| Mozambican Civil War | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the Cold War | ||||||||
|
||||||||
| Belligerents | ||||||||
| FRELIMO Zimbabwe Tanzania |
RENAMO Supported by: Rhodesia |
ONUMOZ | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | ||||||||
| Samora Machel Joaquim Chissano |
André Matsangaissa Afonso Dhlakama |
Aldo Ajello | ||||||
| Strength | ||||||||
| Mozambique 80 000[1] Zimbabwe 20 000[2] Tanzania 7 000[3] |
~20 000[4] | 6 576[5] | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | ||||||||
| 26 killed[6]
Civilian losses: |
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The Mozambican Civil War began in 1977, two years after the end of the war of independence. The ruling party, Front for Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) and the national armed forces FAM (Armed Forces of Mozambique), was violently opposed from 1977 by the Rhodesian- and (later) South African-funded Mozambique Resistance Movement (RENAMO). About 1 000 000 people died in fighting and from starvation, five million civilians were displaced[7][8], many were made amputees by landmines, a legacy from the war that continues to plague Mozambique. Fighting ended in 1992 and the country's first multi-party elections were held in 1994.
Contents |
Mozambican resistance began to surface, as some groups within the Mozambican society eventually started to blame the Portuguese authorities for centuries of exploitation, oppression and neglect. After a successful wave of independence movements in other African territories, cold war powers and the international community started to suggest that Portugal should leave its territories in Africa. Sentiment for Mozambique's own national independence developed and on 25 June 1962 several Mozambican anti-Portuguese political groups formed the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania.
Frelimo's first president was Eduardo Mondlane whose first objective was to forge a broad based insurgent coalition that could effectively challenge the colonial regime. Anonymous private contributors, many of them friends of Mondlane, financed or secured money for Frelimo's health, publicity, and educational projects, while military equipment and training came from Algeria, Soviet Union and China.
On September 25, 1964, Frelimo soldiers, with logistical assistance from the surrounding population, attacked the administrative post at Chai in the province of Cabo Delgado. This raid marked the beginning of the armed struggle against the Portuguese colonial government. Frelimo militants were able to evade pursuit and surveillance by employing guerrilla tactics: ambushing patrols, sabotaging communication and railroad lines, and making hit-and-run attacks against colonial outposts before rapidly fading into accessible backwater areas. At the war's outset, Frelimo had little hope for a military victory; its hope lay in a war of attrition to compel a negotiated independence from Lisbon. Portugal fought its own version of protracted warfare. Had the military succeeded with a minimum of expenditure and casualties, the war could have remained undecided for much longer until FRELIMO's ultimate disbanding. In the early 1970s, Gordian Knot Operation and the following Portuguese campaigns were militarily successful in destroying guerrilla forces and support bases in the territory. But the expense in blood and treasure, not military defeat, was costly for Lisbon; the Portuguese army was never destroyed on the battlefield, although some of its officers were converted to Frelimo's communist ideology for Portugal.
On 25 April 1974 the authoritarian regime of Estado Novo had been overthrown in Lisbon, a move that was supported by many Portuguese workers and peasants. The Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas) in Portugal pledged a return to civil liberties and an end to the fighting in all colonies (or the overseas provinces). The rapid chain of events within Portugal caught Frelimo, which had anticipated a protracted guerrilla campaign, by surprise. It responded quickly to the new situation and on 7 September 1974 won an agreement from the Armed Forces Movement to transfer power to Frelimo within a year. When this was made known to the public, several thousand of Portuguese people fled the newly-independent country and, as a result of the exodus, the economy and social organization of Mozambique collapsed. On June 25, 1975 Mozambique gained independence from Portugal, with Samora Machel as the Head of State.
The independance of Mozambique and Angola in 1975 challenged white minority rule in southern Africa: Firstly the independance wars in Angola and Mozambique had shown that even through the use of great military resources it was virtually impossible for a small white minority to guarantee the safety of its members let alone to exert control over a hostile black population outside of major power centres. The eventual downfall of Portuguese rule thus gave hope to black resistance in South Africa and Rhodesia. Secondly in both countries revolutionary socialistic movements gained power who had been cooperating with the black resistance movements in South Africa and Rhodesia and now openly supported them as well as offering them a save haven from where they could coordinate their operations and train new forces. As Samora Machel put it in a speech in 1975: "The struggle in Zimbabwe is our struggle".[9]
This was especially devastating for Rhodesia whose armed forces lacked the manpower to effectively protect its 800 mile border with Mozambique against entering insurgents. At the same time the apartheid government and the Smith regime lost Portugal as an ally and with it the tens of thousands of soldiers that had been deployed in the Portuguese colonial wars. Thus South Africa's and Rhodesia's white minorities' position had been severely weakened by the events of 1974/75. Subsequently, undermining the newly independent countries' capacity to support their brothers in arms within their countries became South Africa's and Rhodesia's main strategy to counter this new threat. This manifested itself in the Rhodesia driven foundation of RENAMO in 1975 and in South Africa's adoption of the "Total National Strategy“.
In 1954 the US had adopted the domino theory as an important guideline in their foreign policy. It speculated that a communist revolution in one country could "infect“ the neighbouring countries. On these grounds the US opted for a „rollback“ policy and intervened in Vietnam and other countries in danger to come under communist influence.
FRELIMO in Mozambique as well as MPLA in Angola designated themselves as socialistic movements. This fuelled western fears that southern Africa could become an eastern block dominion. Thus, South Africa was able to get US backing for a military operation against MPLA in Angola's emerging civil war. When the invasion took place in October 1975 it was countered by a Cuban military operation in support of MPLA, Operation Carlota. The involvement of its close ally subsequently forced the Sowjet Union to take sides in the conflict and support MPLA. Thus Angola's civil war became southern Africa's great cold war proxy war. Naturally Mozambique under marxist FRELIMO, which was aligning itselve to the Sowjet Union's policies and had close bands to MPLA built during their shared anti-colonial struggle became a target in the fight for dominion in Southern Africa.
Apart from this, Cold War enabled the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia to sell their own agenda under the anti-communism flag, especially since communist ideas were influential in the black resistance movements they were facing in their own countries. Thus they received some support from western governments, despite of being scorned by their civil societies.
Soon after independence FRELIMO announced Mozambique's transformation into a socialist one-party-state. This was accompanied by crackdowns on dissidents and the nationalization of important branches.[10] The leaders of the PCN, a new party in favour of multi-party-governance founded by prominent FRELIMO dissidents, were arrested and convicted in show trials. They were later extrajudicially executed.
Furthermore, nationalization of many Portuguese owned enterprises, fear of retaliation among whites and a ninety day ultimatum to either choose Mozambican citizenship or leave, drove the majority of the Portuguese population out of the country. This resulted in economic collapse and chaos, as only few Africans had received primary or even higher education under Portuguese rule.[11]
As a revolutionary marxist party, FRELIMO embarked on overturning traditional governance structures in order to gain full control over every aspect of society. Therefore local chiefs were ousted and thousands of dissidents were imprisoned in so called re-education camps.[12] Another source of conflict was the continuation of the aldeamento system that the Portuguese had introduced as a means to exert control and to inhibit contact between the population and the rebels. It forced the rural populace to move into central communal villages – the aldeamentos. Frelimo hoped that through this system it would be enabled to fulfill its agricultural development goals, but in implementing it alienated the rural population. This was especially the case in central and northern Mozambique were households traditionally lived separated by some distance.[13]
Although the Mozambican civil war was partly due to inner tensions, it could not have evolved exclusively internally. It was from its very beginning embedded within, and fueled by, two greater conflicts making it difficult to be resolved by a negotiated solution as long as the aforementioned conflicts remained existent. Thus the only hope to end the war "locally" seemed to be the military victory of one of the sides.
From 1976-1977 Rhodesian troops repeatedly entered Mozambique in order to carry out operations against ZANLA bases tolerated on Mozambican territory by the FRELIMO government.[14] In this context, FRELIMO ex-official André Matsangaissa was freed from a reeducation camp. He was given military training and installed as leader of RENAMO, which had been founded by the Rhodesian secret service shortly before[15]. RENAMO subsequently started operating in the Gorongosa area in order to fight FRELIMO and ZANLA. However, in 1979 Matsangaissa died in RENAMO's unsuccessful first attack on a regional centre (Villa Paiva) and RENAMO was ousted from the area. Subsequently, Afonso Dhlakama became the new leader of RENAMO and formed it into an effective guerilla army.[16]
Having fought the Portuguese using guerilla strategies, FRELIMO was now forced to defend itself against the very same methods. It had to defend vast areas and hundreds of locations, while RENAMO operated out of a few retreat areas carrying out raids against towns and important infrastructure. Furthermore, RENAMO systematically forced civilians into its employment. This was done by mass abduction, especially of children in order to abuse them as child soldiers. It is estimated that one third of RENAMO forces were child soldiers.[17] But abducted people also had to serve RENAMO in administrative or public service functions in the areas it controlled. Another way of using civilians for military purposes was the so called system of "Gandira". This system especially affected the rural population in areas controlled by RENAMO and forced them, to fulfil three main tasks: 1) food production for RENAMO, 2) transport of goods and ammunition, 3) availability of women as sex slaves.[18]
Both sides heavily relied on the use of land mines. FRELIMO as a means to defend important infrastructure, RENAMO in order to terrify the populace, stall the economy and destroy the civil services, mining roads, schools and health centres.
Thus, despite of its by far superior numbers, FAM was unable to adequately defend but the most important cities. By the mid eighties FRELIMO had lost control of much of the countryside. RENAMO was able to carry out its raids virtually anywhere in the country except for the major cities. Transportation had become a perilous business. Even armed convoys were not safe of RENAMO attacks.[19]
FRELIMO reacted by reusing a system first introduced by the Portuguese: the creation of fortified communal villages the so called aldeamentos. Much of the rural population was relocated to these villages. Furthermore, in order to keep a minimum level of infrastructure working, three heavily guarded and mined corridors were established consisting of roads, railways and power lines: the Beira, the Tete (also called the Tete Run which speaks for itself regarding its safety) and the Limpopo Corridors.[20]
FRELIMO initially received substantial military and development aid from the Soviet Union and later additionally from France, the UK and the US. In the US, conservative circles lobbied for the support of RENAMO but were opposed by the state department which finally gained the upperhand. RENAMO received military support from Rhodesia, South Africa, Malawi and Kenya as well as organisational support from Western Germany.[21]
In 1982, the landlocked Zimbabwe directly intervened in the civil war in order to secure its transport ways, stop cross-border RENAMO raids and help its old ally FRELIMO. Zimbabwean soldiers help was crucial for the defense of the corridors. Later Zimbabwe became engaged further, carrying out several joined operations with FAM against RENAMO strongholds.[22] Thus RENAMO had to give up its base camps in the Gorongosa area.
After the fall of the Smith Regime in Rhodesia, South Africa became RENAMO's main supporter. The Frelimo administration, led by President Machel, was economically ruined by Renamo's rebels. The military and diplomatic entente with the Soviet Union could not alleviate the nation's economic misery and famine. As a result, a reluctant President Machel signed a non-aggression pact with South Africa, known as the Nkomati Accord. In return, Pretoria promised to sever economic assistance in exchange for Frelimo's commitment to prevent the ANC from using Mozambique as a sanctuary to pursue its campaign to overthrow white minority rule in South Africa. The volume of direct South African government support for Renamo diminished after the Nkomati accord, but documents discovered during the capture of Renamo headquarters at Gorongosa in central Mozambique in August 1985 revealed continuing South African government communications along with military support for Renamo.
By the end of the 1980s neither side was able to win the war by military means. The military pressure on RENAMO had not resulted in its defeat. While being incapable of capturing any greater cities, it was still able to terrorise the rural areas. FRELIMO controlled the urban areas and the corridors, but was unable to protect the countryside from RENAMO squadrons. Neither had its offensives been successful in pinning down RENAMO and forcing it into a direct full scale confrontation.
On 19 October 1986, Mozambique's first president, Samora Machel died when his presidential aircraft crashed near South Africa's border. An international investigation determined that the crash was caused by errors made by the flight crew, a conclusion that has not yet been universally accepted. Machel's successor was Joaquim Alberto Chissano, who had served as foreign minister from 1975 until Machel's death. Chissano continued Machel's policies of expanding Mozambique's international ties, particularly the country's links with the West, and pursuing internal reforms.
RENAMO systematically committed war crimes and crimes against humanity as part of its destabilization strategy. These include mass killing, rape and mutilation of non-combatants during terroristic raids on villages and towns, the use of child soldiers and the employment of the forced labour and sexual violence system Gandira. Often women would be apprehended while out on the fields or fetching water and raped as a means to boost troop moral. Gandira caused wide-spread starvation among the rural population due to the little time left to produce food for themselves. This caused more and more persons to be bodily unable to endure the long transportation marches demanded from them. However refusing to do Gandira or falling behind on the marches resulted in severe beating and often execution.[23] Flight attempts were punished equally. One particularly gruesome practice was the mutilation and killing of children left behind by escaped parents.[24][25]
RENAMO crimes only gained worldwide public attention through the massacre of Homoine when RENAMO soldiers butchered 424 civilians including the patients of a hospital with guns and machetes during a raid on the rural town of Homoine.[26] This incident prompted an investigation into RENAMO methods by US-State Department consultant Robert Gersony which finally put an end to right wing ambitions to bring about US-government support for RENAMO.[27] The report describes that RENAMO's course of action in Homoine did not significantly differ from the tactics it normally employed in such raids. These methods are described in the report in the following way:
Thus it appears the only difference between the Homoine massacre and RENAMO's usual methods was the size of the operation. Normally RENAMO would choose smaller, easier targets instead of attacking a town defended by some 90 government soldiers.[29]
FRELIMO soldiers also committed serious war crimes during the civil war. Much like RENAMO, FRELIMO forced people in its employment. Living in the communal villages was mandatory. However, in some areas cultural norms require households to live at some distance from each other. Therefore many people preferred living in the countryside despite of the risk of RENAMO assaults.[30] Thus people would often be forced into the communal villages at gunpoint by FAM-soldiers or their Zimbabwean allies. As a local recalls:
Also, rape was a wide spread practice among Frelimo soldiers. However, it was far less frequent and lacked the institutionalised quality of sexual violence carried out by Renamo.[32] In comparison to Renamo transgressions, FRELIMO war crimes were by far less systematic, wide spread and grave. I.e. the refugees interviewed for the Gersony Report attributed 94% of the murders, 94% of the abductions and 93% of the lootings to Renamo.[33] Despite the massive scale and organized manner in which war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed during the Mozambican civil war, so far no RENAMO or FRELIMO commander did have to appear before a war crimes tribunal of any sort. This is due to the unconditional general amnesty law for the period form 1976-1992 passed by the parliament (then still composed entirely of Frelimo members) in 1992. Instead victims were urged to forget.[34]
In 1990, with the end of the cold war, and apartheid crumbling in South Africa and support for Renamo drying up in South Africa and the United States, the first direct talks between the Frelimo government and Renamo were held. Frelimo's draft constitution in July 1989 paved the way for a multiparty system and in November 1990 a new constitution was adopted. Mozambique was now a multiparty state, with periodic elections, and guaranteed democratic rights.
On 4 October 1992, the Rome General Peace Accords, negotiated by the Community of Sant'Egidio with the support of the United Nations, were signed in Rome between President Chissano and Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama, which formally took effect on the October 15, 1992. A UN peacekeeping force (ONUMOZ) of 7,500 arrived in Mozambique and oversaw a two year transition to democracy. 2,400 international observers also entered the country to supervise the elections held on October 27-28, 1994. The last ONUMOZ contingents departed in early 1995. Until then, the Mozambican civil war had caused about one million deaths and displaced over five million refugees out of a total population of ca. 13-15 million at the time.[35][36]