János Esterházy

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The native form of this personal name is Esterházy János. This article uses the Western name order.

Count János Esterházy (Nyitraújlak, Hungary (today Veľké Zálužie, Slovakia), March 14, 1901 – Mírov, Czechoslovakia, March 8, 1957), a member of the House of Esterházy, was the most prominent ethnic Hungarian politician in the former Czechoslovakia, and later in the First Slovak Republic.

Some Slovak historians such as Augustín Marko, Pavol Martinický or Ján Mitáč, call him directly a Hungarian spy in Czechoslovakia under the name "Szalma" with the number 221.[1] His supposed objective was the revision of the Treaty of Trianon.[2] According to some Hungarian historians, such as István Janek from the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the accusations that he was a Hungarian agent are not supported by contemporary documents, due to the lack of official documents about his position and tasks.[3] According to Janek, he saved a lot of Jews, Poles, Czechs and Slovaks, helped to escape Rudolf Viest to the west during World War II[4] and secretly hand out Hungarian visa to Jews.[5]

He was one of deputies of Slovak Parliament who refused to vote for law which legalized existing deportations of Jews in 1942 and the only one who did it in public and demonstrative way.[6][7][8] He was detained by the Nazis, harassed by the Gestapo.[9]

After war, Esterházy was sentenced in absence to death by the National Court in Bratislava for the treason of the state, collaboration with enemy, breaking Czechoslovakia and his participation on anti-democratic regime as a deputy of the Slovak Assembly.[10] The sentence was not executed because of presidential pardon after his return to Czechoslovakia by Soviet Union. He is classified as a war criminal in Slovakia. Janek states that the real reason of his conviction by the Czechoslovak authorities was to intimidate the Hungarian minority.[5]

In 1993 Russian government rehabilitated his sentence in Russia.[11] In 2009, the Polish president awarded him the Polonia Restituta Order.[12] In 2010 Yad Vashem also recognized him in saving Jews.[13] The Jewish organization Anti-Defamation League has recognized Esterházy's efforts for Jews with the Courage to Care Award[14] in 2011, which caused protest of The Federation of the Jewish Communities in Slovakia.[15] On the other hand, The Federation of Hungarian Jewish Communities named him as hero for saving Jews during World War II.[16]

Family

Son of Antal Mihály Esterházy, he was born into one of Hungary's most distinguished aristocrat families, the House of Esterházy, in the Galánta branch originated from Transylvania. His mother, Countess Elżbieta Tarnowska, daughter of Professor Stanisław Tarnowski, was Polish. He was four when his father died. He went to secondary school in Budapest and after studying commerce he returned to his estate in an area of Hungary the Treaty of Trianon ceded to Czechoslovakia after World War I. On October 15, 1924 he married countess Lívia Serényi. They had two children, János and Alice.

Politician in Czechoslovakia

Political functions

In 1931 Esterházy became the leader of the Hungarian League of Nations League in the Czechoslovak Republic, an organization which operated within the League of Nations. On December 11, 1932 he become a chairman of Provincial Christian-Socialist Party. He won parliament mandate in Košice at the elections in 1935 and was a deputy of Czechoslovak Parliament until 1938 then he become deupty of the Slovak Assembly. In his first speech in parliament he said: "As we have been attached to Czechoslovakia against our will, we demand that the Czechoslovak government fully respect our minority, language, cultural and economic rights." He also supported the claims of ethnic Hungarians for autonomy within Slovakia. In 1935, the Hungarian MPs supported the successful bid of Edvard Beneš for president of the republic, who promised concessions to Hungarian minority.[note 1][17] In 1936, Beneš proposed to Esterházy political cooperation with government and offered him minister's chair without portefeuille, but Esterházy did not accept proposal.

Both Hungarian parties - Provincial Christian-Socialist Party and Hungarian National Party (Czechoslovakia) were politically influenced and directed from Budapest.[18] After urges of Hungarian government [18] they united and founded the United Hungarian Party at their congress held in Nové Zámky on June 21, 1936. New party was led by Andor Jaross (executed later in Hungary as a war criminal) and Esterházy become executive leader. [19] The program of new party emphasized autonomy of Slovakia. Representatives of United Hungarian Party considered fusion with Sudeten German Party (Sudetendeutsche Partei, SdP) already in 1936.[19] According to archive documents, this plan was negotiated by Hungarian minister of foreign affairs Kálmán Kánya with German government circles in Berlin. On April 15, 1937 cooperation between both parties was agreed. On November 30, 1937 János Esterházy and Andor Jaros were delegated for negotiations with SdP about issues of German minority in Slovakia.[19]

Alleged activities against Czechoslovakia

After World Word War I, the Hungarian official politic de facto did not accept the new borders established by the Treaty of Trianon. Opinions and political activities of János Esterházy reached far beyond correction of borders and according to his own words he did not accept the right for existence of a joint Czecho-Slovak state. As he also later declared:

"We went against Czecho-Slovak regime with fire and iron. We had always looked on Czechoslovak republic as on not-viable mess of human malice and ignorance and we knew very well, that this artificially glued and "so called state" nasty do not have any right for existence."

Common Czech-Slovak Digital Parliament Library, Meeting of The Slovak Assembly, November 26, 1940.

Esterházy maintained close contact with Hungarian government through his visits in Budapest, through diplomatic channels of the Hungarian Embassy in Prague and the Hungarian Consulate in Bratislava. The leading positions of Hungarian minority parties were decided in Budapest.[20]

Esterházy acted under cover names "Tamás", "Matyás" and number 221,[20] His reports for Hungarian government officials did not cover only the issues of the ethnic minority policy, but also included internal political situations, concepts and strategies for weakening Czechoslovakia, the politics of other countries against Czechoslovakia and information of intelligence nature.[21] In the summer 1937, he disclosed data about Czechoslovak army and informed about building military fortresses and related budged. In the fall of the same year, he wrote report on defense projects near Lučenec and Ipeľ river.[21]

According to Hungarian academic István Janek, the usage of cover names as standalone fact does not prove anything and role of agent should be proven by official documents about his role and tasks.[3] Esterhazy as a west-oriented politician kept his distance from Berlin and from Moscow and also because of that he did not become fascist.[22]

According to Deák, he accepted cash from Hungarian government to support irredentism. Before elections in 1935, Hungarian government wanted to provide him 100,000 crowns to form autonomous block with Hlinka's Slovak Peoples Party (HSĽS), but event failed at last moment. As an executive chairman of United Hungarian Party he asked for financial support to corrupt leading politicians of HSĽS. In time of unification of Hungarian parties he asked for donation 15,000 crowns to “disarm the infringers of the order at the Žilina meeting”. [21] During police questioning in 1945, he quantified yearly support from Hungarian government to 2,500,000 crowns yearly whose allocation was decided by himself.[21] On the other hand, he accepted cash from the Office of President to support Hungarian students and “against Hungarian irredentism”. The office of president Beneš paid it in four sums in total amount 144,000 crowns.[23]

According to Slovak historian Deak, due to close cooperation with Konrad Henlein and Sudeten German Party, he obtained confidential information about opinions of highest Nazi circles in Germany and he knew about preparation of Nazi aggression against Czechoslovakia. He was informed about plan to sabotage negotiations with Czechoslovak government and on his demand he received instructions from Hungary to work out on such program which could not be fulfilled. According to his own report to Hungarian government from May 1938 send through diplomatic channel of the Hungarian Embassy in Prague “Henlein declared further that, according to Hitler, Slovakia will be returned back to Hungary where the Slovaks will obtain autonomy”. [21] In the same report, he described also Nazi plans for France, Austria and Czech lands as were presented by Henlein. [24]

In 1938 he met the head of the British mission, Lord Runciman several times for whom he handed memorandum on the position of the Hungarians in Czechoslovakia. Between June 16–18, he (as an emissary of Hungarian government but Czechoslovak citizen) asked Polish government to develop pressure on Slovak politicians to adopt Hungarian solution for Slovakia, i.e. to return it to Hungary within certain autonomy. We welcomed Munich Agreement and together with pro-Hungarian deputy of HSĽS J. Janček immediatelly traveled to Budapest to prepare ground for rejoining Slovakia. He also wanted to take part in the negotiations about the two countries' borders in Komárno, but the head of the Czechoslovakian delegation, Jozef Tiso, rejected his request.

The First Vienna Award and autonomous Slovakia

After failure of negotiations in Komárno, Esetrázy participated in preparation of the First Vienna Award. By the end of October 1938 he left to Rome to negotiate with Italian government and to contribute for reasoning in questions where German and Italians views were different. After the First Vienna Award (2 November 1938), restoring to Hungary part of the territories lost earlier, Esterházy welcomed Hungarian regent Miklós Horthy as the MP of Košice (then Kassa). However, he did not left to Hungary, but stayed Slovakia where his property also remained and founded the Hungarian Party in Slovakia to defend the interests of the ethnic Hungarians. In the same time he also called for the Hungarian government to respect the rights of the ethnic Slovaks who lived in the regained Hungarian territories (and he also urged a reform of land ownership in Hungary). He published a daily, Új Hírek (fresh news) in Bratislava, but it was banned and Esterházy was drawn under police surveillance. Later he established a new daily, the Magyar Hírlap (Hungarian newspaper). His party rejected Nazism.

Behavior of the Hungarian state authorities on the occupied territory was against the concept of Esterházy's policy. He tried to achieve voluntary return of Slovaks to Kingdom of Hungary, however persecutions of Slovaks in Hungary was perceived by Slovak public very sensitively.[25] He believed that rough form of assimilation make their return to Hungary more difficult. For the similar reason he also criticized negotiations in Komárno before the First Vienna Award. According to his opinion, excessive territorial requirements damaged Hungarian interests as they discouraged Slovaks from Hungarian orientation. .[26] After bloodbath in the occupied village Šurany, he intervened in Budapest that such brutality damages Hungarian matter and makes his and Hungarian position in Slovakia untenable.[26]

Relationship to Slovak autonomy movement

Esterházy supported idea of Slovak autonomy. For example, on March 14, 1940, on the first anniversary of Slovak independence, János Esterházy wrote:

“Independent Slovakia came into being one year ago. [...] More has been gained than the late, great leader of the Slovak nation, Father Hlinka would have dared to dream. The Slovak people have accomplished more than they ever hoped in their long struggle to free themselves from the Czech yoke.”

Gábor Szent-Ivány: Count János Esterházy, Danubian Press, 1989

However, contrary to Esterházy's political goals, Andrej Hlinka (leader of Slovak autonomy movement in mid-war Czechoslovakia) held on position of common state with Czechs and dissolution of Czechoslovakia was not part of his political program. Even if he criticized concept of ethnic Czechoslovakism and demanded to resolve issues in Czech-Slovak relationships, he was also aware that "understanding between Czechs and Slovaks shell come, if we want to achieve internal stability and stop work of Hungarian revisionists". [27] Shortly before his death, he published message to American Slovaks where he expressed his will to preserve common state with Czechs as long as it would be possible. [28] Young Slovak radicals who demanded independence and grouped from autumn 1938 under leadership of Vojtech Tuka (sentenced in 1929 for 15 years as a Hungarian spy) had not any higher influence in Slovakia or Slovak People's Party in that time. [29] Further then, the First Slovak republic was not created as a result of autonomy movement supported by Esterházy but under direct Hitler's pressure and threat of Hungarian aggression declared in the meeting with Jozef Tiso.

Deputy of the Slovak Assembly

Minority rights

On March 14, 1939, Esterházy welcomed the establishment of independent Slovakia in a radio speech. He was the sole deputy in the Slovak Assembly representing the Hungarian minority, whose size had shrunk to about 67,000 people after the First Vienna Award. His nomination was understood as an accommodating step in accordance with the declared principle of reciprocity.[30] Slovakia expected that Hungary will proceed the same way for Slovak minority in Hungary.[30] He accepted nomination on government list of candidates as an expression of officially sympathies for Slovak emancipation compliant with his strategic goals. All of his 19 parliament speeches were held in Hungarian language, in accordance with quite tolerant rules of procedure of the Slovak National Assembly. In Bratislava he founded a publishing company and backed the operations of SzEMKE, an ethnic Hungarian cultural organization that had been banned but restarted in 1942.

The principle of reciprocity was applied as the only one effective tool to prevent persecution of Slovaks on occupied territory. The principle was included in new Slovak Constitution and it bound minority rights of Hungarians in Slovakia to rights of Slovaks in Hungary. Esterházy represented minority which played role of hostages with risk that situation will proceed with extreme. Also for the sake of Hungarian community in Slovakia, he tried to enforce minority rights for Slovaks in Hungary already in November 1938, but he did not succeed. Slovak government had also tried to create offices of state secretaries for minorities where Esterházy should represent Hungarian minority, but it was not successful because of unwillingness of Hungarian government. He personally intervened for permission of Slovak catholic and cultural association Spolok svätého Vojtecha in Hungary what was condition of Slovak government to allow Hungarian cultural association (Szlovenskózi Magyar Kulturegyesulet - SzEMKE).

Due to the same principle, his party was officially registered only in 1941 after Hungarian government had officially permitted the activities of the Party of Slovak National Unity.[note 2] Esterházy requested help of Hungarian minister of foreign affairs Csáky to persuade Teleki already in December 1940. Teleki refused Slovak delegation on February 1941. On March 1, 1941, Slovaks in Hungary published memorandum demanding permission of Slovak party. Esterházy supported and urged their requests in Hungarian government, which was not successful yet. [31] On July 10, 1941, he delivered memorandum about injustices against Hungarians in Slovakia to Slovak prime minister Vojtech Tuka [32] asking also for permission of Hungarian party in Slovakia.[33] Shortly after (July 15, 1941) Emanuel Böhm addressed memorandum similar by content and form to Hungarian prime minister as a reaction. Böhm and Esterházy met on informal meeting in Budapest and they exchanged both memorandums.[33][note 3] Repetition of all Esterhazy's steps (submissions, newspaper articles, appeals, etc.) was then used by Slovaks in Hungary as a new tactic. Vojtech Tuka and László Bárdossy agreed on reciprocal registration of minority parties at the end of 1941 after German intervention.[34] In October 1942 Esterházy held speech on presidency of Hungarian United Party and asked for improvement of situation of Hungarian minority. He also addressed additional memorandum to Slovak government. This Esterházy's speech was again translated and paraphrased by Böhm. Böhm tried to publish it as demands of Slovak minority in newspaper Slovenská jednota, however article was banned by Hungarian censorship.[35]

His views on "the Jewish issue"

In January 1938 when the first anti-Jewish measures where prepared, he advised Hungarian government to adopt anti-Jewish law faster or in more radical form then Slovakia.[36][8] On January 26, 1939 he expressed wish in his report that "thus we can hopefully achieve that Berlin will turn away from them completely and we will benefit if Berlin decides to solve Czechoslovak issue definitely".[36]

According to Slovak historians Esterházy as a member of Slovak Diet later voted for several anti-democratic laws including antisemitic laws leading to Jewish tragedy. In his parliamentary speeches, he repeatedly declared support for antisemitic policy of government.[37] He did not only agreed with the measures against Jews but also supported them actively by his presentations.[7] On the other hand, he protested against harming Hungarians under the cover of "the legitimate fight against Jews"[37] and declared that "Hungarian salesmen over decades and centuries were suffering as much from Jews and Jewish frauds as the Slovak were".[7][37][38][39]

According to Janek he secretly arranged Visas and passports for Jews.[5] The Hungarian government disagreed with his operations therefore László Bárdossy prohibited him from saving Jewish people and others, however he continued in his actions.[5] According to Hungarian historian Imre Molnar, Esterhazy was not antisemitic as his publications did not contain antisemitic statements.[40] He employed Jewish journalists at newspaper of Esti Újság as long as he could.[40] According to Molnar that is not true that Esterhazy voted for laws against Jewish people because the Jewish Codex was accepted by the government and not by the Parliament.[40] The Parliament voted only supplement provisions in connection with the Codex.[40]

In contrast with this Molnar's theory, Regulation No. 198/1941 Coll. of September 9, 1941 on the Legal Position of the Jews (known also as the "Jewish Codex”) was not the only one antisemitic legal norm and not all legal norms were issued by government.[41] Antisemitic legal norms were combination of laws issued by the parliament (where Esterházy as also other deputies participated) and government regulations. The Slovak Assembly adopting the Constitutional Act No. 210/1940 Coll. of September 3, 1940 entitled the Slovak government to "take every measures necessary for the exclusion of the Jews from the Slovak economic and social life and to transfer the property of the Jews into the ownership of the Christians".[42] [43] Esterházy voted also for this constitutional law. [44] The government had authorization to issue the “Jewish Codex” because of this delegated responsibility.

On May 15, 1942 Slovak Diet approved constitutional Constitutional Act No. 68/1942 about the deportation of the Jews. Law retroactively legalized existing deportations but created also official legal frame for "protection" of certain groups.[45] According to some sources Esterházy was the only MP who voted against the bill.[46] For clarification, the Slovak Assembly voted by acclamation, by raising of hands. A group of Slovak members (P. Čarnogurský, V. Moravčík, J. Ferenčík, E. Filkorn, E. B. Lukáč) left the hall before voting on a protest. The only deputy among the members present, of whom it was obvious that he did not raise his hand, was János Esterházy.[29][47] After the war, majority of deputies claimed that they also did not vote or left the hall. However, the real true and process of voting can be nowadays hardly reconstructed.[48]

Esterházy immediately became the target of fierce attacks in the press under control of ruling Slovak People's Party like Gardista which criticized him for "leaving his hands in lap" during voting.[49]

Shortly after voting, he wrote letter to the President of Diet Martin Sokol where he said that law is bad and not human. However, in the same letter he again declared his antisemitic feelings ("from early childhood") and expressed his will to remain antisemitic. He also claimed that as a representative of Hungarian minority he cannot vote for law which allows majority to deport minority. He told that he is aware that also some other Slovak members of Diet do not agree with law but party discipline does not allow them to vote against. [37] .

To defend his views, he said:

"The Slovak government has strayed onto a dangerous path when it submitted the bill about expelling the Jewish, because by that it acknowledged that simply ousting a minority by the majority is lawful... As a representative of the Hungarians here, I state it, and please acknowledge this, that I don't vote in favour of the proposal because as a Hungarian, a Christian and a Catholic I believe that this is against God and humanity."

Esterházy, János (1942)

He also declared:[50][51]

“I was raised in antisemitic spirit, I am antisemitic and I will remain antisemitic”

Esterházy, János (1942)

When the Slovak parliament voted on the deportation of Jews to Poland (General Governorate) he also declared:[52]

"It is shameful that a government, whose president and prime minister claim to be good Catholics, deports its Jewish citizens to Hitler's concentration camps"

Esterházy, János (1942)

The case of deportation was one of his last active steps in the Diet. From the second half of 1942, he moved to more passive and alibistic position. This was the same or similar process which could be observed also for many members of ruling party.[53]

Other activities in the assembly

Other important topic covered by his speeches was disputation with articles in strongly pro-nazi newspapers accusing Hungary to be unreliable ally of Germany. According to him, Hungary had irreplaceable role in "creation of new European order", because of deep roots of German-Hungarian friendship and stood close to superpowers (Axis states) on in their "giant struggle",[54] demanding in the same time improvement of Slovak-Hungarian relationships.

"We Hungarians accept principle that in time when Germany and Italy fight their giant struggle to guarantee better future of Europe and for fair and permanent peace, small and middle-sized states in the central Europe can only have the obligation to guard and secure in every way peace and understanding in their countries."

Common Czech-Slovak Digital Parliament Library, Meeting of The Slovak Assembly, November 26, 1940.

Esterházy was a member of the assembly transportation-technical committee which did not discussed laws of higher political importance.[54]

Lost of immunity

Esterházy together with leader of Carpathian Germans Franz Karamasin led in number of request for prosecution and cancellation of parliamentary immunity. Most of cases were related to violation of traffic rules and prosecution was not approved by assembly. The only one exception was incident in train station in Poprad on October 22, 1943.[note 4] Immunity committee then recommended to allow permission for prosecution, what was agreed unanimously with massive applause of other deputies. After lost of immunity, he spoke in the assembly only twice – in debate about state budget for 1944 and in debate about law of defense of state in February 1944. [55]

Help to persecuted people

According to Janek, he saved a lives of a lot of Jews, Slovaks, Czechs and Poles.[22]

Esterházy as a representative of Slovak Hungarians maintained close relationships with Polish Ministry of foreign affairs in period before World War II. During war, Slovak-Hungarian border become territory with high importance for Polish resistance movement. Most of courier and traffickers lines between occupied Poland and Hungary passed through southern Slovakia. This channel was used to preserve connection between home resistance and exile leaders. Poles were in contact in pro-polish deputy of Slovak's People Party represented by Pavol Čarnogurský who acted as contact person to cross Hungarian border as well as with János Esterházy. Esterházy as a deputy of the Slovak Assembly used his parliamentary immunity to transfer Poles in his car. He also intervened to help captured Poles who were issued to Germans. [56]

He was interned for a short period and the German Gestapo declared him wanted. Here is a quote from Irén Rujder,[57] Ödön Rujder's widow (Ödön Rujder was rescued by Esterházy):[57]

"We all, who lived in Slovakia in that time, know the truth. They (the Czechoslovaks) handed him (Esterházy) to the Soviets, because if they had brought him to justice in Bratislava, all of the Jews would have testified his innocence. The misinterpretation of truth like this is painful, Esterházy really deserves the true tree of Israel."

Rujder, Irén

According to memoir of his sister Lujza and some modern Hungarian historians like Janek,[3] János Esterházy also helped Slovak general Rudolf Viest to escape to London. On the contrary, Rudolf Viest stated in his memoir that he kept preparation for escape in secret and emigrated with the help of Romanian consul in Hungary and Czechoslovak envoy Heliodor Píka in Romania without any mention about participation of Esterházy.[58] Esterházy's participation is also not mentioned nor supported by biographies of Viest by other Slovak and Czech authors.[59][60][61][note 5]

Prison

When the fascist Arrow Cross Party came to power in Hungary, he was demanded to transform his party to branch of this party in Slovakia.[39] Esterhazy refused and decided to hide until the Soviet troops arrived.[39] After the Soviet army ousted German troops from Bratislava, they interned Esterházy, but released him after 12 days.[citation needed] Later he negotiated with Gustáv Husák who represented the interim Slovak government, and complained about the prosecution of ethnic Hungarians.[46]

After war, Esterházy had to be judged on The Slovak National Court as all members of the Slovak Assebmly.[53] However, he was illegally deported by Soviet Army in summer 1945. Role of Gustáv Husák in his handing over to the Soviet service is disputed. According to some sources, he was arrested and handed over to the Soviet secret service on the order of Husák.[62] [46] Janek explicitly says that this was done to prevent presence of unwanted witnesses during his trial.[62] Deák criticizes theory about Husák's role as based mostly on journalistic literature and points that Soviet security authorities arbitrarily deported dozen thousands of Czechoslovaks and such situation is not something exceptional.[63]

The dossier on Ministry of foreign affairs shows that Slovak authorities and Ministry of foreign affairs wanted to ensure Esterházy's presence during his trial.[64] Confidential letter addressed to state secretary Vladimír Clementis in the case of requesting him back from USSR from August 14, 1947 described this event as follows:[64]

"... ex-deputy of so-called Slovak assembly and chairman of Hungarian party Ján Esterházy was arrested by authorities of Regional headquaters NB 2 in Bratislava after liberation of Bratislava and questioned about his activities committed against ČSR (Czechoslovakia) before the Vienna award. As it is known to employees of this department, Esterházy admitted in his testimony to his crimes against ČSR, to his pacts with the Hungarian government and Hungarian gen. state. Even during investigation, Russian military patrol came, demanded for imprisoned Esterházy and took all evidence material which was collected against him in the meantime and they took all copies of his testimony. Since this moment, office does not know anything about his residence, but it is probable that he was transported to USSR for further investigation of his criminal activities. Due to the criminal activities of Esetrházy, attorney of National Court gave criminal complaint to National Court in Bratislava, which transcription is attached and I pray Ministry of foreign affairs to ask for Esterházy by diplomatic channel and remand him in custody of National Court in Bratislava."

In Husák's letter to Clementis from August 21, 1947, Husák expressed opinion that "it would be good if Eszterházy is issued to our authorities with respect to situation about solution of Hungarian minority".[64]

Esterházy was kept for one year in the feared prison of Lubyanka in Moscow, and then, on the basis of fabricated allegations, he was sentenced to ten years work in Siberia. In the meantime, The Slovak National Court in Bratislava on September 16, 1947 sentenced him in his absence to death[46] for breaking up Czechoslovak state and for his participation as a deputy of the Slovak Assembly.[65]

In 1949 the Soviet Union extradited him to Czechoslovakia. Esterházy was already seriously ill in that time.[53] He was not executed as a presidential pardon commuted his sentence to life imprisonment.[46] Over the next years he was transferred from prison to prison in Czechoslovakia. He died in Mírov prison hospital in 1957.

Controversies

Efforts for his rehabilitation

On January 21, 1993 the Russian justice rehabilitated János Esterházy after evaluation that his deportation into the USSR, passing a sentence and imprisonment was unlawful. Materials on the rehabilitation were passed to Hungarian Government[11] even if he was not a citizen of Hungary during his political career. Under the seal of the Office of the Attorney General and the IG of the Armed Forces and signed by N. Sz. Vlaszenko, (document #Sz.: Zuv-9563-54) states in part that:

"It is hereby certified that János Esterházy, citizen of Czechoslovakia, born in Újlak in 1901, was arrested without cause on June 27, 1945.....and sentenced to ten years in a labor camp.... János Esterházy was rehabilitated according to the Russian Federation's "Political Terror Victim's Rehabilitation Act" of October 18, 1991, paragraphs 3 and 5...."

seal of the Office of the Attorney General and the IG of the Armed Forces, January 21, 1993

His daughter, Alice Esterházy-Malfatti, ethnic Hungarian politicians in Slovakia and politicians in Hungary, have been trying to achieve the rehabilitation in Slovakia of János Esterházy since November 1989, supported by the Hungarian government. The effort has not been successful so far. In 1993 the appeal to the Town Court of Bratislava was raised to permit re-opening trial of János Esterházy with the goal to achieve the statement of innocence . Year later, proceeding took place to decide if reopening of trial is justified and based on new facts which can bring new aspects to original lawsuit. The Town Court performed extensive evidence including examination of witnesses in Bratislava and Budapest. The court also requested for expert opinions from the Historical Institute the Slovak Academy of Sciences, from several historical institutions from Hungary, from historian with dealing the history of the Hungarians in Slovakia and two Czech historians. In 1994, the initiator changed original appeal and withdrew the issue of reopening. Through her attorney she addressed the General Prosecution to cancel the original sentence due to infringement of the rights of accused.[11] The European Commission of Human Rights in Strasbourg refused her complaint against legality of original trial because its competency towards Slovakia starts only on March 18, 1992.[64]

There is a letter from Simon Wiesenthal to Dr. Peter Samko, chief judge of the The Town Court of Bratislava, published in the newspaper of Új Szó, 1993.[66] In his letter Wiesenthal strongly defends Esterházy and offers witnesses on his behalf (Új Szó Daily also published: on the testimonial of the Schlesinger family of Pozsony, saved by Esterházy).[67] The American Hungarian Federation has also worked to exonerate Esterházy and has published the Wiesenthal letter along with additional letters from Yad Veshem and historians Ádám Magda and Istvan Deak, Seth Lowe Professor Emeritus from Columbia University's Department of History.

On November 3, 2011, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) presented the Jan Karski Courage to Care Award posthumously to Count Janos Esterhazy stating: "Those who defended and aided Jews and other victims of the Nazi slaughter merit our recognition and our eternal thanks. They were individuals who followed the call to conscience, which is surely no simple matter... Count János Esterházy was such a person of conscience, one who had more than enough reason to remain silent. Esterházy was born in 1901 into the Hungarian aristocratic house of Esterhazy."

Reaction of Jewish communities in Slovakia

The Federation of the Jewish Communities in Slovakia published official attitude about János Esterházy and rejected efforts to present him as “democratic, antifascist fighter and fearless savior of Jews”.[68]

On November 13, 2011 representatives of Jewish community in Slovakia protested against award to János Esterházy in open letter addressed to director of Anti-Defamation League Abraham Foxman. They criticized that "despite they great effort" Anti-Defamation League refused to take into account opinion of community affected by events during World War II. Representatives of Slovak Jews reminded his participation on creation of significant number of antidemocratic, totalitarian and antisemitic laws. Fact that he did not vote for deportation law was evaluated positively, however they noticed that voting on May 15, 1945 was not voting against deportations, because they started already in March and he never protested against deportations of Jews from southern Slovakia under administration of Hungary.

Representatives of Slovak Jews disagreed with argumentation that "Esterházy as a catholic could not agree with Nazi ideology and collaborate with totality regime" and pointed that several Catholic priests were politicians in that time (including president Jozef Tiso) and making references to Christian principles was also typical for leaders of fascism in Slovakia.

Assertion that "he lost his parliamentary mandate because of his protection of Jews" was evaluated as an absolute nonsense as well as his supposed imprisonment after war for the same actions. They also alerted that almost all members of the ruling elite had they "own" Jews under protection, including president Tiso or the most radical antisemites. As they declared, conclusions of Slovak, Czech and Israeli historians about Esterházy's activities during holocaust are fully compatible with options declared in the open letter.

In the conclusion, they expressed opinion that ADL came under long term lobbing of family of János Esterházy (and some politician) that has understandably effort to give him into positive light and hope that such "mistakes" will not be repeated in the future.[69]

Political controversies

On his 100th birthday, Hungary's parliament held a memorial session in the presence of then president of the republic Ferenc Mádl. On April 20, 2007, President László Sólyom also urged Esterházy's rehabilitation. "How comes that everybody respect a "war criminal", politicians officially stand by him, while legally and in documents he is still burdened by the most severe possible condemnation?"[70] - Sólyom said in a speech delivered at a conference organized by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences to remember Esterházy's death. This action of Hungarian parliament caused contradictory reactions in Slovakia, increased by attendance of politicians from Party of the Hungarian Coalition and František Mikloško from Christian Democratic Movement. Other negative reactions came during placing his statues and busts in southern Slovakia. In 2011, such action led to conflict between organizers and some citizens in Košice.[71]

In August 2011, newspaper of Slovak Union of Anti-Fasist Fighters interviewed president Ivan Gašparovič about his views on national uprising and opinion to unveiling busts of contemporary politicians János Esterházy and Ferdidand Ďurčanský. Gašparovič refused building busts of "politicians involved in misery of that time" as improper, labeling Esterházy as follower (vyznávač) of Hitler and fascism.[72] This raised sharp negative reactions in Hungary. According to Hungarian deputy prime minister Zsolt Semjén, Esterházy always committed to the teachings of the Catholic Church and there is no coincidence that his beatification is being considered. Hungarian parliamentary party Politics Can Be Different declared that such words are not only offence of Hungarian minority but of whole Hungarian nation.[73]

Historical interpretations

János Esterházy belongs to the most typical examples of different views and interpretations of personalities in the common Slovak and Hungarian history.[64] In contrast with Hungarian historians who highlight his national, Christian and humanistic values, Slovak and Czech historians came to conclusion that by some positive features of Christian-democratic politician, his activities against Czechoslovakia were unambiguously hostile. .[64] Hungarian and Slovak historians did not achieved compliance in their experted opinions requested by court during trial for reopening his case.

In "reaction on glorification" of János Esterházy, Institute of History of Slovak Academy of Sciences published in 2011 a memorandum about his political profile, signed also by directors of other Slovak historical institutes.[74] Among other, the memorandum declared that presenting him as a democrat, humanist and selfless savior of persecuted persons is in contrast with historical facts and his decision to not vote for deportation cannot be used as the only one and determining criterion for all his political activities. Instead of glorification and building memorials, they recommended rational discussion about his life and actions.

Notes

  1. ↑ Similarly, this election was supported also by Slovak People Party. Votes of these parties were not necessary at finally, because Bohumil Němec give up candidacy before election.
  2. ↑ The principle which allowed to refuse registration of minority party if Slovaks do not have similar right in opposite country was included to constitution on July 27, 1941.
  3. ↑ Emanuel Böhm notes in his memories that Esterházy was astonished by content and after clarification he promised to intervene. In the evening of the same day he called to Böhm that László Bárdossy is expecting request for registration of Slovak party and positively inclines to deal.
  4. ↑ When elite train of railways (Tatranský expres) got broken, it was replaced by regular train. According to police sources, disenchanted Esterházy screamed about six times that "this is fake as everything in this state". This was evaluated as especially incendiary by attendees, because it was said by well known public official in authoritative state.
  5. ↑ Rudolf Viest wrote his memoir before he was captured by Germans and died probably in concentration camp. Sources currently included in the article do not contain any details when and how this help was provided.

References

  1. ↑ Marko, Augustín (January 1, 1995). Slovak-Magyar Relations: History and Present Day in Figures. Signum. Retrieved 2014-02-04. 
  2. ↑ (in Hungarian). January 14, 1936 https://web.archive.org/web/20071024022140/http://www.foruminst.sk/publ/historia/1/historia1_1936.pdf. Archived from the original on 2007-10-24. Retrieved 2014-02-04.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Janek 2012, p. 46.
  4. ↑ Janek 2012, p. 46-47.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Janek 2012, p. 50.
  6. ↑ Kamenec 1996, p. 189.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 Deák 1995, p. 21.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 Mitáč 2012, p. 41.
  9. ↑ Béla K. Király, Gunther Erich Rothenberg, War and Society in East Central Europe: Czechoslovak policy and the Hungarian minority, 1945-1948, Brooklyn College Press : distributed by Columbia University Press, 1982, p. 200
  10. ↑ Deák & 1995 p7.
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 Deák 1995, p. 23.
  12. ↑ MTI (27.02.13). "Esterházy János-emlékkiállítás nyílik Győrben" (in Hungarian). MNO. Retrieved 29.03.13. 
  13. ↑ Remarks by Abraham H. Foxman National Director, Anti-Defamation League (8.11.11). "Courage to Care Award Presentation to Janos Esterhazy". ADL. Retrieved 14.03.13. 
  14. ↑ "ADL press release". 
  15. ↑ http://www.sme.sk/c/6250491/ocenenie-esterhazyho-rozdelilo-zidov.html
  16. ↑
  17. ↑ Zeman 2009, p. 166-167.
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 Čaplovič et al. Lukačka, p. 236.
  19. ↑ 19.0 19.1 19.2 Ďurkovská 2010.
  20. ↑ 20.0 20.1 Deák 1995, p. 8.
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 Deák 1995, p. 9.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 Janek 2012, p. 47.
  23. ↑ Deák 1995, p. 10.
  24. ↑ Deák 1995, p. 13-14.
  25. ↑ Podolec 2008, p. 125.
  26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 Deák 1995, p. 17.
  27. ↑ Vašš, p. 136.
  28. ↑ Vašš, p. 140.
  29. ↑ 29.0 29.1 Kamenec 1996.
  30. ↑ 30.0 30.1 Podolec 2008, p. 124.
  31. ↑ Tilkovszky 1972, p. 161.
  32. ↑ Tilkovszky 1972, p. 164.
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 Mitáč 2010, p. 7.
  34. ↑ Tilkovszky 1972, p. 167-168.
  35. ↑ Mitáč 2010, p. 17.
  36. ↑ 36.0 36.1 Tilkovszky 1972, p. 147.
  37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 37.3 Kamenec 2000, p. 360.
  38. ↑ Kamenec 1991, p. 189.
  39. ↑ 39.0 39.1 39.2 Mitáč 2012, p. 43.
  40. ↑ 40.0 40.1 40.2 40.3 Imre Molnar (7.03.13). ""Nem volt antiszemita Esterházy" ("Esterházy was not antisemitic")" (in Hungarian). http://www.mult-kor.hu/. Retrieved 9.05.13. 
  41. ↑ List of laws and regulations from year 1939, which created special justice regime for Jews in Slovakia and allowed their deportation and aryanization
  42. ↑ "Liquidation of Jewish enterprises (1941-1942) - Glossary". Bratislava, Slovakia: Nation's Memory Institute. Retrieved 2014-02-04. 
  43. ↑ Kamenec 1991, p. 91.
  44. ↑ Podolec 2003, p. 190.
  45. ↑ Nižňanský 2010, p. 129.
  46. ↑ 46.0 46.1 46.2 46.3 46.4 Breuning, Eleonore; Jill Lewis, Gareth Pritchard (2005). "The Hungarian minority in Slovakia". Power and the People. Manchester University Press. p. 139. ISBN 0-7190-7069-4. Retrieved 2008-10-18. 
  47. ↑ Nižňanský 2010, p. 128.
  48. ↑ Kamenec 1991, p. 190.
  49. ↑ Gardista May 17, 1942, p. 1.
  50. ↑ Hungarian National Archives K-63-1942/65
  51. ↑ Kamenec 2000, p. 358.
  52. ↑ Csaba Teglas, Budapest Exit: A Memoir of Fascism, Communism, and Freedom, Texas A&M University Press, 2007, p. 33
  53. ↑ 53.0 53.1 53.2 Kamenec 2000, p. 361.
  54. ↑ 54.0 54.1 Podolec, p. 192.
  55. ↑ Podolec 2003, p. 191-192.
  56. ↑ Gniazdowski 2003, p. 145-146.
  57. ↑ 57.0 57.1 "Zsolt Németh, Küzdelem egy hős elismeréséért (Struggle for recognition of a hero)". Szombat, Zsidó politikai és kulturális folyóirat(Shabbath, Jewish political and cultural periodical). Retrieved 2008-09-04. 
  58. ↑ Viest & Gajdoš 2002, p. 57-59.
  59. ↑ Jašek, Kinčok & Lacko 2012.
  60. ↑ Láník 2005.
  61. ↑ SNU Museum - gen. Rudolf Viest 2013.
  62. ↑ 62.0 62.1 Janek 2011, p. 50.
  63. ↑ Deák 2011, p. 110.
  64. ↑ 64.0 64.1 64.2 64.3 64.4 64.5 Šutaj 2012.
  65. ↑ Deák 1995, p. 22.
  66. ↑ Új Szó Daily, May 5, 1993
  67. ↑ Új Szó Daily, June 6, 1993
  68. ↑ "Stanovisko k osobe Jánosa Esterházyho" (in Slovak). Retrieved 2013-06-05. 
  69. ↑ Open letter of Jewish community in Slovakia Mr. Abraham H. Foxman, director of American ADL (Anti-Defamation League) about honor and celebration of János Esterházy on November 3, 2011. Signatories: Igor Rintel, chairman of The Federation of the Jewish Communities in Slovakia; Juraj Alner, president of B'nai B'rith Tolerance; Tomáš Teššer, president of B'nai B'rith Concordia; Grigorij Messežnikov, Foreign Affairs Network (FAN) Bratislava; Roman Gajdoš, Foreign Affairs Network (FAN) Košice.
  70. ↑ "Sólyom: Esterházy Jánost erkölcsi nagysága miatt tiszteljük". Népszabadság (in Hungarian). 2007-04-19. Retrieved 2008-10-18. 
  71. ↑ http://kosice.korzar.sme.sk/c/5806387/odhalovanie-esterhazyho-busty-v-kosiciach-sa-skoncilo-bitkou.html
  72. ↑ Bojovník 2011, p. 1,3.
  73. ↑ "Gašparovič rozzúril Maďarsko, o Esterházym povedal, že bol vyznávač fašizmu". 2011-08-24. Retrieved 2013-06-12. 
  74. ↑ http://www.history.sav.sk/esterhazy.htm

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Further reading

  • [1] Eduard Nižňanský a spol, Kto bol kto za I. ČSR (Q111 Brat. 1993)
  • [2] Alice Esterházy-Malfatti, Bálint Török, Esterházy János Emlékkönyv (Pamätná kniha Jánosa Esterházyho) (Századvég Bp. 2001)
  • [3] František Mikloško Žurnál Rádia Twist 12. 3. 2001
  • [4] Jerguš Ferko, Vodca-zvodca János Esterházy (Maďarské sebaklamy, Matica Slovenská 2003, s.127-129)
  • [5] Bohumil Doležal: Yehuda Lahav úr vitájához, Lidové noviny, April 21, 2001
  • [6] Augustín Marko, Pavol Martinický, Slovensko-maďarské vzťahy
  • [7] Imre Molnar, Esterhazy Janos, 1901-1957, Nap (1997), ISBN 978-8085509373

External links

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