang and Leung Chun-ying and marked by scandals, dirty tactics and smears from both sides. Albert Ho fell behind in the opinion poll throughout the campaign partly due to the impossibility of him being elected by the Beijing-controlled Election Committee. The pan-democracy camp called for casting blank votes on the election day. During the election 1,132 votes were cast, CY Leung received 689; Henry Tang received 285, and Albert Ho received 76.[38]

In the LegCo election in the following September, the party successfully gained two of the five seats of the territory-wide based new District Council (Second) constituency which were created by its own proposal. However, the total seats of the party dropped from 8 to only 6 seats, the worst results in the party's history. The party could only gained 13.7% of the popular vote, even less than Civic Party's 14.1%. Chairman Albert Ho resigned after the election outcomes announced, vice-chairwoman Emily Lau took over as acting chairman. Lau defeated Sin Chung-kai as the first chairwoman of the party in the December party leadership election. In December 2014, Emily Lau secured her chairwomanship against three challengers in the chairperson re-election, which was the most competitive leadership election in party's history.

Organisation

The Democratic Party is governed by a 30-member Central Committee, including one chairmanship and two vice-chairmanships elected by the party congress. All public office holders, including the members of the Legislative Council and District Councils, are eligible to vote in the party congress.[39] The electoral method changed since 2014, the eligibility of members electing a delegate who holds one vote in the congress from 30 members each delegate to only 5 members.[40] Candidate for the chairmanship also needs a majority in order to claim victory.[41] A 14-member Executive Committee including the secretary and treasurer posts, from 2014 also a vice-secretary post is elected by the Central Committee members. The party is currently the third largest party in the Legislative Council, having 6 legislators, 44 District Councillors and around 788 members.

List of leadership

Chairpersons

Vice-chairpersons

Secretaries

Treasurers

Vice-secretaries

Factions

Electoral performance

Chief Executive elections

Election Candidate # of votes % of vote
2012 Albert Ho Chun-yan 76 6.37

Legislative Council elections

Election Number of
popular votes		 % of
popular votes		 GC
seats		 FC
seats		 EC
seats		 Total seats +/− Position
1995 385,428Steady 41.87Steady 12 5 2
19 / 60
 4Increase 1stSteady
1998 634,635Increase 42.87Increase 9 4 0
13 / 60
 N/A 1stSteady
2000 417,873Decrease 31.66Decrease 9 3 0
12 / 60
 Steady 1stSteady
2004 445,988Increase 25.19Decrease 7 2 0
9 / 60
 2Decrease 3rdDecrease
2008 312,692Decrease 20.63Decrease 7 1 –
8 / 60
 1Decrease 2ndSteady
2012 247,220Decrease 13.65Decrease 4 2 –
6 / 70
 2Decrease 2ndSteady

Municipal elections

Election Number of
popular votes		 % of
popular votes		 UrbCo
seats		 RegCo
seats		 Total
elected seats
1995 205,823Steady 36.91Steady
12 / 32
11 / 27
23 / 59

District Council elections

Election Number of
popular votes		 % of
popular votes		 Total
elected seats		 +/−
1994 157,929Steady 23.01Steady
75 / 346
 13Increase
1999 201,461Increase 24.85Increase
86 / 390
 22Increase
2003 223,675Increase 21.27Decrease
95 / 400
 20Increase
2007 175,054Decrease 15.38Decrease
59 / 405
 14Decrease
2011 205,716Increase 17.42Increase
47 / 412
 3Decrease

See also

Notes

1.^ Majority merged into the Democratic Party on 23 November 2008.

References

  1. ↑ 入會資格、手續及費用. The Democratic Party (in Chinese).
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 Lee 2011, p. 206.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Leffman, David; Brown, Jules (2009). The Rough Guide to Hong Kong & Macau. Penguin. p. 321.
  4. ↑ Joseph 2010, p. 365.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 Allen 1997, p. 169.
  6. ↑ Lau 1993, p. 118.
  7. ↑ Beatty 2003, p. 21.
  8. ↑ Preston 2001, p. 72.
  9. ↑ Chan 1997, p. 69.
  10. ↑ Beatty 2003, p. 26.
  11. ↑ Chan 1997, p. 73.
  12. ↑ Eur.
  13. ↑ Bush 2005, p. 95.
  14. ↑ Khun 2009, p. 79-80.
  15. ↑ Krasner 2013, p. 133.
  16. ↑ Sharpe 2001, p. 3.
  17. ↑ Nery 2008, p. 49-50.
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 Kuan 2002, p. 139.
  19. ↑ Kuan 2002, p. 140.
  20. ↑ Pretson 2001, p. 77.
  21. ↑ Kuan 2002, p. 144.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 Leung, Ambrose (3 December 2002). "Albert Chan quits day after Democrat leadership change". South China Morning Post.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 Khun 2009, p. 58.
  24. ↑ Poon 2007, p. 164.
  25. ↑ Chan 2008, p. 11.
  26. ↑ Pepper 2008, p. 378.
  27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 Poon 2007, p. 165.
  28. ↑ Chan 2008, p. 86.
  29. ↑ Lam 2012, p. 117.
  30. ↑ Party pact sees women as kings of a new frontier
  31. ↑ Emily Lau elected DP vice-chairman RTHK 14 December 2008
  32. ↑ Chiang, Scarlett (14 December 2009), Democrats say `no' to resign plan, The Standard
  33. ↑ Staff reporter (17 March 2010). "Reform on agenda as alliance readies for talks with Beijing"
  34. ↑ "A more united Democratic Party predicted as Young Turks leave". South China Morning Post (Hong Kong). 20 December 2010.
  35. ↑ "Democratic Party under fire at rally". South China Morning Post (Hong Kong). 2 July 2010.
  36. ↑ "Ho wins CE race ticket". The Standard. 9 January 2012.
  37. ↑ "投票結果及統計數據". pdce-primary.hk.
  38. ↑ The Fourth Term Chief Executive Election – Result. Government of Hong Kong.
  39. ↑ Kuan, Hsin-chi; Liu, Zhaojia; Wang, Jiaying, eds. (2002). Out of the Shadow of 1997?: The 2000 Legislative Council Election in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Chinese University Press. p. 156.
  40. ↑ "隔牆有耳：白鴿選舉　卿姐愛刺激". Apple Daily. 13 December 2014.
  41. ↑ "八方人物：尹兆堅想做民主黨「膠水」". Apple Daily. 13 December 2014.
  42. ↑ 42.0 42.1 Kuan 2002, p. 136.
  43. ↑ 43.0 43.1 43.2 Kuan 2002, p. 137.
  44. ↑ Kuan 2002, p. 153-4.
  45. ↑ Kuan 2002, p. 135-6.

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