Venetian nationalism

Venetian nationalism (also Venetism, from the Venetian/Italian name, Venetismo) is an ideology and a regionalist movement demanding more autonomy, or even independence from Italy, for Veneto, and promoting the re-discovery the Republic of Venice's heritage, traditions, culture and language. According to Paolo Possamai, Venetism is "the strain of Veneto and of Venetians toward the recognition of their identity and autonomy".[1] Venetism is a broad movement, which definitely includes Venetist parties, but also encompasses people from all the political parties.

Core Venetists consider Veneto to be a nation distinct from Italy and often refuse the validity of the result of the referendum with which Veneto (or, better, Venetia, see below) was united with Italy in 1866.[2][3][4][5] Some, as the Venetian National Party/Veneto State, propose a re-edition of that referendum[6] and campaign for the independence of Venetia, a country that would be composed of all the territories of the historical Venetian Republic, covering the current Veneto, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, some areas of Lombardy (Brescia, Bergamo, Crema and a portion of the Province of Mantua), and a portion of Trentino.[7]

Although it usually refers to the whole Venetian autonomist movement, the term "Venetism" is sometimes used to identify specifically the very Venetists who refuse the concept of Padania, a proposed state by Lega Nord, of which Liga Veneta (the most successful Venetist party so far) is the "national" section in Veneto, while Alberto Gardin, a pro-independence publisher who supports the boycott of Italian elections, considers "Venetism" as a "partisan concept, that is part of the Italian political system (Venetists, as Socialists, Communists, PD or PdL, etc.)".[8][9]

Contents

Achievements

The Statute of Veneto Region cites the "Venetian people"[10] and UNESCO gives to Venetian language the status of not endangered language,[11] as it is usually spoken in Veneto, part of Friuli-Venezia Giulia, part of Croatia, Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina in Brazil; and Chipilo, Puebla in Mexico.

In 1998 the Regional Council of Veneto approved the resolution 42 concerning the "self-determination" of the "Venetian people". The resolution read: "The Venetian people [...] invokes its right to a democratic and direct referendum for the free expression of its right to self-determination".[12] In 2006 the Regional Council officially asked to change the Constitution of Italy in order to allow Veneto to be an autonomous region like its neighbours Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol.[13]

In 2007 Veneto recognized Venetian as official language of the region, alongside Italian, instituted an official website for standard Venetian and proclaimed a yearly "Day of the Venetian People" (Festa del Popolo Veneto) on 25 March, anniversary of the foundation of Venice.[14][15] In 2011 the Regional Council officially proposed the Parliament of Italy to protect Venetian as a minority language under Italian law.[16]

While support for a federal system, as opposed to a centrally administered State, receives widespread consensus in Veneto, support for independence is less favoured. One poll estimated that 52.4% of people living north of the Po river consider secession advantageous (vantaggiosa), and 23.2% both advantageous and convenient (auspicabile).[17] Another poll estimated that about 20% of people in Northern Italy (18.3% in North-West Italy, 27.4% in North-East Italy) support secession in case Italy is not reformed into a federal State.[18] However, according to a more recent poll (January 2010), 45% of Northerners and 52% of Venetians (including Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Trentino support the independence of Padania and, thus, in the case of Venetians of Veneto.[19]

In the 2010 regional election, Liga Veneta was by far the largest party in the region with 35.2% of the vote, while its leader Luca Zaia was elected President of Veneto by a landslide 60.2%. The combined result of Venetist parties was 37.6%, the highest ever.[20]

Soon after the 2010 regional election, Daniele Stival (Liga Veneta), new regional minister for Venetian Identity, appointed a commission of experts which will fix the rules of standard Venetian language and the official Venetian names of all 581 municipalities of Veneto. The commissioners include: Rodolfo Delmonte, linguist; Gianfranco Cavallin, writer and linguist close to Raixe Venete; Sabino Acquaviva, sociologist and avowed Venetist; Michele Brunelli, linguist; Lodovico Pizzati, economist and secretary of Veneto State; Davide Guiotto, president of Raixe Venete, on behalf of the Venetist movement.[21]

Background and history

Annexation of Veneto by Italy

The Venetian Most Serene Republic existed from 697 to 1797 for exactly 1,100 years and was the first modern republic of the world. After having defeated the Republic of Genoa, it was the most powerful Mediterranean maritime power and, at its height, extended its rule from large parts of the Po Valley to parts of current Slovenia, Croatia and Greece. Venice was the most powerful state of the Western world in the 15th and 16th centuries. In 1797, after a long decline, Napoleon traded what remained of the Republic to Austria in exchange of other lands. In 1848 Venetians, led by Daniele Manin, rebelled against Austrian rule and proclaimed an independent Venetian Republic. Manin, who opposed the proposed unification by some Venetians with the Kingdom of Sardinia, resigned but returned to lead again the opposition against Vienna in 1849.[22]

Venetia was annexed to Italy in 1866, five years after the Italian unification and the creation of the Kingdom of Italy under the House of Savoy in 1861. The unification of Veneto with Italy was the result of the so-called Third War of Independence and a plebiscite held on held on 21 and 22 October 1866.[23] In the peace treaty signed in Vienna on 3 October 1866, it was written that the annexation of Venetia would have been subjected to the consensus of the Venetian people, properly consulted: it is unclear whether there would have been another choice from becoming Italian, nor the treaty was more precise on how to consult the people. The territory was furthermore ceded to France (under a treaty signed by General Moering, commissioner of H.M. the Emperor of Austria, and General Leboeuf, commissioner of H.M. the Emperor of the French), which would have ceded it to Italy after the plebiscite, but Venetia was already under the Italian sovereignty after the French government renounced to it on 19 October 1866.[24] This increases doubts on the real importance of the plebiscite and leading historians suggest that the referendum in Venetia was held under military pressure,[25] as a mere 0.01% of voters (69 out of more than 642,000 ballots) voted against the annexation and a mere 0.1% (567 ballots) was null, and that it was ultimately rigged.[2][3][26] Some historians also suggest that the referendum was a mere administrative affair to Italy, just to formalize the sovereignty on a territory already under its possession, and that no real choice nor free vote was granted to the local population, after having investigated into the historical archive of the Austrian Foreign Office.[27] The plebiscite could have been a mere demonstration[28] to gain legitimacy after the bad conduct of Italy during the war.

The Kingdom of Italy adopted Italian as official language. Venetians largely rejected that and continued to speak with their own Venetian language. Linguistic nationalism started soon to be part of Venetian culture and during the last decades of the 19th century there were also some revolts against Southern Italian immigrants. However, Veneto was so poor that many Venetians emigrated too toward the Americas, especially Brazil and Argentina (nationalists claim that three millions left their homeland from 1870 and 1910), without losing their national heritage so that, even today, many Venetian descendants in Latin America, notably in Rio Grande do Sul, speak Venetian.[22]

Fascism to World War II

Percursors of the Venetist movement were both left-wing and right-wing. In 1920 a Venetian Socialist and Republican newspaper, La Riscossa, expoused the need for a "united elective governorate with autonomous and competent technical and administrative organs" as an alternative to the "central political rule".[29] Guido Bergamo, Republican deputy elected in Veneto, wrote that "the Venetian problem is so acute that from today on we will preach the rebellion of Venetians. Citizens, let's not pay taxes, not recognize the central government in Rome, chase away prefects, retain the money from direct taxes in Veneto".[30] Soon after Italico Corradino Cappellotto, a member of the Chamber of Deputies for the Italian People's Party, launched the first Venetist party forth of the 1921 general election. This party, named Lion of Saint Mark, won 6.1% of the votes in the province of Treviso.[31][32]

After the takeover of Benito Mussolini, who, among other things, banned the teaching of Venetian language in schools, the rise of Fascism, the World War II and the birth of the Republic of Italy, Venetist ideas lost ground, in an era in which the "myth of the indivisibility and the unity" of the country was strong even in Veneto.[32] However the campaign of Mussolini to eradicate regional languages was largely unsuccessful in Veneto,[22] which soon became a stronghold of the Christian Democracy party due to the leading role of the Catholic Church in the region.[33]

Since 1919 Venetia plus the newly annexed territories from Austria, which included Trentino and South Tyrol, were called the Three Venices (Tre Venezie, whereof Triveneto): Venezia Euganea (the current Veneto plus large parts of Friuli), Venezia Giulia (the eastern part of current Friuli-Venezia Giulia) and Venezia Tridentina (Trentino and South Tyrol).[22] However, under the Constitution of Italy adopted in 1948, only Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol and Friuli-Venezia Giulia were granted of the status of special-statute autonomous region and the connected privileges, mainly fiscal autonomy. Hence, the proposals by some groups of unifying Veneto with the two regions cited above or giving also Veneto a similar statute.

Comeback of Venetist ideals

Venetist ideas had a comeback in the 1960s, when the Venetian Regionalist Autonomist Movement (MARV) campaigned for the institution of the ordinary regions (including Veneto), prefigured by the Italian Constitution.[32][34] The ordinary regions were finally instituted by 1970. Since the 1970s Veneto experienced a dramatic economic boom thanks to a new production model based on small enterprises. The high burden of taxes and bureaucracy, associated with the increasing frustration with the inefficient and overstaffed Italian government in Rome, that continued to channel Northern taxes as massive development aid to the corrupt and backward Southern regions, was the key element, along with linguistic and historical claims, that led to the formation of Liga Veneta in January 1980.[22] The opening speech of the first convention of the party in December 1979 recited: "Today for Venetians the moment has come, after 113 years of Italian unitary colonization, to take their natural and human resources back, to fight against the wild exploitation that has brought emigration, pollution and rooting out from their culture". European integration was seen as an opportunity to give back to Veneto its autonomy.[31]

People and movements

Prominent Venetists include Goffredo Parise, Franco Rocchetta (founder of Liga Veneta), Ettore Beggiato (who wrote a book titled: "1866: the big trick", 1866: la grande truffa), Sabino Acquaviva (who perfaced the book of Beggiato), Fabio Padovan, Giorgio Lago, Flaminio De Poli, Giampaolo Borsetto, Ivone Cacciavillani, Fabrizio Comencini, Gian Paolo Gobbo, Manuela Dal Lago, Luca Zaia, Flavio Tosi, Giorgio Vido, Giorgio Panto, Patrik Riondato, Loris Palmerini, and, to some extent, Giancarlo Galan, Massimo Cacciari and Mario Rigoni Stern.

In November 2009 the Corriere del Veneto, the regional edition of the Corriere della Sera in Veneto, published a broad overview of what it described as "Venetist galaxy". The newspaper counted around 20 notable Venetist organizations: along the four major Venetist parties of the time (Liga Veneta–Lega Nord, Liga Veneta Repubblica, North-East Project and Venetian National Party), a large variety of minor political parties, movements, cultural associations and trade unions were listed.[35] The most significant of these need a further treatment.

The European Federalist Free Entrepreneurs was formed in 1994 by a group of Venetist entrepreneurs (among them Fabio Padovan and Diego Cancian) who demanded fiscal federalism and autonomy for Veneto, as an answer to what they called "the fiscal and bureaucratic oppression" by the Italian State, perceived as centralist and distant from the interests and the rights of the "Venetian People". In particular, they decided to organize themselves as a trade union, saying that they were the most oppressed workers in Italy.[36]

A prominent Venetist cultural association is Raixe Venete (Venetian Roots), which organizes every year the well-known Festa dei Veneti[37] in Cittadella and whose website is translated in several languages.[38][39] The association has strong links with independentists from all over Europe and especially from the Basque Country. In Cittadella, in occasion of the Festa dei Veneti, Venetists of every political colour, politicians of different political parties (including non-Venetist, both right and left), Venetist associations, actors, comedians, flag-wavers, musicians (notably including Herman Medrano) and rock bands, and many people meet at the beginning of September every year.[40] In November 2009 Raixe Venete organized a demonstration in Venice in support of the teaching of Venetian in schools: a wide range of people took part, from Roberto Ciambetti, leader of Liga Veneta–Lega Nord in the Regional Council of Veneto, to Luca Casarini, a former far-left anti-globalization activist and leader of the Tute Bianche in Veneto.[41]

Another notable association is named Venetians Movement,[42] which was founded in 2006 by Patrik Riondato. It presents itself as a cross-party political movement which aims to promote independence regardless of individual political positions such as left or right, in a democratic and nonviolent way, even if recently it took part to the founding of the Party of the Venetians, a coalition of Venetist parties ranging from the centre-right to the far-left.[43] Other three leading although small groups are the self-proclaimed Venetian Most Serene Government (VSG), whose main leaders include Luigi Faccia and late Giuseppe Segato,[44] Self-Government of the Venetian People[45] led by Loris Palmerini[46] and Venetian State of Vittorio Selmo.[47][48]

On the cultural side, it is worth of mention the Milizia Veneta[49] (Venetian Militia), in practice a corp of people who perform historic representations of the Venetian army (including flag-raising at the Festa dei Veneti), Europa Veneta,[50] Par San Marco[51] and Veneti Eventi.[52]

The Venetist movement has also several publications, notably including Quaderni Veneti[53] and Gaxeta Veneta, a webmagazine.[54]

Political parties

The first Venetist party in Veneto was Lion of Saint Mark, active between 1921 and 1924. Then, in the 1960s, the Venetian Regionalist Autonomist Movement (MARV) was active, but it was more a cultural association than a political party. In fact the first organized Venetist parties were started only after the institution of Veneto as Region and the direct election of the Regional Council in 1970.

Some parties campaign for federal reform, others for autonomy or a special statute for Veneto, others for an autonomous North-East region covering Veneto, Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, finally some campaign for an independent Venetian state.

Since the late 1970s many Venetist parties were founded in Veneto, covering all the ideologic spectrum:

Controversies

St Mark's Campanile assault

During the night between 8 and 9 May 1997 a group of armed Venetist separatists, the so-called Serenissimi, "attacked" Piazza San Marco and the St Mark's Campanile in Venice in order to proclaim the "independence of Veneto". After eight hours barred in the Campanile, the Carabinieri entered and arrested the group.[68][69] The members of the group, including the two leaders of the Venetian Most Serene Government (Veneto Serenissimo Governo), Luigi Faccia and Giuseppe Segato, who did not take part to the action, were all jailed and processed.[70][71] The effort, which was more symbolic than anything else, was criticized by Umberto Bossi and Roberto Maroni,[72] leaders of Lega Nord, at that time proponents of the independence of Padania, while it was praised by Gianfranco Miglio,[73] a former senator of the League who was then elected as an independent for the centre-right Pole of Freedoms.

The Serenissimi soon became a sort of "heroes" for many Venetists and the tank[74][75] with which they reached Piazza San Marco on that night is usually an exhibit at the yearly Festa dei Veneti[76] and at other rallies of that kind, also outside Veneto.[77] Segato was a candidate of Liga Veneta Repubblica in the 2001 general election[78] and came short of election to the Italian Senate, having received 9.8% of the vote in the constituency of Schio.[79] Representatives from most political parties in Veneto, including centre-left figures, defended the Serenissimi: Claudio Rizzato of the Democrats of the Left even praised the "noble ideals" of the group,[80] while Massimo Cacciari and Green Gianfranco Bettin campaigned for the pardon to those in jail, along with Liga Veneta and the regional section of Forza Italia.[81] Some of them are not embarrassed in taking part to a rally,[82][83] the Festa dei Veneti, in which the tanko is exposed. More recently also leading members of the League, including Bossi[84][85] and Roberto Calderoli,[86] praised them and another leghista, Roberto Castelli, when minister of Justice in 2003, proposed a pardon for Faccia who was still in jail,[87][88] unsuccessfully as Faccia refused it.[89]

Self-Government of the Venetian People

In November 2009 a group of separatists who called themselves "Self-Government of the Venetian People" (not to be confused with the association with the same name led by Loris Palmerini, see above) were prosecuted with the charge of having built a paramilitary organization. The Italian police seized arms and uniforms of the so-called Polisia Veneta (Venetian Police) in the headquarters of the group in Treviso. According to the police, the group had planned an aggression to Luca Zaia, a leading member of Liga Veneta–Lega Nord, during the Festa dei Veneti of 2009, because he would have betrayed Venetist ideals by accepting to become minister of Agriculture in Berlusconi IV Cabinet. However the attack did not take place also because Zaia failed to show up in Cittadella on that occasion.[90][91] The day after Zaia declared: "Maybe those people confuse Venetism with something different. Being a Venetist, for me, means defending our heritage, promote the language and the literature of this region".[92]

Cancellation of the annexation of Veneto by Italy

On 8 February 2011 the Corriere del Veneto reported that the act by which the Kingdom of Italy annexed the remaining portion of the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia, including current Veneto, Friuli and the province of Mantua in 1866 was cancelled by a decree come into force on 13 December 2010, likely for a government mistake.[93] It is now unclear whether this event will have any real and direct consequence, or will be just used by indipendentist groups to pursue a lawsuit in favour of an independent Venetian state (perhaps in front of the European Court of Justice) as previously done.[94]

The debate began anyway since the first day, when independentist and autonomist groups declared that Veneto is no more part of Italy. Political and juridical opinion are conflicting on whether Veneto still belongs to Italy or not, and a regional inquiry is due.[95] Actually, on the following day, the ministerial staff informed that the annexation act was cancelled since it was of no use, after the Constitution of Italy, which ensures national unity,[96] but not all legal opinions agree for various reasons with this interpretation, as indipendentist groups immediately pointed out.[97] In particular, the Treaty of Osimo, signed in 1975 by Italy and Yugoslavia, formally transferred the sovereignty of Italian "Zone-B" to Yugoslavia without any changes to the Italian Constitution. This precedent proves that the borders of the Italian Republic (hence the territory subject to the Italian Constitution) are established by means of international treaties, not the Constitution itself. That is, the Constitution of Italy does ensure national unity, but the territory to which this constitutional national unity applies is determined via international treaty. Besides, if state borders could be established via constitution, rather than with treaties, it would be possible for a state to unilaterally annex the territory of another state. Such a position is not tenable and this casts serious doubts on the possibility that Italy can determine its territorial extent in its own Constitution.

Garibaldi's burning controversy

During the night between 28 February and 1 March 2011, during a Venetian New Year's Day bruxamarso (a party which traditionally includes the stake of the passing year), a group of Venetists put at stake a shape of Giuseppe Garibaldi, which had a banner around the neck reading "l'eroe degli immondi" ("the hero of the unclean"), instead of "l'eroe dei due mondi" ("the hero of the two worlds"). The party was organized by Raixe Venete, Bortolino Sartore (leader of Liga Veneto Autonomo) and Patrick Riondato (leader of the Venetians Movement and leading member of Veneto State) and was attended by members of many Venetist parties, including several local councillors of Liga Veneta.[98]

Luca Zaia, President of Veneto and leading member of Liga Veneta, while criticizing Garibaldi, dissociated from the act: "I love Veneto. I consider myself a Venetist, but burning a shape is a signal of which beware of" when "behind a shape there is a person".[99] Also Luca Schenato, leading member of Veneto Stato and contributor of Press News Veneto, criticized the act by saying that it "reminded me other latitudes where it is common to burn puppets of political enemies of the flags of Israel and the United States": "I do not see any need for that because my message is not of hate or war. My message and my thought are joyful, proactive and forward-looking.[100] Raixe Venete, for its part, precised that it organized the party but not the burning itself.[101]

See also

References

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