Sam Pa

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Sam Pa is believed to be the head of the 88 Queensway Group and numerous subsidiary companies that operate mining and resource concessions in a number of countries notably across Africa. Pa has also been the subject of controversy, allegedly propping up Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF regime in Zimbabwe and securing business contacts on the back of a coup d'état in Madagascar and civil unrest in Guinea.

History

Sam Pa is alleged to use a number of different aliases; at least eight different names were listed in connection with Pa in an American Congressional report.[1] Some of the names used are Sam Pa, Sampa, Samo, Sam King, Sa Muxu, Xu Songhua, Xu Jinghua, Ghui Ka Leung.

It is unknown why Pa uses so many aliases. Attempts to research Pa's history prove inconclusive, which has led some to the belief that he is a "princeling" - the son of a well connected original Chinese communist reveolutionary.[2] Reports also list one of Pa's aliases as having a Russian military background [3] that spent time in Angola during the Angolan Civil War.[4] It is believed that during Pa's time with the Russian military he first met the future Angolan President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos.[3] This was a relationship that he exploited after the Civil War to secure a monopoly over reconstruction projects, which in turn allowed Pa to develop his business interests in China buying a host of construction businesses sucj as China Steel 20 (Zhongtie 20), Guangxi Construction and Engineering, Guangxi Water and Electric, Sichuan Nanchong, Sichuan Uingshan, Fuikan Ningde, Jinghend INternational and others.[5] It is also alleged by Chinese bloggers that Pa provided weapons and support during the Angolan Civil War.[6]

Current situation

Sam Pa is said to be the President of the China International Fund (CIF)[7] and named by an American Congressional report to be involved in what the report dubbed the "88 Queensway Group" of businesses. This is not the legal name of the group, but rather a nickname referring to the fact that all the businesses were registered at a company formation agent's offices in Two Pacific Place, 88 Queensway, Admiralty, Hong Kong.[1] Some of the businesses associated with the 88 Queensway Group include China Sonangol, Dayuan International (formerly Beiya International) and No 20 China Railways Bureau.[8] However it is unclear exactly how many businesses are involved in the 88 Queensway Group with over 30 companies registered to the same address with operations throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia and the United States.

Pa's involvement is often not listed in any company documents,[2] but in a common offshore company formation practice he lists the woman believed to be his wife, Veronica Fung, as director in his place.[2] Veronica Fung is listed as Director for at least 24 companies, including CIF and China Sonangol.[2] Alongside Veronica Fund, Pa is also aided by the husband and wife team, Lo Fung Hung and Wang Xiangfei, who also hold directorships on a number of Queensway businesses.[8] Despite their titles of Director, Lo and Wang have been described as "puppets" controlled by Pa.[4]

As head of the China International Fund, Pa has traveled to a number of countries meeting high-ranking officials and Presidents. Some noteworthy inclusions are his connections to Angolan President José Eduardo dos Santos,[3] Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe,[2] Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, Argentinean President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner[8] and Guinean Prime Minister Jean-Marie Dore.[7] It is also believed the Pa and CIF have business connections in Tanzania and Madagascar.[2] Often Pa begin State level relationships at a time when a country is experiencing domestic troubles. For example on 28 September 2009, 150 unarmed pro-democracy Guinean protestors were massacred by GUinean government troops - a week later CIF negotiated a US$7 billion deal with the regime. A similar situation occurred in Madagascar following a coup. It is thought that Pa through CIF an its associated companies has committed upwards of US$20 billion in investment funds, mainly in unstable African dictatorships.[4]

One particular political connection Pa tries to keep quiet is that of his connections to the Chinese State. Commentators have stated that Pa and CIF's programmes "must have been approved by the Chinese Government".[3] CIF and Sam Pa are positioned as a key interface in the relationship between the Angolan and Chinese states and the control of Angolan resources - all Angolan oil contracts for the Chinese State company Sinopec are controlled by CIF.[8]

One of Pa's "puppet" directors, Wang Xiangfei, was previously a director of the China Everbright Group and currently is a non-executive director of China International Trust and Investment Company (CITIC Group), both state-owned companies in the People's Republic of China. Both China Everbright and CITIC are believed to be subordinate corporations of the PRC Ministry of State Security's Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense (COTSIND).[9]

Another Director, Wu Yang, of at least 14 companies with Pa an the 88 Queensway Group has links to the Chinese PRC Ministry of Public Security and Chinese Ministry of State Security.[1] On company filings, Mr Wu Yang lists his residential address as "No.14 Dong Chang An Street, Beijing, China." This address is he headquarters for the Ministry of Public Safety (MPS), a domestic security service of the Chinese Government. Also located in this compound is a reception office for the Ministry of State Security (MSS), the preimary state agency responsible for foreign intelligence activities.[1]

Controversy

Sam Pa has been the subject of numerous press and internet blog reporting and his ties to Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF were revealed in the Johannesburg Sunday Times.[2] It is alleged that in return for diamonds and mineral resources to supply China's booming economy, Pa has provided funds and equipment to the secretive Zimbabwe Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) to enable it to deliver an electoral victory for Mugabe and his party.[2] Pa allegedly had been underwriting operations for the Zimbabwean Secret Service to influence the outcomes of polls in favor of ZANU-PF [2] and thereby further secure his business dealings in Zimbabwe. In early 2010 Sam Pa offered to match the salaries of the entire Zimbabwean Secret Service, Police and Army to ensure their support for ZANU-PF.[2] In return, Pa's joint venture with the Zimbabwean Secret Service, Sino-Zim Development, was listed at the top of a classified ZANU-PF list of "special national interest projects".[2]

Sam Pa and his business such as CIF, China Sonangol and Sino-Zimbabwe have often been disassociated from by official Chinese representation. Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhao Zing discouraged Argentinean President Kirchner from entering into any agreements with Sam Pa associated business.[8] The Wikileak 'Cablegate' affair revealed that Chinese Ambassador to Angola Bolum Zhang also distanced himself from CIF stating CIF's "weak management and lack of leadership have stalled many... projects".[10]

CIF and China Sonangol have had reports on their ability to plan and complete some of their projects due to difficulty in raising funds.[8] Pa's work in Angola has been heavily criticised for non-completion, with some saying the Pa's companies were "just playing a game and in the eyes of the Angolan Government have gone through process from belief to feeling cheated".[6] Sam Pa's work on recontrusting the Benguela railway line attracted criticism from Angolan locals who quoted "The Chinese spent months getting the camp together and bringing in brand-new bulldozers. Then instead of beginning to repair the line, they dismantled it all, ate their dogs and left." [11]

References

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 88 Queensway Group, A Case Study in Chinese Investors' Operations in Angola and Beyond. US -China Economic & Security Review Commission. Levkowitz, McLellan Ross & Warner 10 July 2009
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 ZANU in shadow of elusive Chinese magnate, The Times (RSA)
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Deborah Brautigam, The Dragons Gift p372
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 State or Mate? Who's behind China Fund?, John Garnaut
  5. ↑ Blog entry 02/10/1007 http://www.chineseinafrica.com
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 Luping 01/18/2007 http://www.africawindows.com
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 Le Patron de la China International Fund chez le Premier Minister: des beaux jours qui s'annoncent pour les secteurs energeique et minier guineens http://www.guinee24.com/index.php?id=5&no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=3619&cHash=c5b55b2237aee7c87fd72a10a112609a
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 Alex Vines, Lillian Wong, Markus Weimer and Indira Campos. Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House): Thirst for African Oil. Asian National Oil Companies in Nigeria and Angola.
  9. ↑ Dr Howard DeVore: China's Intelligence and Internal Security Forces
  10. ↑ Wikileaks: cablegate, cable 2009-01-27 (ID: 09LUANDA51) NEW CHINA CREDIT LINE UNDER CONSIDERATION, Retrieved 2010-12-19.
  11. ↑ Michel Serge: When China met Africa. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2008/04/10/when_china_met_africa

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