Judaism and slavery
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Judaism's religious texts contain numerous laws governing the ownership and treatment of slaves. Texts that contain such regulations include the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible), the Talmud, the 12th century Mishneh Torah by noted rabbi Maimonides, and the 16th century Shulchan Aruch by rabbi Yosef Karo. The original Israelite slavery laws found in the Hebrew Bible bear some resemblance to the 18th century BCE slavery laws of Hammurabi.[1] The regulations changed over time. Scholars are not certain to what extent the laws were generally followed, and some scholars suggest that some of the laws were aspirational guidelines.[2] The Hebrew Bible contained two sets of laws, one for Canaanite slaves, and a more lenient set of laws for Hebrew slaves. However, unlike other near-eastern faith based laws, non-Hebrew slaves were not to do labor on the Sabbath and Festivals.[3] From the time of the Pentateuch, the laws designated for Canaanites were applied to all non-Hebrew slaves. The Talmud's slavery laws, which were established following the biblical era, contain a single set of rules for all slaves, although there are a few exceptions where Hebrew slaves are treated differently from non-Hebrew slaves. The laws include punishment for slave owners that mistreat their slaves. In the modern era, when the abolitionist movement sought to outlaw slavery, supporters of slavery used the laws to provide religious justification for the practice of slavery.
The third holiest time of the Hebrew year following Sabbath and Yom Kippur, the Israelite holiday Passover relates, and revolves around freedom from slavery.
Biblical era
In antiquity, Israelite society allowed slavery.[4] Slaves were seen as an essential part of a Hebrew household.[5] It is impossible for scholars to quantify the number of slaves that were owned by Hebrews in ancient Israelite society, or what percentage of households owned slaves, but it is possible to analyze social, legal, and economic impacts of slavery.[6]
The Hebrew Bible contains two sets of rules governing slaves: one set for Hebrew slaves (Lev 25:39-43) and a second set for Canaanite slaves (Lev 25:45-46).[1][7] The main source of non-Hebrew slaves were prisoners of war.[5] Hebrew slaves, in contrast to non-Hebrew slaves, became slaves either because of extreme poverty (in which case they could sell themselves to an Israelite owner) or because of inability to pay a debt.[4] According to the Hebrew Bible, non-Hebrew slaves were drawn primarily from the neighboring Canaanite nations,[8] and religious justification was provided for the enslavement of these neighbors: the rules governing Canaanites was based on a curse aimed at Canaan, a son of Ham,[9] but in later eras the Canaanite slavery laws were stretched to apply to all non-Hebrew slaves.[10]
The laws governing non-Hebrew slaves were more harsh than those governing Hebrew slaves: non-Hebrew slaves could be owned permanently, and bequeathed to the owner's children,[11] whereas Hebrew slaves were treated as servants, and were released after 7 years of service.[12] One scholar suggests that the distinction was due to the fact that non-Hebrew slaves were subject to the curse of Canaan, whereas God did not want Jews to be slaves because he freed them from Egyptian enslavement.[13]
The laws governing Hebrew slaves were more lenient than laws governing non-Hebrew slaves, but a single Hebrew word, ebed (meaning slave or servant) is used for both situations. In English translations of the Bible, the distinction is sometimes emphasized by translating the word as "slave" in the context of non-Hebrew slaves, and "servant" or "bondman" for Hebrew slaves.[14]
Most slaves owned by Israelites were non-Hebrew, and scholars are not certain what percentage of slaves were Hebrew: one scholar says that Israelites rarely owned Hebrew slaves after the Maccabean era, although it is certain that Israelites owned Hebrew slaves during the time of the Babylonian exile.[4] Another scholar suggests that Israelites continued to own Hebrew slaves through the Middle Ages, but that the Biblical rules were ignored, and Hebrew slaves were treated the same as non-Hebrews.[15]
Scholars are not certain how faithfully Hebrews obeyed the slavery laws. Jeremiah 34:8-22 describes, in very forceful terms, how God punished the Israelites for not properly following the laws on slavery, and that suggests that the laws were not followed very strictly.[1]
Essenes
Slave ownership was widely accepted by the majority of early Jewish societies, but the Essenes were a small, ascetic sect that reportedly renounced slavery,[16] although some scholars question whether the Essenes actually renounced slavery.[17][18]
Talmudic Era
In the early Christian era, the regulations concerning slave-ownership by Jews apparently became the subject of some confusion, and efforts were undertaken to revise the slavery laws.[18] The precise issues that necessitated a revision to the laws is not certain, but it could include factors such as ownership of non-Canaanite slaves, the continuing practice of owning Jewish slaves, or conflicts with Roman slave-ownership laws.[18] Thus, the Talmud (circa 200–500 CE) contains an extensive set of laws governing slavery, which is more detailed, and different than the original laws found in the Jewish Bible.
The major change found in the Talmud's slavery laws is that a single set of rules, with a few exceptions, governs both Jewish slaves and non-Jewish slaves.[8][19] Another change was that the automatic release of Jewish slaves after 7 years is replaced by indefinite slavery, in conjunction with a process whereby the owner could—under certain situations—release the slave by a written document (a manumission).[8][19][20][21] However, historian Josephus wrote that the seven year automatic release was still in effect if the slavery was a punishment for a crime the slave committed (as opposed to voluntary slavery due to poverty).[22] In addition, the notion of Canaanite slaves from the Jewish Bible is expanded to all non-Jewish slaves.[23]
One of the few rules that distinguished between Jewish and non-Jewish slaves regarded found property: items found by Jewish slaves were owned by the slave, but items found by a non-Jewish slave belonged to the slave owner.[24] Another change was that the Talmud explicitly prohibits the freeing of a non-Jewish slave, which was stricter that the biblical law[25] which was silent on the issue, and simply permitted slaves to be owned indefinitely.[26] However, non-Jewish slaves could be converted to Judaism and then freed, in some circumstances.
It is apparent that Jews still owned Jewish slaves in the Talmudic era, because Talmudic authorities tried to denounce the biblical permission[27] that Jews could sell themselves into slavery if they were poverty-stricken. In particular, the Talmud said that Jews should not sell themselves to non-Jews, and if they did, the Jewish community was urged to ransom or redeem the slave.[20]
Curse of Ham as a justification for slavery
Some scholars have asserted that the Curse of Ham described in Judaism's religious texts was a justification for slavery[28] - citing the Tanakh (Jewish Bible) verses Genesis 9:20-27 and the Talmud.[29] Scholars such as David M. Goldenberg have analyzed the religious texts, and concluded that those conclusions on faulty interpretations of Rabbinical sources: Goldenberg concludes that the Judaic texts do not explicitly contain anti-black precepts, but instead later race-based interpretations were applied to the texts by later, non-Jewish analysts.[30]
Female slaves
The biblical ability for fathers to sell their daughters into slavery[31] was restricted by the classical sources, to extend only to pre-pubescent daughters, and only then as a last resort before the father had to sell himself.[32][33]
The classical rabbis instructed that masters could never marry female slaves—they would have to be manumitted first;[34] similarly, they ruled that male slaves could not be allowed to marry Jewish women.[35] Unlike the biblical instruction to sell thieves into slavery (if they were caught during daylight, and couldn't repay the theft), the rabbis ordered that female Israelites could never be sold into slavery for this reason.[32]
Sexual relations with female slaves
Sexual relations between a slave owner and female slaves were apparently acceptable in the time of the patriarchs, and children resulting from such liaisons were integrated into the patriarch's Israelite family.[36] Sexual relations with slaves became prohibited in later eras (Lev 19:20-22), but violations were reported even after prohibitions were instituted.[37][38] The punishment specified in the Jewish Bible for sexually violating a female was the sacrifice of a Ram, but the punishment in Talmudic era was flogging and temporary excommunication.[39][40]
Freeing a slave
The Jewish Bible contained the rule that Jewish slaves would be released following seven years of service, but that was replaced in the Talmud with potentially indefinite slavery, accompanied by a process whereby slaves could be freed—this process is called manumission. The Talmud specifies the regulations governing manumission in great detail.[41] Freeing a non-Jewish slave was seen as a religious conversion, and involved a second immersion in a ritual bath (mikveh). Jewish authorities of the Middle Ages argued against the Biblical rule that provided freedom for severely injured slaves.[42]
Treatment of slaves
The Jewish Bible and the Talmud contain various rules about how to treat slaves. Biblical rules for treatment of Jewish slaves were more lenient than for non-Jewish slaves[43][44][45] and the Talmud insisted that Jewish slaves should be granted similar food, drink, lodging, and bedding, to that which their master would grant to himself.[46] Laws existed which specified punishment of owners that killed slaves.[47][48] Jewish slaves were often treated as property; for example, they were not allowed to be counted towards the quorum, equal to 10 men, needed for public worship.[49] Maimonides and other halachic authorities forbade or strongly discouraged any unethical treatment of slaves, Jewish or not.[50][51] Some accounts indicate that Jewish slave-owners were affectionate, and would not sell slaves to a harsh master[52] and that Jewish slaves were treated as members of the slave-owner's family.[53]
Scholars are unsure to what extent the laws encouraging humane treatment were followed. In the 19th century, Jewish scholars such as Moses Mielziner and Samuel Krauss studied slave-ownership by ancient Jews, and generally concluded that Jewish slaves were treated as merely temporary bondsman, and that Jewish owners treated slaves with special compassion.[54] However, 20th century scholars such as Solomon Zeitlin and Ephraim Urbach, examined Jewish slave-ownership practices more critically, and their historical accounts generally conclude that Jews did permanently own Jewish slaves, and that Jewish slave-owners were no more compassionate than other slave owners of antiquity.[55] Historian Catherine Hezser explains the differing conclusions by suggesting that the 19th century scholars exaggerated the humaneness of Judaism in order to facilitate the assimilation of Judaism into Christian society.[54]
Converting or circumcising non-Jewish slaves
The Talmudic laws required Jewish slave owners to try to convert non-Jewish slaves to Judaism.[20][56] Other laws required slaves—if not converted—to be circumcised and undergo ritual immersion in a bath (mikveh).[57][58] This form of semi-conversion whereby the slave was circumcised and required to adhere to the negative Mosaic commandments (but not the full rigor of the Jewish law) was widely practiced.[20][57] A 4th century Roman law prevented the circumcision of non-Jewish slaves, so the practice may have declined at that time,[59] but increased again after the 10th century.[60] Jewish slave owners were not permitted to drink wine that had been touched by an uncircumcised person, so there was always a practical need - in addition to the legal requirement - to circumcise slaves.[61]
Although conversion to Judaism was a possibility for slaves, rabbinic authorities Maimonides and Karo discouraged it, on the basis that Jews were not permitted (in their time) to proselytise;[32] slave owners could enter into special contracts, by which they agree not to convert their slaves.[32] Furthermore, to convert a slave into Judaism without the owner's permission was seen as causing harm to the owner, on the basis that it would rob the owner of the slave's ability to work during the Sabbath, and would prevent them from selling the slave to non-Jews.[32]
Post-Talmud to 1800s
Jewish laws governing treatment of slaves were restated in the 12th century by noted rabbi Maimonides in his book Mishneh Torah, and again in the 16th century by Rabbi Yosef Karo in his book Shulchan Aruch.[62]
The legal prohibition against Jews owning Jewish slaves was emphasized in the Middle Ages[63] yet Jews continued to own Jewish slaves, and owners were able to bequeath Jewish slaves to the owner's children, but Jewish slaves were treated in many ways like members of the owner's family.[64]
Jews continued to own slaves during the 16th through 18th centuries, and ownership practices were still governed by Biblical and Talmudic laws.[8] Myriad Hebrew and other sources indicate that owning slaves—particularly women of Slavic origin—was uniquely prevalent during this period among the Jewish households of the urban centres of the Ottoman Empire.[65]
Redeeming Jewish slaves
The Hebrew Bible contains instructions to redeem (purchase the freedom of) Jewish slaves owned by non-Jews (Lev. 25:47-51). However, these instructions only began to be followed in the Greek and Roman periods.[21] The Talmud contained similar guidance to emancipate Jewish slaves, but cautioned the redemeer against paying excessive prices since that may encourage "the Romans" to enslave more Jews.[66]
Many Jews were taken to Rome as prisoners of war, but Julius Caesar, who was fairly friendly towards Judaism, appears to have freed most of them.[32][67][68] Josephus, himself a former 1st century slave, remarks that the faithfulness of Jewish slaves, and former slaves, was appreciated by their owners;[69] this may have been one of the main reasons for freeing them.[32] Also, Jewish slaves held in Rome were sometimes freed by their owners because of "their unwillingness to break the laws of their fathers, they were unserviceable".[14]
In the Middle Ages, redeeming Jewish slaves gained importance and—up until the 19th century—Jewish congregations around the Mediterranean Sea formed societies dedicated to that purpose.[70] Jewish communities customarily ransomed Jewish captives according to a Judaic mitzvah regarding the redemption of captives (Pidyon Shvuyim).[71] In his A History of the Jews, Paul Johnson writes:
Jews were particularly valued as captives since it was believed, usually correctly, that even if they themselves poor, a Jewish community somewhere could be persuaded to ransom them. If a Jew was taken by Turks from a Christian ship, his release was usually negotiated from Constantinople. In Venice, the Jewish Levantine and Portuguese congregations set up a special organization for redeeming Jewish captives taken by Christians from Turkish ships, Jewish merchants paid a special tax on all goods to support it, which acted as a form of insurance since they were likely victims.[72]
See also
Notes
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 Hastings, p 619
- ↑ Hezser p 29
- ↑ Exudos 23:12
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 Hezser, p 6
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 Hezser, p 382
- ↑ Hezser p 23
- ↑ Hezser, p 29
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Schorsch, p 63
- ↑ Lewis p 5
- ↑ Schorsch p 63
- ↑ Leviticus 25:45-45
- ↑ Hezser, p 30
- ↑ Hezser, pp 10, 30
- ↑ 14.0 14.1 Jewish Encyclopedia
- ↑ Schorsch, p. 63
- ↑ As reported by philosopher Philo, see Hezser p 32
- ↑ Lewis, pp 4-5
- ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 Blackburn, p 68
- ↑ 19.0 19.1 Hezser, pp 8, 31-33, 39
- ↑ 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 Hastings, p 620
- ↑ 21.0 21.1 Jewish Encyclopedia, "Slaves and Slavery"
- ↑ Hezser, p 33
- ↑ Schorsch, pp 64-65
- ↑ Hezser, p 46
- ↑ Lev 25:45-46
- ↑ Hastings, p 620, citing Gitten 45b
- ↑ Lev. 25:39
- ↑
- Shavit, Jacob (2001). History in Black: African-Americans in search of an ancient past. Routledge. pp. 183–185. ISBN 0-7146-5062-5.
- Blackburn, Robin (1998). The making of New World slavery: from the Baroque to the modern, 1492-1800. Verso. p. 89. ISBN 1-85984-195-3.
- Hannaford, Ivan (1996). Race: the history of an idea in the West. Woodrow Wilson Center Press.
- Haynes, Stephen R. (2002). Noah's curse: the biblical justification of American slavery. Oxford University Press. pp. 23–27, 65–104.
- Whitford, David M. (2009). The Curse of Ham in the Early Modern Era: The Bible and the Justifications for Slavery. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.,. pp. 19–26.
- Washington, Joseph R. (1985) "Anti-Blackness in English religion", E. Mellen Press, p. 1, 10-11, quoted in The curse of Ham, David M. Goldenberg, 2003.
- Jordon, Winthrop D. (1968) "White over black: American attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-1812", University of North Carolina Press, p. 18, 10-11, quoted in The curse of Ham, David M. Goldenberg, 2003.
- ↑ Talmud verse: "Three copulated on the ark and they were all punished ... Ham was smitten in his skin". Sanhedrin 108B, as quoted by Robin Blackburn in "The making of New World slavery: from the Baroque to the modern, 1492-1800 ", Verso 1998, p. 68,88-89
- ↑
- Goldenberg, David M. (2003). The curse of Ham: race and slavery in early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Princeton University Press.
- Goldenberg, David. "The curse of Ham: a case of Rabbinic racism?", in Struggles in the promised land: toward a history of Black-Jewish relations in the United States, (Jack Salzman, Ed), Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 21-52.
- Goldenberg (in his book and essay) identifies several sources that - in his opinion - improperly assert that Judaism may be partially responsible for slavery or racism, including:
- - Thomas Gosset: "Race: The History of an Idea in America" 1963, p 5
- - Raphael Patai & Robert Graves: "Hebrew Myths: The Book of Gensis" p 121.
- - J. A. Rogers "Sex and Race" (1940-1944) 3:316-317
- - J. A. Rogers "Nature Knows no Color-Line" (1952) p 9-10.
- - Edith Sanders "The Hamitic Hypothesis" in "Journal of African History" vol 10, num 4 (1969) p. 521-532
- - Joseph Harris "Africans and their History" (1972) p 14-15
- - Leslie Fiedler "Negro and Jew: Encounter in America" in "The collected essays of Lesley Feidler" 1971
- - Raoul Allier "Une Enigme troublante: la race et la maledictiou e Cham" 1930; p 16-19, 32
- - Winthrop Jordan "White over Black" p 18 (1968)
- - Washington post (Sept 14, 1991; p B6)
- - Charles Copher "Blacks and Jews in HIstorical Interaction" in "The Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center 3" (1975) p 16.
- - Tony Martin "The Jewish Onslaught" (1993) p 33.
- - Nation of Islam publication: "The Secret Relationship between Blacks and Jews" 1991; p. 203
- - St. Claire Drake "Black Folk Here and There" vol 2 (1990) p 17-30, 22-23
- - Joseph R. Washington "Anti-Blackness in English Religion" 1984, p. 1, 10-11
- ↑ Exodus 21:7-11
- ↑ 32.0 32.1 32.2 32.3 32.4 32.5 32.6 Jewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery
- ↑ The sale was only regarded as complete when payment was received, or when a deed (referred to as the shetar) was written in the name of the daughter's father. Although the biblical text clearly differentiates between selling daughters with the intention of their marriage, and other forms of slavery, the Talmud argued that when a pre-pubescent girl was sold into slavery, their master had to marry her, or marry her to his son, when she started puberty; if the master failed to marry the girl, or marry her to his son, she was to be freed.
- ↑ Gittin, 40a
- ↑ Gittin 4:5
- ↑ Hezser, p 218
- ↑ Abrahams, p 95
- ↑ Roth, p 61
- ↑ Abrhams, p 95
- ↑ Roth, p 71
- ↑
- Voluntary manumission is not mentioned by the Bible, but the Talmud allowed masters to free slaves voluntarily by a number of mechanisms. Such manumission was to be formally executed by a written deed (the shetar shihrur), which must sever the dependency and servitude completely; if any of the master's rights were reserved, or the deed was written in the future tense, it would be invalid and ineffectual. These deeds would become effective as soon as it was transferred to a 3rd party, or delivered to the slave; however, if the master had sent the deed to the slave, it would become void if the master died before the slave received it. Possession of the deed was counted as prima facie proof of manumission, but the former slave was not allowed to work on land gifted to him by his former master, unless witnesses were able to verify it. Despite the general disregard for non-Jewish laws, writs of manumission written by non-Jewish magistrates were acknowledged to retain their validity under Jewish law. [from Mishneh Torah, and from Gittin 1:4 (Tosefta)]
- Although, in their view, slave masters had previously had the right to revoke voluntary manumission, the classical rabbis instructed that it should no longer be permitted - Gittin 1:6
- Indeed, if the master merely says that he has freed his slave, the rabbis would not even allow him to repudiate his statement, instead compelling such a master to create a writ of manumission - Gittin 40b
- even if the slave denies that he has been given this writ, he is still considered freed - "Gittin 40b"
- Other symbolic acts were also regarded as freeing the slave: namely, if the master put phylacteries on the slave, gave him a free woman for a wife, or made him publicly read three or more verses from the Torah; if these acts were committed, it was compulsory for the master to give the former slave a writ of manumission.
- In Maimonides' opinion, manumission could not even be carried out by wills; this, however, was a technicality, as Maimonides still permits heirs themselves to be compelled by a will to carry out manumission of the deceased owner's slaves - Jewish Encyclopedia
- ↑ The Bible said a slave should be freed if they had been harmed to the extent that their injury was covered by the lex talionis - Exodus 21:26-27, should actually only apply to slaves who had converted to Judaism; additionally, Maimonides argued that this manumission was really punishment of the owner, and therefore that it could only be imposed by a court, and required evidence from witnesses. —Jewish Encyclopedia.
- ↑ Leviticus 25:43
- ↑ Leviticus 25:53
- ↑ Leviticus 25:39
- ↑ Furthermore, the Talmud instructed that servants were not to be unreasonably penalised for being absent from work due to sickness. The biblical 7th-year manumission was still to occur after the slave had been enslaved for six years; extra enslavement couldn't be tacked on to make up for the absence, unless the slave had been absent for more than a total of four years, and if the illness didn't prevent light work (such as needlework), then the slave could be ill for all six years without having to repay the time.
- ↑ The vague ("Avenger of Blood", Jewish Encyclopedia, 1901.) biblical instruction to avenge slaves that had died, from punishment by their masters, Exodus 21:20-21 became regarded as an instruction to view such events as murder, with masters guilty of such crime being beheaded, see Mekhilta, Mishpatim 7
- ↑ On the other hand, the protection given to fugitive slaves was lessened by the classical rabbis; fugitive Israelite slaves were now compelled to buy their freedom, and if they were recaptured, then the time they had been absent was added on as extra before the usual 7th-year manumission could take effect.
- ↑ Berakot 47. Sadducees went as far as to hold slave owners responsible for any damage caused by their slaves; - Yadayim 4:7. By contrast Pharisees acknowledged that slaves had independent thought - Yadayim 4:7
- ↑ According to the traditional Jewish law, a slave is more like an indentured servant, who has rights and should be treated almost like a member of the owner's family. Maimonides wrote (Yad, Avadim 9:8) that, regardless whether a slave is Jewish or not, "The way of the pious and the wise is to be compassionate and to pursue justice, not to overburden or oppress a slave, and to provide them from every dish and every drink. The early sages would give their slaves from every dish on their table. They would feed their servants before sitting to their own meals... Slaves may not be maltreated of offended - the law destined them for service, not for humiliation. Do not shout at them or be angry with them, but hear them out". In another context, Maimonides wrote that all the laws of slavery are "mercy, compassion and forbearance" - from Encyclopedia Judaica, 2007, vol. 18, p. 670
- ↑ http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/305549/jewish/Torah-Slavery-and-the-Jews.htm
- ↑ Abrahams, p 100-101
- ↑ Roth, p 60
- ↑ 54.0 54.1 Hezser, pp 3-5
- ↑ Hezser, pp 5-8
- ↑ Lewis, p 8-9.
- ↑ 57.0 57.1 Lewis, p 8-9
- ↑ Hezser, p 41
- ↑ Hezser, p 41-42
- ↑ Abrahams, p 99
- ↑ Abrahams p. 99
- ↑ Hastings, p 619-620
- ↑ Abrahams, p 97, who cites Shulchan Aruch, Yore Deah, 267 sec 14
- ↑ Abraham, p 97
- ↑ Ben-Naeh 2006.
- ↑ Hezser, p 43
- ↑ Tacitus, Annals, 2:85
- ↑ Suetonius, Tiberius, 36
- ↑ Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews
- ↑ Abrahams, p 96
- ↑ Ransoming Captive Jews. An important commandment calls for the redemption of Jewish prisoners, but how far should this mitzvah be taken? by Rabbi David Golinkin
- ↑ Paul Johnson: A History of the Jews. 1987. p.240
References
- Abrahams, Israel: Jewish life in the Middle Ages, The Macmillan Co., 1919
- Benjamin, Judah P. "Slavery and the Civil War: Part II" in United States Jewry, 1776-1985: The Germanic Period, Jacob Rader Marcus (Ed.), Wayne State University Press, 1993.
- Ben-Naeh, Yaron (2006). "Blond, Tall, with Honey-Colored Eyes: Jewish Ownership of Slaves in the Ottoman Empire". Jewish History 20 (3–4). doi:10.1007/s10835-006-9018-z. JSTOR 20100988.
- Blackburn, Robin (1998). The making of New World slavery: from the Baroque to the modern, 1492-1800. Verso. ISBN 1-85984-195-3.
- Davis, David Brion (2006). Inhuman bondage: the rise and fall of slavery in the New World. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514073-7.
- Faber, Eli: Jews, Slaves, and the Slave Trade: Setting the Record Straight. New York: New York University Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8147-2638-0
- Friedman, Saul S.: Jews and the American Slave Trade. (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1998. ISBN 1-56000-337-5)
- Friedman, Murray (2007). What went wrong?: the creation and collapse of the Black-Jewish Alliance. Simon and Schuster.
- Goldenberg, David M. (2003). The curse of Ham: race and slavery in early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Princeton University Press.
- Goldenberg, David. "The curse of Ham: a case of Rabbinic racism?", in Struggles in the promised land: toward a history of Black-Jewish relations in the United States, (Jack Salzman, Ed), Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 21-52.
- Greenberg, Mark, and Ferris, Marcie. Jewish roots in southern soil: a new history UPNE, 2006
- Haynes, Stephen R. (2002). Noah's curse: the biblical justification of American slavery. Oxford University Press.
- Hastings, James, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Scribners, 1910.
- Hezser, Catherine, Jewish slavery in antiquity, Oxford University Press, 2005.
- Korn, Bertram Wallace "Jews and Negro Slavery in the Old South", in Strangers and Neighbors, Adams (Ed.), Univ of Massachusetts Press, 1999 (pp 147–182).
- Lewis, Bernard. Race and slavery in the Middle East: an historical enquiry, Oxford University Press US, 1992.
- Rodriguez, Junius. The Historical encyclopedia of world slavery, Volume 1, ABC-CLIO, 1997
- Roth, Norman: Medieval Jewish Civilzation: an encyclopedia, Taylor & Francis, 2003.
- Schorsch, Jonathan (2004). Jews and blacks in the early modern world. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82021-9.
- Tertullianus, Qunitus Codex Agobardinus
- Whitford, David M. (2009). The Curse of Ham in the Early Modern Era: The Bible and the Justifications for Slavery. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.
External links
- Excerpts from Slavery and the Jews. A Historical Inquiry By Eli Faber
- Jewish occupations Jewish Encyclopedia, 1906 ed.
- Slave markets in East Europe
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Jewish Encyclopedia. 1901–1906.