National Convention

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National Convention
Convention nationale
French First Republic
Coat of arms or logo
Autel de la Convention nationale or
Autel républicain
François-Léon Sicard,
Panthéon de Paris, France, 1913
History
Established 20 September 1792
Disbanded 2 November 1795
Preceded by Legislative Assembly
Succeeded by The Directory
Part of a series on the
History of France
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The National Convention (Convention nationale) - a single chamber assembly in France from 21 September 1792 to 26 October 1795 (4 Brumaire IV under the Convention's adopted calendar) during the French Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic. The Convention was elected in France for the first time with universal male suffrage to give a new constitution after deposition of Louis XVI during insurrection of August 10, 1792. It held legislative and executive powers in France during the first years of the French First Republic and had three distinct periods: Girondin, Montagnard or Jacobin and Thermidorian.

From 1793 to 1794, executive power was "de facto" exercised by the Convention's Committee of Public Safety. The Convention and this Public Safety Committee were dominated by "La Montagne", a radical political group successively under the sway of such men as Marat, Danton, and Robespierre, and a "policy of terror" ensued. The Convention was succeeded by The Directory, composed of five Directors commencing 2 November 1795 to 10 November 1799. France, like the rest of Europe, has never again used an elected constitutional convention to draft its constitutions, instead relying on the executive or legislative branches to draft successive constitutions before usually (but not always) submitting them to the electorate for approval in referendums.

Formation

During the insurrection of 10 August 1792, when the populace of Paris stormed the Tuileries Palace on the right bank of the Seine River and demanded the abolition of the Monarchy, the Legislative Assembly decreed the provisional suspension of King Louis XVI and the convocation of a "National Convention" which should draw up a constitution. At the same time it was decided that Deputies to that convention should be elected by all Frenchmen 25 years old or more, domiciled for a year and living by the product of their labor. The National Convention was therefore the first French Assembly elected by universal male suffrage, without distinctions of class. The age limit of the electors was further lowered to 21, and that of eligibility was fixed at 25 years.

The first session was held 20 September 1792. The following day, the "Proclamation of the abolition of the monarchy" was adopted, and so after almost a thousand years, the Monarchy in France came to a (temporary) end. A little over a year later, 22 September would become the base date of the new French Revolutionary Calendar, the beginning of the Year I of the French Republic.[1]

Girondin Convention

The struggle between two opposing Revolutionary factions, the Montagnards and the Girondins, dominated the first period of the Convention. Discredited by a series defeats in the war they promoted against the anti-Revolutionary European coalition, the Girondins were purged from the Convention by the popular insurrection of May 31 - June 2, 1793.

Girondins tried to avoid the trial of the king, fearing that it would revive the revolution against and reinforces the hostility of European monarchies. But the discovery of the iron cupboard in the Tuileries November 20, 1792 makes the trial inevitable. Documents found in this secret chest proved without any doubt the treachery of Louis XVI. The trial began on December 10. The Montagnards put the debate on the ideological level. Louis XVI was classified as an enemy, alien to the body of the nation and as "usurper". Following the discussion, the king was convicted by an overwhelming majority of 643 votes against 78. However, he was sentenced to death by a very narrow margin, 365 votes against 356, and after recount for reprieve, by 361 against 360.

King Louis XVI was guillotined the next day, January 21, 1793, Revolution Square. The execution of Louis XVI leads to the formation of the first coalition.

Military setbacks from the First Coalition and the war of Vendée, which began in March 1793 was used as an argument by Montagnards and sans-culottes to picture Girondins as soft and demand exceptional measures which Girondins were reluctant to adopt. The Girondins are forced to accept the creation of the Committee of Public Safety and Revolutionary Tribunal. Social and economic difficulties exacerbate tensions. During insurrection May 31 - June 2, a crowd of 80,000 armed men with 150 guns invests Convention. After an attempt of deputees to exit collides with guns, the deputies resigned themselves to declare the arrest of 29 leading Girondins.

Montagnard Convention

Revolutionary government

The Convention lasted for three years and came after the National Assembly and Legislative Assembly. The French Revolutionary Wars had begun and it seemed best to postpone the implementation of the new constitution until peace should be concluded. At the same time, as the Convention prolonged its powers, and extended them considerably in order to meet the pressing dangers which menaced the Republic.

Although it was a legislative convention, it took over the executive power, entrusting it to its own members. This "confusion of powers", contrary to the philosophical theories – those of Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, (1689-1755), especially – which had inspired the Revolution at first, was one of the essential characteristics of the Convention. The series of exceptional measures by which that confusion of powers was created constitutes the "Revolutionary government" in the strict sense of the word, a government which was principally in vigour during the "Reign of Terror". There is thus a distinction to be made, discussing the Convention, between these temporary expedients and those measures intended to be permanent.

Maximilien Robespierre

The first years of the Convention were the height of the importance of the revolutionary political clubs such as the Jacobins and Cordeliers; the informally constituted Girondists, although past the peak of their power, were also an important factor. By the end of the Convention, most prominent members of all of these groups were dead, the bulk of them victims either of the Terror or of the "Thermidorian Reaction" that brought the Terror to an end.[2]

Structure and membership

The Convention held its first session in a hall of the Tuileries Palace, then it sat in the Salle du Manège, and finally from 10 May 1793 in that of the Hall of Spectacles (or Machine), an immense hall in which the Deputies were but loosely scattered. This last hall had tribunes for the public, who often influenced the debate by interruptions or by applause.[3]

The members of the Convention came from all classes of society, but the most numerous were lawyers. Seventy-five members had sat in the National Constituent Assembly, 183 in the Legislative Assembly. The full number of deputies was 749, not counting 33 from the Colonies, of whom only some arrived in time to Paris. Besides these, however, the newly formed "départements" annexed to France from 1792 to 1795 were allowed to send deputations. Many of the original deputies died or were exiled during the Convention, but not all their places were filled by "suppléants". Some members proscribed during the Terror returned after the legislative coup of 9 Thermidor began the "Thermidorian Reaction". Finally, many members were sent away, either to the "departments" or to the armies, on missions which lasted sometimes for a considerable length of time. For all these reasons it is difficult to find out the number of deputies present at any given date, for votes by roll-call were rare. During the "Terror" era the number of those voting averaged only 250.

According to its own ruling, the Convention elected its President every fortnight. He was eligible for re-election after the lapse of a fortnight. Ordinarily the sessions were held in the morning, but evening sessions also occurred frequently, often extending late into the night. Sometimes in exceptional circumstances the Convention declared itself in permanent session and sat for several days without interruption. For both legislative and administrative the Convention used committees, with powers more or less widely extended and regulated by successive laws. The most famous of these committees included the Committee of Public Safety ("Comité de salut public"), the Committee of General Security ("Comité de sûreté générale"), and the Committee of Education ("Comité de l’instruction").

Thermidorian Convention

As a result of increasing dictatorship of the Committees and dissension among its members, many members of the Convention participated in the overthrow of the most prominent member of the Committee Of Public Safety, Maximilian Robespierre, on July 27, 1794 (9 Thermidor). The Thermidorian reaction followed, resulting in dismantling Revolutionary Government and final suppression of the popular movement and Paris Commune.

Thermidorian Reaction

Whatever reasons Thernidorians had behind 9 Thermidor: personal feud with Robespierre, personal safety, vengeance, events after went beyond the intentions of the conspirators. Evidently the remaining members on the Committees counted on staying in office and currying on the Jacobin dictatorship, as though nothing more had happened than a party purge.

They were speedily undeceived. Robespierrists might go out and Dantonists come in: Convention had recovered its initiative and would put an end, once and for all, to the dictatorial committees government which had ousted it from power. It was decreed that no member of governing committees should hold office for more than four months. Three days later the Prerial Law was repealed and Revolutionary Tribunal shorn of its abnormal powers. Commune was replaced with commission des administrateurs civils from the ranks of the Conventions. In November the Jacobin club was closed. Not merely anti-Robespierrist but anti-Jacobin reaction was in full flood. At the beginning of September Billaud, Collot and Barere left comite de salut public: by the end of the year they were in prison. [4]

Thus the stability of the government was undermined. Next came the concentration of power, another revolutionary principle. Identification of Committee of Public Safety with executive was carved up on 7 Fructidor (24 August), restricting it to its former domain of war and diplomacy. The Committee of General Security kept its control over the police. There was now to be a total of sixteen committees. Conventionnels, while aware of the dangers of fragmentation, were even more worried by its experience of monopoly of powers.

These measures affected, finally, the instruments of the Terror and opened numerous breaches in the apparatus of repression. In few weeks Revolutionary Government was dismantled.[5]

The destruction of the system of revolutionary government eventually brought about the end of the Economic Terror. Maximum was relaxed even before 9 Thermidor. Now nobody any longer believed in it. Because black market was plentifully supplied, the idea took hold that price control equaled scarcity and that free trade would bring back abundance. It was generally supposed that prices would rise but that then they would fall as a result of competition. This illusion was to be shattered in the winter. Formally the Convention put the end to the maximum on 4 Nivose Year III (24 December 1794).[6]

The abandonment of the controlled economy provoked a frightful catastrophe. Prices soared and the rate of exchange fell. The Republic was condemned to massive inflation and its currency was ruined. In Thermidor, Year III, assignats were worth less than 3 percent of their face value. Neither peasants nor merchants would accept anything but cash. The debacle was so swift that economic life seemed to come to standstill.

The crisis was greatly aggravated by famine. Peasants, finally, stopped bringing any produce, because they did not wish to accept assignats. The government continued to provision Paris, but was unable to supply the promised rations. In provinces local municipalities resorted to some sort of regulations, provided not direct coercion in obtaining provisions. The misery of rural day laborers, abandoned by everyone, was often appalling. Inflation ruined creditors to the advantage of debtors. It unleashed an unprecedented speculation.[7]

At the beginning of spring, scarcity was such that more unrest appeared almost everywhere. Paris was active again.

Crushing of the popular movement

Journée du 1er Prairial de l’an III

«Bread and Constitution of 1793» ( journees rallying slogan )[8]

Discontent increased along with the shortages. On 17 March delegation from faubourgs Saint-Marceau and Saint-Jacques complained that: «We are on the verge of regretting all the sacrifices that we have made for the Revolution». Police law was passed which lay down the death penalty for use of seditious language. Arms were distributed to the "good citizen", the faithful nucleus of the National Guard. The trial of strength was approaching.

On 10 Germinal all the sections called their general assemblies. The political geography of Paris emerged clearly from this. Convention debate was centered on two issues: the fate of Barere, Collot, Billaud, Vadier and the implementation of the constitution 1793. While in the sections of the center and the west formal addresses called for the punishment of the "Four" and passed over the food shortages, the sections of the east and the faubourgs demanded measures to deal with the grain crisis, the implementation of the constitution of 1793, the reopening of the popular societies and the release of the imprisoned patriots.[9]

On the morning of 12 Germinal (1 April) crowds gathered on the Ile de la Cite and, pushed aside palace guards, burst into the chamber where the Convention met. Amidst the uproar, spokesmen of the sections outlined people's grievances. Reliable battalions of National Guard were called and demonstrators, lacking arms and leaders, were forced to withdraw. For the most people it was the constitution of 1793 - seen as liberating utopia - which represented the solution to all evils. There were others who openly regretted the passing of "the reign of Robespierre".[10]

But it was not the end. A new explosion was on the horizon. Insurrection was being openly prepared. On 1 Prairial (20 May 1795) the tocsin sounded in the faubourgs Saint-Antoine and Marceau. The armed battalions arrived at Carousel and entered the sitting chamber. After an hour of uproar, L'Insurection du People was read. In chaos, none of the ringleaders thought of implementing the key item of the programme: the overthrow of the government.

Remainder of the Montagnards, The Crest (la Crête de la Montagne), managed to obtain the passage of favorable to rebels decrees. But at 11:30 p.m. two armed columns entered the chamber and cleared out the rioters. The next day insurgents repeated the same mistakes and after receiving promises from the deputies to take speedy measures against the famine, returned to the sections.

On 3 Prerial the government assembled loyal troops, chasseurs and dragoons, national guardsmen, selected from those "who had fortune to preserve" — 20,000 men in all. Faubourg Saint-Antoine was surrounded and on 4 Prerial surrendered and was disarmed. Uncertainty about how to react and hesitancy in action, lack of revolutionary leadership had doomed the popular movement to throw away its last chance in battle.[11]

4 Prerial Year III is one of the crucial dates of the revolutionary period. The people had ceased to be a political force, participants in history. They were now no more than victims or spectators. This is the date which should be taken as the end of the Revolution. Its mainspring was now broken.[12]

Constitution 1795

«A middle way between royalty and anarchy» (Antoine Thibaudeau)[13]

Constitution de la République Française du 5 Fructidor l'an III (22 août 1795)

The victors now could set up new constitution, the task National Convention was originally elected for. The Commission of Eleven (Daunou, Lanjuinais, Boissy d'Anglas, Thibaudeau and La Révellière - most notable members) drafted a text which would reflect the new balance of forces. It was presented on 5 Messidor (23 June) and passed on 22 August 1795 (5 Fructidor of the Year III).

New constitution went back to the constitution of 1791 as to the dominant ideology of the country. Equality was certainly confirmed, but within the limits of civil equality. Numerous democratic rights of constitution 1793 — the right to work, to relief, to education — were omitted. The Convention wanted to define rights and simultaneously reject both the privilege of the old order and social leveling.

The constitution went back to the distinction between active and passive citizen. Only citizen over twenty-five years old, disposing of an income of two hundred days of work, were eligible to be electors. This electoral body, which held the real power, included 30,000 people, half as much as in 1791. Guided by the recent experience, institutions were set up to protect the Republic from two dangers: the omnipotence of an assembly and dictatorship.

Bicameral legislature as a precaution against sudden political fluctuations was proposed: the Council of Five Hundred with rights to propose laws and Council of the Ancients, 250 deputies, with powers to accept or reject proposed laws. Executive power was to be shared between five Directors chosen by the Ancients from the list drawn by Five Hundred. One of the Directors to renew each year with reelection after five years. As one of the practical precautions, no military were allowed in 60 miles of sitting assembly and it could relocate in case of danger. Directory still retained great power, including emergency powers to curb freedom of the press and freedom of association.

The Constitution generally was accepted favorably, even on the right, who were hopeful for the upcoming elections and even more happy to get rid of legislative body so hated by them.

But how to make sure that the new elected body will not overturn the constitution as it was before with Legislative Assembly? Thermidorians done it on 5 Fructidor (22 August) by a vote for a decree on ″formation of new legislative body″. Article II stipulated: "All members presently active in the Convention are re-eligible. Election assemblies may not take fewer than two-thirds of them to form the legislative body". That was the famous law of the Two-Thirds.[14]

Vendemiaire

Napoleon Bonaparte quelling of the Royalist revolt 13 Vendémiaire
In front of the Église Saint-Roch, rue Saint-Honoré.

On 23 September the results were announced: the constitution was accepted by over one million votes, with 49,000 against. The Two-Thirds decrees obtained only 205,000 votes in favor and 107,000 against.

Convention had not taken into account those Paris sections who were against Two-Thirds decrees and failed to provide precise vote figures: forty-seven Parisian sections had rejected the decrees.[15] Eighteen of the Paris sections contested the result. The Lepeletier section issued a call to insurrection. By 11 Vendemiaire seven sections were in state of revolt. The Convention declared itself en permanence.[16] The conventionnels knew the score. They knew the art of insurrection by heart and to bring down muscadins was easier than the sans-culottes.[17] Five members including Barras were appointed to deal with the crisis. A decree of 12 Vendemiaire (4 October) repealed the former disarmament of the former terrorists and appeal to sans-culottes was issued.

The uprising developed on the night of 12 — 13 Vendemiaire, with the complicity of General Menou, commander of the Army of the Interior. The major part of the capital was in the hands of the rebels, some 20,000 or so, an insurrectional central committee was formed and Convention besieged. Barras had recruited a young unemployed general, a former Robespierrist: Napoleon Bonapart, among other generals - Carteaux, Brune, Loison, Dupont. Future Maréchal, captain Murat managed to seize the cannons from the Camp of the Sablons, and the rebels, lacking any artillery, were thrown back and dispersed.[note 1]

Moderate repression ensued and White Terror in the south was stopped. On 4 Brumaire Year IV, just before breaking up, the Convention voted a general amnesty for ″deeds exclusively connected with the Revolution″.[16]

Legacy

The article on the Convention in the famous enduring edition of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica concludes, "The work of the Convention was immense in all branches of public affairs. To appreciate it without prejudice, one should recall that this assembly saved France from a civil war and invasion, that it founded the system of public education (Museum, École Polytechnique, École Normale Supérieure, École des langues orientales, Conservatoire), created institutions of capital importance, like that of the Grand Livre de la Dette publique, and definitely established the social and political gains of the Revolution." By a decree of 4 February 1794 (16 pluviôse) it also ratified and expanded to the whole French colonial empire the 1793 abolition of slavery on Saint-Domingue by civil commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel, though this did not affect Martinique or Guadeloupe and was abolished by the law of 20 May 1802.

See also

Notes

  1. It is just a legend that depicts rebels shot down by gunfire from Bonaparte stationed on the steps of the Église Saint-Roch church.
    Lefebvre (1964), p.204

References

  1. The Stage, 1792–1794
  2. The National Convention: The Revolution's Most Radical Phase. 2001. The Encyclopedia of World History
  3. The National Convention 1906
  4. Thompson (1959), p.516
  5. Woronoff (1984), p.2
  6. Woronoff (1984), p. 9—10
  7. Lefebvre (1963), p.142—143
  8. Soboul (1974), p.444
  9. Woronoff (1984), p.15
  10. Woronoff (1984), p.17
  11. Woronoff (1984), p.20
  12. Lefebvre (1963), p.145
  13. Woronoff (1984), p.29
  14. Furet (1996), p.166
  15. Woronoff (1984), p.31
  16. 16.0 16.1 Soboul (1974), p.473
  17. Furet (1996), p.167

Sources

  • Lefebvre, Georges (1962). The French Revolution: from its Origins to 1793. vol. I. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08599-0. 
  • Lefebvre, Georges (1963). The French Revolution: from 1793 to 1799. vol. II. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-02519-X. 
  • Lefebvre, Georges (1964). The Thermidorians & the Directory. New York: Random House. 
  • Woronoff, Denis (1984). The Thermidorean regime and the directory: 1794-1799. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-28917-3. 
  • Soboul, Albert (1974). The French Revolution:: 1794-1799. New York: Random House. ISBN 0-394-47392-2. 
  • Furet, François (1996). The French Revolution: 1770-1814. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. ISBN 0-631-20299-4. 
  • Thompson, J. M. (1959). The French Revolution. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 
  • Public Domain This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press 

External links

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