Left-libertarianism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Left-libertarianism (or left-wing libertarianism)[note 1] names several related but distinct approaches to politics, society, culture, and political and social theory, which stress both individual freedom and social justice. Left-libertarians simultaneously value leftist commitments to improving worklife, promoting environmental well-being, and wealth redistribution; and the libertarian commitments to self-ownership, just possessory claims, free markets, and diminution or elimination of government power.[1] They affirm the classical liberal belief in self-ownership, but, unlike right-libertarians, derive from this idea an egalitarian form of ownership of natural resources:[2] they believe that neither claiming nor mixing one's labor with natural resources is enough to generate full private property rights,[2][3] and hold that natural resources (land, oil, gold, trees) ought to be unowned or owned collectively.[3]

Left-libertarianism can refer generally to three related and overlapping schools of thought:

  • Anti-authoritarian varieties of left-wing politics and, in particular, the socialist movement, usually known as libertarian socialism.[4][5]
  • The Steiner-Vallentyne school, whose proponents draw conclusions from classical liberal or market liberal premises.[6][7][8][9]
  • Left-wing market anarchism, which stresses the socially transformative potential of non-aggression and anticapitalist, freed markets.[10]

Libertarian socialism

Noam Chomsky, a noted left-libertarian of the libertarian socialist school.

Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism[11][12] or left-libertarianism)[4][5] is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into common or public goods, while retaining respect for personal property.[note 2] Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.[note 3] The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism,[13][note 4] and by some as a synonym for left anarchism.[11][12][14]

Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.[note 5] Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that promotes the identification, criticism, and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of life.[note 6][note 7][note 8][note 9][15][note 10][16]

Accordingly, libertarian socialists believe that "the exercise of power in any institutionalized form—whether economic, political, religious, or sexual—brutalizes both the wielder of power and the one over whom it is exercised".[17] Libertarian socialists generally place their hopes in decentralized means of direct democracy such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions, and workers' councils.[18]

Political philosophies commonly described as libertarian socialist include most varieties of anarchism (especially anarchist communism, anarchist collectivism, anarcho-syndicalism,[19] and mutualism[20]) as well as autonomism, Communalism, participism, libertarian Marxist philosophies such as council communism and Luxemburgism,[21] and some versions of utopian socialism[note 11] and individualist anarchism.[note 12][note 13][note 14]

Georgism

Henry George (1839–1897) proposed the abolition of all taxes except those on land value.

Georgists believe that humanity rightfully owns all land in common. People in this movement are often referred to as "single taxers," since they believe that the only legitimate broad based tax is land rent.

They argue that no person deserves a greater amount of freedom than anyone else, and claiming the surface of the planet as ones' exclusive domain necessarily diminishes the freedom of everyone else to use the land as they see fit. To reconcile the competing claims, and allow exclusive use whilst acknowledging everyone's equal share of the Commons, georgists propose that the rental value of the land be used for public purposes, or given as a Citizen's Dividend. But the buildings and improvements are to be exempt from taxation.

Henry George believed that people ought to own the value of the improvements they make, and the fruits of their labor. Thus, he was opposed to income taxes, sales taxes, taxes on improvements, and all other taxes on production, labor, trade, or commerce.

George was among the staunchest defenders of free markets, and his book Protection or Free Trade was read into the U.S. Congressional Record.[22] Yet, he did support direct management of natural monopolies as a last resort, such as right-of-way monopolies necessary for railroads. George advocated for elimination of intellectual property arrangements in favor of government sponsored prizes for inventors.[23]

The Steiner-Vallentyne school

John Locke, the "Father of Classical Liberalism."

Contemporary left-libertarian scholars such as Hillel Steiner,[24] Peter Vallentyne,[25] Philippe Van Parijs,[26] Michael Otsuka,[27] and David Ellerman[28][29] root an economic egalitarianism in the classical liberal concepts of self-ownership and land appropriation, combined with geoist or physiocratic views regarding the ownership of land and natural resources (e.g. those of John Locke and Henry George).[note 15] They hold that it is illegitimate for anyone to claim private ownership of natural resources to the detriment of others.[note 16][note 17][note 18] Instead, unappropriated natural resources are either unowned or owned in common, and private appropriation is only legitimate if everyone can appropriate an equal amount or if private appropriation is taxed to compensate those who are excluded from natural resources. This position is articulated in contrast to the position of other libertarians who argue for a (characteristically labor-based) right to appropriate unequal parts of the external world, such as land.[30] Most left-libertarians support some form of income redistribution on the grounds of a claim by each individual to be entitled to an equal share of natural resources.[31] A number of left-libertarians of this school argue for the desirability of some state social welfare programs.[32][33]

The Steiner–Vallentyne school of left-libertarianism takes a distinctive position regarding the issue Robert Nozick called the "original acquisition of holdings,"[note 19] i.e., how property was originally acquired.[34] It maintains that "wilderness" is commonly owned by all the people in a given area. Since there is no predetermined distribution of land and (they argue) there is no reason to believe that—all things being equal—some people deserve more property than others, it makes sense to think of resources as commonly owned. Thus this brand of left-libertarianism denies that first use or "mixing labor" has any decisive bearing on ownership: land should be treated as presumptively owned in common. Different proponents of this school of thought have different ideas about what can be done with property. Some believe that one must gain some kind of permission from their community in order to use resources. Others argue that people should be allowed to appropriate land in exchange for some kind of rent and they must either pay taxes on the profits made from the appropriated resources or allow the products of those resources to become common property.

Left-wing market anarchism

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the first self-identified anarchist, supported a left-wing market anarchism called mutualism.

Another contemporary school of left-libertarianism is associated with scholars such as Kevin Carson,[35][36] Roderick T. Long,[37][38] Charles Johnson,[39] Brad Spangler,[40] Samuel Edward Konkin III,[41] Sheldon Richman,[42][43][44] Chris Matthew Sciabarra,[45] and Gary Chartier,[46] who stress the value of radically free markets, termed freed markets to distinguish them from the common conception which these libertarians believe to be riddled with statist and capitalist privileges.[47] Referred to as left-wing market anarchists[48] or market-oriented left-libertarians,[44] proponents of this approach strongly affirm the classical liberal ideas of self-ownership and free markets, while maintaining that, taken to their logical conclusions, these ideas support strongly anti-corporatist, anti-hierarchical, pro-labor positions in economics; anti-imperialism in foreign policy; and thoroughly liberal or radical views regarding such cultural issues as gender, sexuality, and race.[note 20] This strand of left-libertarianism tends to be rooted either in the mutualist economics conceptualized by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, American individualist anarchism, or in a left-wing interpretation or extension of the thought of Murray Rothbard.

Arguing that vast disparities in wealth and social influence result from the use of force, and especially state power, to steal and engross land and acquire and maintain special privileges, members of this school typically urge the abolition of the state. They judge that, in a stateless society, the kinds of privileges secured by the state will be absent, and injustices perpetrated or tolerated by the state can be rectified. Thus, they conclude that, with state interference eliminated, it will be possible to achieve "socialist ends by market means."[49] According to libertarian scholar Sheldon Richman:

Left-libertarians favor worker solidarity vis-à-vis bosses, support poor people's squatting on government or abandoned property, and prefer that corporate privileges be repealed before the regulatory restrictions on how those privileges may be exercised. They see Walmart as a symbol of corporate favoritism—supported by highway subsidies and eminent domain—view the fictive personhood of the limited-liability corporation with suspicion, and doubt that Third World sweatshops would be the "best alternative" in the absence of government manipulation. Left-libertarians tend to eschew electoral politics, having little confidence in strategies that work through the government. They prefer to develop alternative institutions and methods of working around the state.[44]

Cultural politics

Contemporary free-market left-libertarians also show markedly more sympathy than mainstream or paleolibertarians towards various cultural movements which challenge non-governmental relations of power. For instance, left-libertarians Roderick Long and Charles Johnson have called for a recovery of the nineteenth-century alliance with radical liberalism and feminism.[50]

While adopting familiar libertarian views, including opposition to drug prohibition, gun control, civil liberties violations, and war, left-libertarians are more likely than most self-identified libertarians to take more distinctively leftist stances on issues as diverse as feminism, gender and sexuality, class, immigration, and environmentalism. Especially influential regarding these topics have been scholars including Chris Matthew Sciabarra, Roderick T. Long, Charles W. Johnson, and Arthur Silber.


Agorism

Agorism is an anarchist tendency founded by Samuel Edward Konkin III which advocates counter-economics, working in untaxable black or grey markets and boycotting as much as possible the unfree, taxed market with the intended result that private voluntary institutions emerge and outcompete statist ones.

Geolibertarianism

Geolibertarianism, an anarchist form of Henry George's philosophy, is considered left-libertarian because it assumes land to be initially owned in common, so that when land is privately appropriated the proprietor pays rent to the community.[51]

Criticisms

Criticisms of the different schools of left-libertarianism have come from the right and left alike. Right-libertarians like Robert Nozick, holding that self-ownership and property acquisition need not meet egalitarian standards and that they must merely avoid worsening the situation of others, have rejected left-libertarianism of the Steiner–Vallentyne school. G. A. Cohen extensively criticized the claim, typical of this school, that self-ownership and equality can be realized simultaneously. In Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality, Cohen claims that any system that takes equality and its enforcement seriously is not consistent with the full emphasis on self-ownership and "negative freedom" of market libertarian thought.[52]

Murray Rothbard criticized what amounted to the cultural aspect of left-libertarianism of the Carson–Long school (left-wing market anarchism), challenging the tendency of proponents of libertarianism to appeal to "'free spirits,' to people who don't want to push other people around, and who don't want to be pushed around themselves" in contrast to "the bulk of Americans," who "might well be tight-assed conformists, who want to stamp out drugs in their vicinity, kick out people with strange dress habits, etc."[53]

See also

Notes

  1. Related, arguably synonymous, terms include libertarianism, left-wing libertarianism, egalitarian-libertarianism, and libertarian socialism.
    • Sundstrom, William A. "An Egalitarian-Libertarian Manifesto."
    • Bookchin, Murray and Biehl, Janet (1997). The Murray Bookchin Reader. New York:Cassell. p. 170.
    • Sullivan, Mark A. (July 2003). "Why the Georgist Movement Has Not Succeeded: A Personal Response to the Question Raised by Warren J. Samuels." American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 62:3. p. 612.
  2. Berkman, Alexander (1929). Now and After: What Is Communist Anarchism?. "The revolution abolishes private ownership of the means of production and distribution, and with it goes capitalistic business. Personal possession remains only in the things you use. Thus, your watch is your own, but the watch factory belongs to the people." 
  3. Chomsky, Noam (2003). For Reasons of State. India:Penguin Books. p. 376. "A consistent anarchist must oppose private ownership of the means of production and the wage slavery which is a component of this system, as incompatible with the principle that labor must be freely undertaken and under the control of the producer".
  4. Guérin, Daniel (1970). "Anarchism: A Matter of Words." Towards a Libertarian Socialism. Monthly Review Press. "Some contemporary anarchists have tried to clear up the misunderstanding by adopting a more explicit term: they align themselves with libertarian socialism or communism."
  5. Mendes, Silva (1896). Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo. 1. "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of private property (while retaining respect for personal property) and liberty by abolition of authority".
  6. McLaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism. AshGate. 2007. p. 1 "Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the 'sociology of power') and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the 'philosophy of practical reason'). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those 'authoritative' powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."
  7. "Principles of The International of Anarchist Federations." "The IAF - IFA fights for: the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual."
  8. Goldman, Emma. "What it Really Stands for Anarchy". Anarchism and Other Essays. "Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations."
  9. Tucker, Benjamin. Individual Liberty. "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left, — follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism...Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx."
  10. Anarchist historian George Woodcock reports of Mikhail Bakunin's anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (pg. 9)...Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Berne Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."
  11. Bromley, Kent (1906). "Preface." The Conquest of Bread. Bromley considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of Babeuf and Buonarroti." New York and London:G. P. Putnam's Sons.
  12. "An Anarchist FAQ. "[Benjamin] Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be 'Anarchistic socialism.'"
  13. Armand, Émile. "Anarchist Individualism as a Life and Activity". "inwardly [the individualist anarchist] remains refractory – fatally refractory – morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)"
  14. Sabatini, Peter. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy". "[In the United States of the] early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and 'utopian' counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist."
  15. Scholars representing this school of left-libertarianism often understand their position in contrast to other libertarians who maintain that there are no fair share constraints on use or appropriation that individuals have the power to appropriate unowned things by claiming them (usually by mixing their labor with them), and deny any other conditions or considerations are relevant, and that there is no justification for the state to redistribute resources to the needy or to overcome market failures. Left-libertarians of the Carson–Long school (called left-wing market anarchists), referenced below, typically endorse the labor-based property rights Steiner–Vallentyne left-libertarians reject, but hold that implementing such rights would have radical rather than conservative consequences.
    • Vallentyne, Peter (20 July 2010). "Libertarianism." Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University.
    • Vallentyne, Peter (2007). "Libertarianism and the State." Liberalism: Old and New. In Paul, Ellen Frankel; Miller, Jr., Fred; and Paul, Jeffrey. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. p. 199.
  16. Vallentyne, Peter. "Libertarianism." "combin[ing] the libertarian assumption that each person possesses a natural right of self-ownership over his person with the egalitarian premise that natural resources should be shared equally."
  17. Kymlicka, Will (2005). "Libertarianism, Left-." Oxford Companion to Philosophy. In Honderich, Ted. New York:Oxford University Press. "[left-libertarians maintain that] the world's natural resources were initially unowned, or belonged equally to all, and it is illegitimate for anyone to claim exclusive private ownership of these resources to the detriment of others. Such private appropriation is legitimate only if everyone can appropriate an equal amount, or if those who appropriate more are taxed to compensate those who are thereby excluded from what was once common property."
  18. Some left-libertarians of the Steiner–Vallentyne type support some form of income redistribution on the grounds of a claim by each individual to be entitled to an equal share of natural resources:
    • (2000). Left-Libertarianism and Its Critics: The Contemporary Debate. In Steiner, Hillel and Vallentyne, Peter. London:Macmillan p. 1.
    • (2004). Handbook of Political Theory. In Gaus, Gerald F. and Kukathas, Chandran. Thousand Oaks, CA:Sage. p. 128.
  19. They differ in this respect from other libertarians, right and left, who tend to believe that property rights in physical objects are the most basic rights of all, or that all genuine rights can be understood as property rights rooted in self-ownership.
  20. Writing before the rise of the Carson–Long school of left-libertarianism, historian of American anarchism David DeLeon was disinclined to treat any market-oriented variant of libertarianism as leftist; see DeLeon, David (1978). The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism. Baltimore, MD:Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 123.

References

  1. Chartier, Gary (11/05/2012). The Distinctiveness of Left-Libertarianism. Retrieved 07/23/2013. 
  2. 2.0 2.1 Vallentyne, Peter; Steiner, Hillel; Otsuka, Michael (2005). "Why Left-Libertarianism Is Not Incoherent, Indeterminate, or Irrelevant: A Reply to Fried". Philosophy and Public Affairs (Blackwell Publishing, Inc.) 33 (2). Retrieved 07/23/2013. 
  3. 3.0 3.1 Hamowy, Ronald. "Left Libertarianism." The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. p. 288
  4. 4.0 4.1 Bookchin, Murray and Biehl, Janet (1997). The Murray Bookchin Reader. Cassell: p. 170. ISBN 0-304-33873-7
  5. 5.0 5.1 Hicks, Steven V. and Shannon, Daniel E. (2003). The American journal of economics and sociology. Blackwell Pub. p. 612.
  6. Vallentyne, Peter (September 5, 2002). "Libertarianism". In Edward N. Zalta. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2009 ed.). Stanford, CA: Stanford University. Retrieved March 5, 2010. 
  7. Will Kymlicka (2005). "libertarianism, left-". In Ted Honderich. The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. New York City: Oxford University Press. 
  8. Vallentyne and Steiner (2000b). [Unknown]. [Unknown]. p. 1. ISBN 9780312236991. 
  9. Eric Mack and Gerald F Gauss (2004). Gerald F. Gaus, Chandran Kukathas, ed. Handbook of Political Theory. Sage Publications Inc. pp. 115–131, found at 128. ISBN 9780761967873. 
  10. Chartier, Gary. Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Minor Compositions. pp. 1-11. ISBN 978-1570272424
  11. 11.0 11.1 Ostergaard, Geoffrey (1991). "Anarchism". A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p. 21.
  12. 12.0 12.1 Chomsky, Noam and Otero, Carlos Peregrín (2004). Language and Politics. AK Press. p. 739.
  13. Zarembka, Paul (2007). Transitions in Latin America and in Poland and Syria. Emerald Group Publishing p. 25.
  14. Ross, Dr. Jeffery Ian (2000). Controlling State Crime. Transaction Publishers. p. 400. ISBN 0-7658-0695-9
  15. Ward, Colin (1966). "Anarchism as a Theory of Organization". Archived from the original on 25 March 2010. Retrieved 1 March 2010. 
  16. Brown, L. Susan (2002). "Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism". The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism. Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing. p. 106. 
  17. Ackelsberg, Martha A. (2005). Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women. AK Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-1-902593-96-8. 
  18. Rocker, Rudolf (2004). Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. AK Press. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-902593-92-0. 
  19. Sims, Franwa (2006). The Anacostia Diaries As It Is. Lulu Press. p. 160. 
  20. A Mutualist FAQ: A.4. Are Mutualists Socialists?. Mutualist.org. Retrieved on 2011-12-28.
  21. Murray Bookchin, Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism; Robert Graham, The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution
  22. http://www.dallasfed.org/assets/documents/research/ei/ei0502.pdf
  23. George, Henry. Progress and Poverty (1879; Garden City, NY: Doubleday 1912).
  24. Steiner, Hillel (1994). An Essay on Rights. Oxford:Blackwell.
  25. (2000). Left Libertarianism and Its Critics: The Contemporary Debate. In Vallentyne, Peter; and Steiner, Hillel. London:Palgrave.
  26. Van Parijs, Philippe (2009). Marxism Recycled. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
  27. Otsuka, Michael (2005). Libertarianism without Inequality. New York:Oxford University Press.
  28. Ellerman, David (1992). Property and Contract in Economics: The Case for Economic Democracy. Cambridge MA:Blackwell.
  29. Ellerman, David (1990). The Democratic Worker-Owned Firm. London:Unwin Hyman.
  30. Rothbard, Murray N. (1982). The Ethics of Liberty. Atlantic Heights, NJ:Humanities.
  31. Gaus, Gerald F. and Kukathas, Chandran (2004). Handbook of Political Theory. Sage Publications Inc. p. 128.
  32. Van Parijs, Phillippe (1998). Real Freedom for All: What (If Anything) Can Justify Capitalism? Oxford:Clarendon-Oxford University Press.
  33. Daskal, Steve (1 January 2010). "Libertarianism Left and Right, the Lockean Proviso, and the Reformed Welfare State." Social Theory and Practice. p. 1.
  34. Nozick, Robert (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. New York: Basic.
  35. Carson, Kevin A. (2008). Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective. Charleston, SC:BookSurge.
  36. Carson, Kevin A. (2010). The Homebrew Industrial Revolution: A Low-Overhead Manifesto. Charleston, SC:BookSurge.
  37. Long, Roderick T. (2000). Reason and Value: Aristotle versus Rand. Washington, DC:Objectivist Center
  38. Long, Roderick T. (2008). "An Interview With Roderick Long"
  39. Johnson, Charles W. (2008). "Liberty, Equality, Solidarity: Toward a Dialectical Anarchism." Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country? In Long, Roderick T. and Machan, Tibor Aldershot:Ashgate pp. 155-88.
  40. Spangler, Brad (15 September 2006). "Market Anarchism as Stigmergic Socialism."
  41. Konkin III, Samuel Edward. The New Libertarian Manifesto.
  42. Richman, Sheldon (23 June 2010). "Why Left-Libertarian?" The Freeman. Foundation for Economic Education.
  43. Richman, Sheldon (18 December 2009). "Workers of the World Unite for a Free Market." Foundation for Economic Education.
  44. 44.0 44.1 44.2 Sheldon Richman (3 February 2011). "Libertarian Left: Free-market anti-capitalism, the unknown ideal." The American Conservative. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
  45. Sciabarra, Chris Matthew (2000). Total Freedom: Toward a Dialectical Libertarianism. University Park, PA:Pennsylvania State University Press.
  46. Chartier, Gary (2009). Economic Justice and Natural Law. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
  47. Gillis, William (2011). "The Freed Market." In Chartier, Gary and Johnson, Charles. Markets Not Capitalism. Brooklyn, NY:Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 19–20.
  48. Chartier, Gary; Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism. Brooklyn, NY:Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 1–16.
  49. Chartier, Gary (2009). Socialist Ends, Market Means: Five Essays. Tulsa, OK:Tulsa Alliance of the Libertarian Left.
  50. Long, Roderick T.; Johnson, Charles W. (1 May 2005). "Libertarian Feminism: Can this Marriage Be Saved?" Molinari Society.
  51. "Geoanarchism by Fred Foldvary". Anti-state.com. 2001-07-15. Retrieved 2013-03-26. 
  52. Tom G. Palmer has responded to Cohen's critique:
    • Palmer, Tom G. (2009). "G. A. Cohen on Self-ownership, Property and Equality." Realizing Freedom: Libertarian Theory, History, and Practice. Washington, DC:Cato. pp. 129-54.
    • Palmer, Tom G. (1998). "The Literature of Liberty." The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Writings from Lao Tzu to Milton Friedman. In Boaz, David. New York:Free. pp. 415-55.
  53. Murray N. Rothbard, letter to David Bergland, June 5, 1986, qtd. Raimondo 263-4. Rothbard emphasized that this was relevant as a matter of strategy: the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America, he wrote, might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority."

Further reading

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