Oriental Republic of Uruguay
República Oriental del Uruguay (Spanish)
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Motto: Libertad o muerte (Spanish) "Liberty or Death" |
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Anthem: Himno Nacional Uruguayo (Spanish) |
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Capital (and largest city) |
Montevideo |
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Official language(s) | Spanish | |||||
Ethnic groups | 88% White, 8% Mestizo, 4% Black, Amerindian (Practically nonexistent)[1] | |||||
Demonym | Uruguayan | |||||
Government | Presidential republic | |||||
- | President | José Mujica | ||||
- | Vice President | Danilo Astori | ||||
Independence | from Empire of Brazil | |||||
- | Declaration | August 25, 1825 | ||||
- | Constitution | July 18, 1830 | ||||
Area | ||||||
- | Total | 176,215 km2 (90th) 68,037 sq mi |
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- | Water (%) | 1.5% | ||||
Population | ||||||
- | 2009 estimate | 3,494,382[1] (131st) | ||||
- | 2002 census | 3,399,236 | ||||
- | Density | 19.8/km2 (195th) 51.4/sq mi |
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GDP (PPP) | 2009 estimate | |||||
- | Total | $44.029 billion[2] | ||||
- | Per capita | $13,163[2] | ||||
GDP (nominal) | 2009 estimate | |||||
- | Total | $31.528 billion[2] | ||||
- | Per capita | $9,425[2] | ||||
Gini (2006) | 45.2[3] (high) | |||||
HDI (2007) | 0.865 (high) (50th) | |||||
Currency | Uruguayan peso ($, UYU ) (UYU ) |
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Time zone | UYT (UTC-3) | |||||
- | Summer (DST) | UYST (UTC-2) | ||||
Drives on the | right | |||||
Internet TLD | .uy | |||||
Calling code | +598 |
Uruguay (pronounced /ˈjʊərəɡwaɪ/ ( listen)[4], Spanish pronunciation: [uɾuˈɣwai]), officially the Oriental Republic of Uruguay[1][5] (sometimes rendered as the Eastern Republic of Uruguay in the English language[6]; Spanish: República Oriental del Uruguay, pronounced [reˈpuβlika oɾjenˈtal del uɾuˈɣwai]), is a country located in the southeastern part of South America. It is home to some 3.5 million people,[1] of whom 1.4 million live in the capital Montevideo and its metropolitan area. An estimated 88% of the population are of European descent.[7]
Uruguay's only land border is with Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, to the north. To the west lies the Uruguay River, to the southwest lies the estuary of Río de la Plata, with Argentina only a short commute across the banks of either of these bodies of water, while to the southeast lies the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. Uruguay, with an area of approximately 176 thousand km2, is the second smallest nation of South America in area after Suriname.
Colonia del Sacramento, one of Uruguay's oldest European settlements, was founded by the Portuguese in 1680. Montevideo was founded by the Spanish in the early 18th century as a military stronghold. Uruguay won its independence in 1811–1828 following a three-way struggle among Spain, Argentina and Brazil. It is a constitutional democracy, where the president fulfills the roles of both head of state and head of government.
Uruguay is one of the most economically developed countries in South America, with a high GDP per capita and the 50th highest quality of life in the world. The economy is largely based on agriculture (making up 10% of GDP and the most substantial export) and the state sector. According to Transparency International, Uruguay is rated as the least corrupt country in Latin America (along with Chile),[8] with its political and labour conditions being among the freest on the continent.[1]
In 2007, it became the first Latin American country to legalize same-sex and different-sex civil unions at a national level.[9]
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Translated into English, República Oriental del Uruguay becomes Oriental Republic of Uruguay. The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is named after its geographic location to the east of the Uruguay River. The word Uruguay, coming from the Guaraní language, means "river where the painted birds live".[10] Since the word "orient" is derived from the Latin word oriens, meaning east, this caused the Uruguayans to be called "orientals", even though Uruguay is situated in the Western Hemisphere.
The only documented inhabitants of Uruguay before European colonization of the area were the Charrua, a small tribe driven south by the Guaraní of Paraguay. There have also been identified examples of ancient rock art, at locations such as Chamangá, and elsewhere.
The Spanish arrived in the territory of present-day Uruguay in 1516, but the people's fierce resistance to conquest, combined with the absence of gold and silver, limited settlement in the region during the 16th and 17th centuries. Uruguay then became a zone of contention between the Spanish and the Portuguese empires. In 1603 the Spanish began to introduce cattle, which became a source of wealth in the region. The first permanent settlement on the territory of present-day Uruguay was founded by the Spanish in 1624 at Soriano on the Río Negro. In 1669–71, the Portuguese built a fort at Colonia del Sacramento. Spanish colonization increased as Spain sought to limit Portugal's expansion of Brazil's frontiers.
Montevideo was founded by the Spanish in the early 18th century as a military stronghold; its natural harbor soon developed into a commercial area competing with Argentina's capital, Buenos Aires. Uruguay's early 19th century history was shaped by ongoing fights between the British, Spanish, Portuguese, and colonial forces for dominance in the Platine region. In 1806 and 1807, the British army attempted to seize Buenos Aires as part of the Napoleonic Wars. As a result, at the beginning of 1807, Montevideo was occupied by a 10,000-strong British force who held it, until the middle of the year, when they left to attack Buenos Aires.
In 1811, José Gervasio Artigas, who became Uruguay's national hero, launched a successful revolution against the Spanish authorities, defeating them on May 18 at the Battle of Las Piedras. In 1814 he formed the Liga Federal (Federal League), of which he was declared Protector.
From 1815 to 1820, Uruguay was the political centre of the "Federal League" or "League of Free Peoples". This league was intended to extend throughout Uruguay and Argentina, which were not yet considered separate entities. It was a rival to the "United Provinces of South America" which evolved into modern Argentina.
The constant growth of influence and prestige of the Federal League frightened the Portuguese Empire in Brazil (because of its republicanism). In August 1816, they invaded the Eastern Province (with Buenos Aires' tacit complicity), with the intention of destroying the protector and his revolution. The Portuguese forces, thanks to their numerical and material superiority, occupied Montevideo on January 20, 1817, and finally after a struggle for three years in the countryside, defeated Artigas in the Battle of Tacuarembó.
In 1821, the Eastern Province (present-day Uruguay), was annexed by Brazil (as a part of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves), under the name of Província Cisplatina. The Brazilian Empire became independent from Portugal in 1822. In response to the annexation, the Thirty-Three Orientals led by Juan Antonio Lavalleja declared independence on August 25, 1825 supported by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (present-day Argentina).
This led to the 500-day Argentina-Brazil War. Neither side gained the upper hand, and in 1828 the Treaty of Montevideo, fostered by the United Kingdom, gave birth to Uruguay as an independent state. The nation's first constitution was adopted on July 18, 1830. The remainder of the 19th century under a series of elected and appointed presidents saw interventions by — and conflicts with — neighboring states, political and economic fluctuations, and large inflows of immigrants, mostly from Europe.
The political scene in Uruguay became split between two parties, the conservative Blancos ("Whites") and the liberal Colorados ("Reds"). The Colorados were led by Fructuoso Rivera and represented the business interests of Montevideo; the Blancos were headed by Manuel Oribe, who looked after the agricultural interests of the countryside and promoted protectionism. The two groups took their names from the color of the armbands that they wore. The Uruguayan parties became associated with warring political factions in neighbouring Argentina.
The Colorados favored the exiled Argentinian liberal Unitarios, many of whom had taken refuge in Montevideo, while the Blanco president Manuel Oribe was a close friend of the Argentinian ruler Manuel de Rosas. Oribe took Rosas's side when the French navy blockaded Buenos Aires in 1838. This led the Colorados and the exiled Unitarios to seek French backing against Oribe, and on June 15, 1838, an army led by the Colorado leader Rivera overthrew the president, who fled to Argentina. The Argentinian Unitarians formed a government-in-exile in Montevideo and, with secret French encouragement, Rivera declared war on Rosas in 1839. The conflict would last thirteen years and become known as the "Guerra Grande" (the "Great War").
In 1840, an army of exiled Unitarios attempted to invade northern Argentina from Uruguay but they had little success. In December 1842, President Joaquín Suárez formally abolished slavery. Two months later, an Argentinian army overran Uruguay on Oribe's behalf. They seized most of the country but failed to take the capital. The siege of Montevideo, which began in February 1843, would last nine years and capture the world's imagination. Alexandre Dumas, père compared it to a new Trojan War. The besieged Uruguayans called on resident foreigners for help and a French and an Italian legion were formed. The latter was led by the exiled Giuseppe Garibaldi, who was working as a mathematics teacher in Montevideo when the war broke out.
Garibaldi was also made head of the Uruguayan navy. He was involved in many famous actions during the war, notably the Battle of San Antonio, which won him a worldwide reputation as a formidable guerrilla leader. The Argentinian blockade of Montevideo was ineffective as Rosas generally tried not to interfere with international shipping on the River Plate. But in 1845, when access to Paraguay was blocked, Britain and France allied against Rosas, seized his fleet and began a blockade of Buenos Aires, while Brazil joined in against Argentina.
Rosas reached peace deals with Great Britain and France in 1849 and 1850 respectively. The French agreed to withdraw their legion if Rosas evacuated Argentinian troops from Uruguay. Oribe still maintained a loose siege of the capital. In 1851, the Argentinian caudillo Justo José de Urquiza turned against Rosas and signed a pact with the exiled Unitarios, the Uruguayan Colorados and Brazil against him. Urquiza crossed into Uruguay, defeated Oribe and lifted the siege of Montevideo. He then overthrew Rosas at the Battle of Caseros on February 3, 1852. With Rosas's defeat and exile, the "Guerra Grande" finally came to an end.
In 1855, new conflict broke out between the parties. It would reach its high point during the War of the Triple Alliance. In 1863, the Colorado general Venancio Flores organized an armed uprising against the Blanco president, Bernardo Prudencio Berro. Flores won backing from Brazil and, this time, from Argentina, who supplied him with troops and weapons, while Berro made an alliance with the Paraguayan leader Francisco Solano López.
When Berro's government was overthrown in 1864 with Brazilian help, López used it as a pretext to declare war on Uruguay. The result was the War of the Triple Alliance, a five-year conflict in which Uruguayan, Brazilian and Argentinian armies fought Paraguay, and which Flores finally won, but only at the price of the loss of 95% of his own troops. Flores did not enjoy his Pyrrhic victory for long. In 1868, he was murdered on the same day as his rival Berro.
Both parties were weary of the chaos. In 1870, they came to an agreement to define spheres of influence: the Colorados would control Montevideo and the coastal region, the Blancos would rule the hinterland with its agricultural estates. In addition, the Blancos were paid half a million dollars to compensate them for the loss of their stake in Montevideo. But the caudillo mentality was difficult to erase from Uruguay and political feuding continued culminating in the Revolution of the Lances (Revolución de las Lanzas) (1870–1872), and later with the uprising of Aparicio Saravia, who was fatally injured at the Battle of Masoller (1904).
After the "Guerra Grande" there was a sharp rise in the number of immigrants, above all from Italy and Spain. The number of immigrants had risen from 48% of the population in 1860 to 68% in 1868. In the 1870s, a further 100,000 Europeans arrived, so that by 1879 about 438,000 people were living in Uruguay, a quarter of them in Montevideo. In 1857, the first bank was opened; three years later a canal system was begun, the first telegraph line was set up, and rail links were built between the capital and the countryside.
The economy saw a steep upswing after the "Guerra Grande", above all in livestock raising and export. Between 1860 and 1868, the number of sheep rose from three to seventeen million. The reason for this increase lay above all in the improved methods of husbandry introduced by European immigrants.
Montevideo became a major economic centre of the region. Thanks to its natural harbour, it became an entrepôt for goods from Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay. The towns of Paysandú and Salto, both on the River Uruguay, also experienced similar development.
Development accelerated during the latter part of the 19th century as increasing numbers of immigrants established businesses and bought land. Partly through their efforts, sheep were introduced to graze together with cattle, ranches were fenced, and pedigreed bulls and rams were imported to improve livestock. Earnings from wool (which became the leading export in 1884), hides, and dried beef encouraged the British to invest in railroad building and also helped to modernize Montevideo, notably in its public utilities and transportation system—which thereby encouraged additional immigration.
In 1876, the Uruguayan armed forces took over the government and, aided by improved communications, began to establish firmer control over the interior. However, public support for the regime eventually waned because of the brutality and corruption of some of its leaders, and a civilian Colorado government returned to power in 1890.
Blanco's demands for a larger role in government escalated into the Revolution of 1897, led by Aparicio Saravia, which ended when the Colorado president, Juan Idiarte Borda, was killed by an assassin not associated with the Blancos. Although conflicts between Colorados and Blancos continued to impede economic development, by 1900 Uruguay’s population grew to one million—a 13-fold increase over the level of 1830. The Colorado leader José Batlle y Ordóñez was elected president in 1903. The following year the Blancos led a rural revolt, and eight bloody months of fighting ensued before Saravia was killed in battle and government forces emerged victorious. In 1905 the Colorados won the first largely transparent legislative election in 30 years, and domestic stability was finally attained.
Batlle, who had become a Colorado hero, took advantage of the nation’s stability and growing economic prosperity to institute major reforms, including increasing state intervention in economic matters. His administration helped expand cattle ranching, reduce the nation’s dependence on imports and foreign capital, improve workers’ conditions through far-reaching social reforms, and expand education. In addition Batlle abolished the death penalty, allowed women to initiate divorce proceedings, augmented the rights of children born out of wedlock, and reduced the political influence of the Roman Catholic Church—reflecting growing trends toward social liberalization and secularization in Uruguay.
Batlle had two terms (1903–07 and 1911–15) in which to initiate his policies, but, realizing that his program might be reversed by a future president or dictator, he promoted a constitutional reform to end the presidency and replace it with a plural executive, the colegiado. Batlle’s audacious plan split the Colorados and reinvigorated the Blanco opposition, and in 1916 the colegiado was defeated in the country’s first election by secret ballot. Batlle retained a significant amount of prestige and support, however, which allowed him to strike a compromise that partly rescued the colegiado; thus, in a constitution promulgated in 1918, executive responsibility was split between the president and a National Council of Administration.
A consensus government emerged with policies that were more cautious than innovative, except in social legislation. Higher living standards were supported by a ranching economy that had stopped growing, a dilemma hidden by the high export prices of the late 1920s.
In 1930, Uruguay was chosen as the site of the first Football World Cup. Although the field was much smaller than the competitions of today, the event provided national pride when the home team won the tournament over neighboring Argentina.
In the late 1950s, partly because of a decrease in demand in the world market for agricultural products, Uruguay began having economic problems, which included inflation, mass unemployment, and a steep drop in the standard of living for Uruguayan workers. This led to student militancy and labor unrest.
1950 also saw Uruguay win its second FIFA World Cup, defeating Brazil 2–1 in the competition's final match to take spot in the championship group, an event that became known as the Maracanazo.
An urban guerrilla movement known as the Tupamaros formed in the early 1960s, first engaging in Robin Hood type protest activities,such as robbing banks and distributing the proceeds to the poor, and attempting political dialogue. As the government banned their political activities and the police became more oppressive, the Tupamaros took up overtly armed struggle, engaging in direct conflict with the police and kidnappings of corrupt officials and perceived enemies.[11]
The US Office of Public Safety (OPS) began operating in Uruguay in 1965. The US Office of Public Safety trained Uruguayan police and intelligence in policing and interrogration techniques.
President Jorge Pacheco declared a state of emergency in 1968, followed by a further suspension of civil liberties in 1972 by his successor, President Juan María Bordaberry, who brought in the Army to combat the guerrillas MLN, led by Raúl Sendic. After defeating the Tupamaros, the military seized power in 1973. A state of martial law was effectively used to decompose the MLN (Movement of National Liberation). The MLN heads were isolated in improvised prisons. Bordaberry was finally removed from his "president charge" in 1976. He was first succeeded by Alberto Demicheli. Subsequently a national council chosen by the military government elected Aparicio Méndez.
In 1980, the army forces proposed a change in the constitution that would be passed with a referendum. The "No" to the constitution reforms won the vote with 57.2% of the votes, showing the unpopularity of the de facto government, that was later accelerated by an economic crisis. In 1981, General Gregorio Álvarez assumed the presidency.
In 1984, massive protests against military rule broke out. After a 24-hour general strike, talks began and the armed forces announced a plan for return to civilian rule. National elections were held in 1984; Colorado Party leader Julio María Sanguinetti won the presidency and, following the brief interim Presidency of Rafael Addiego Bruno, served from 1985 to 1990. The first Sanguinetti administration implemented economic reforms and consolidated democratization following the country's years under military rule. Nonetheless, Sanguinetti never supported the human rights claims, and his government didn't prosecute the rebels, terrorists, or military leaders who were accused of killings and torture. Instead, he opted for a more peaceful option, signing an amnesty treaty called in Spanish "Ley de Amnistia".
Sanguinetti's economic reforms, ahahah focusing on the attraction of foreign trade and capital, achieved some success and stabilized the economy. In order to promote national reconciliation and facilitate the return of democratic civilian rule, Sanguinetti secured public approval by plebiscite of a controversial general amnesty for military leaders accused of committing human rights violations under the military regime and sped the release of former guerrillas.
The National Party's Luis Alberto Lacalle won the 1989 presidential election and served from 1990 to 1995. President Lacalle executed major economic structural reforms and pursued further liberalization of trade regimes, including Uruguay's inclusion in the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) in 1991. Despite economic growth during Lacalle's term, adjustment and privatization efforts provoked political opposition, and some reforms were overturned by referendum.
In the 1994 elections, former President Sanguinetti won a new term, which ran from 1995 until March 2000. As no single party had a majority in the General Assembly, the National Party joined with Sanguinetti's Colorado Party in a coalition government. The Sanguinetti government continued Uruguay's economic reforms and integration into MERCOSUR. Other important reforms were aimed at improving the electoral system, social security, education, and public safety. The economy grew steadily for most of Sanguinetti's term until low commodity prices and economic difficulties in its main export markets caused a recession in 1999, which has continued into 2002.
The 1999 national elections were held under a new electoral system established by a 1996 constitutional amendment. Primaries in April decided single presidential candidates for each party, and national elections on October 31 determined representation in the legislature. As no presidential candidate received a majority in the October election, a runoff was held in November. In the runoff, Colorado Party candidate Jorge Batlle, aided by the support of the National Party, defeated Broad Front candidate Tabaré Vázquez.
The Colorado and National Parties continued their legislative coalition, as neither party by itself won as many seats as the 40% of each house won by the Broad Front coalition. The formal coalition ended in November 2002, when the Blancos withdrew their ministers from the cabinet, although the Blancos continued to support the Colorados on most issues.
Batlle's five-year term was marked by economic recession and uncertainty, first with the 1999 devaluation of the Brazilian real, then with the outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease (aftosa) in Uruguay's key beef sector in 2001, and finally with the political and economic collapse of Argentina. Unemployment rose to close to twenty percent, real wages fell, the peso was devalued and the percentage of Uruguayans in poverty reached almost forty percent. These worsening economic conditions played a part in turning public opinion against the free market economic policies adopted by the Batlle administration and its predecessors, leading to popular rejection through plebiscites of proposals for privatization of the state petroleum company in 2003 and of the state water company in 2004.
In 2004 Uruguayans elected Tabaré Vázquez as president, while giving the Broad Front (coalition of socialists, communists, Tupamaros, former communists and social democrats) a majority in both houses of Parliament. The newly elected government, while pledging to continue payments on Uruguay's external debt, has also promised to undertake a crash jobs programs to attack the widespread problems of poverty and unemployment. During the Vazquez administration former president Juan Maria Bordaberry and General Gregorio Alzarez would be incarcerated for human rights abuses committed during the 1970s'. Investigations commenced after the publication of the book "Los Años Oscuros 1967-1987" by Northamerican historian Scott Myers.
In 2009 the Broad Front won the election for second time. Left coalition maintained the majority in both houses of Parliament and José Mujica emerged as the new President of Uruguay.
Known as "El Pepe", (born May 20, 1935) Mujica is a Uruguayan politician and former guerrilla fighter, a member of the Broad Front (left-wing coalition) and current President of Uruguay. He lives on an austere farm in the outskirts of Montevideo, the country's capital.
Mujica was Minister of Livestock, Agriculture, and Fisheries from 2005 to 2008 and a Senator afterwards. He won the presidential election and took office as President on 1 March 2010.
At 176,214 km2 (68,037 sq mi) of continental land 142,199 km2 (54,903 sq mi) of jurisdictional water and small river islands,[12] Uruguay is the second smallest sovereign nation in South America (after Suriname) and the third smallest territory (French Guiana is the smallest). The landscape features mostly rolling plains and low hill ranges (cuchillas) with a fertile coastal lowland.
A dense fluvial network covers the country, consisting of four river basins or deltas; the Río de la Plata, the Uruguay River, the Laguna Merín and the Río Negro. The major internal river is the Río Negro ('black river'). Several lagoons are found along the Atlantic coast.
The highest point in the country is the Cerro Catedral at 514 metres (1,686 ft) in the Sierra Carapé hill range. To the southwest is the Río de Plata, the estuary of the Uruguay River, which forms the western border, and the Paraná River.
A longstanding border dispute with Brazil involving territory in the north of Uruguay has not harmed close diplomatic relations with Brazil in years. Montevideo is the southernmost capital city in the Americas, and the third most southerly in the world (only Canberra and Wellington are further south).
The climate in Uruguay is temperate: it has warm to hot summers and cool to cold winters (variable weather). The predominantly gently undulating landscape is somewhat vulnerable to rapid changes from weather fronts. It receives the periodic influence of the polar air in winter, and tropical air from Brazil in summer. Without mountains to act as a barrier, the air masses freely move by the territory, causing abrupt weather changes.
Snow is uncommon (most important events were in 1962 and 1991), and only for about two months during Winter does the temperature sometimes drop below 0 degrees Celsius, and even then its only at night. Winters are relatively mild, more so along the Atlantic Coast. One of the coldest winters (since 1951) was 2007: July averaged 7–8 °C (45–46 °F) in Montevideo, and 6–7 °C (43–45 °F) in Florida city.
National extreme temperatures sea level are, Paysandú city 44.0°C (01-20-1943) and Melo city -11.0°C (06-14-1967).[13]
Uruguay consists of nineteen departments (departamentos, singular "departamento"). The first departments were formed in 1816 and the newest, Flores, dates from 1885. The departments are governed by an intendente municipal who is elected for five years. The members of the Departmental Assembly (Junta Departamental) form the legislative level of the department.
Department | Area (square kilometres) | Population* | Capital |
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- 1Artigas | 11,928 | 79,317 | Artigas |
- 2Canelones | 4,536 | 509,095 | Canelones |
- 3Cerro Largo | 13,648 | 89,383 | Melo |
- 4Colonia | 6,106 | 120,855 | Colonia del Sacramento |
- 5Durazno | 11,643 | 60,926 | Durazno |
- 6Flores | 5,144 | 25,609 | Trinidad |
- 7Florida | 10,417 | 69,968 | Florida |
- 8Lavalleja | 10,016 | 61,883 | Minas |
-9 Maldonado | 4,793 | 147,391 | Maldonado |
- 10Montevideo | 530 | 1,342,474 | Montevideo |
-11 Paysandú | 13,922 | 115,623 | Paysandú |
-12 Río Negro | 9,282 | 55,657 | Fray Bentos |
- 13Rivera | 9,370 | 109,267 | Rivera |
-14 Rocha | 10,551 | 70,614 | Rocha |
-15 Salto | 14,163 | 126,745 | Salto |
-16 San José | 4,992 | 107,644 | San José de Mayo |
-17 Soriano | 9,008 | 87,073 | Mercedes |
-18 Tacuarembó | 15,438 | 94,613 | Tacuarembó |
-19 Treinta y Tres | 9,676 | 49,769 | Treinta y Tres |
* 2007 |
Uruguay's economy relies heavily on trade, particularly in agricultural exports, leaving the country vulnerable to fluctuations in commodity prices. After averaging growth of 5% annually in 1996–1998, in 1999–2001 the economy suffered from lower demand in Argentina and Brazil, which combined account for nearly half of Uruguay's exports. Despite the severity of the trade shocks, Uruguay's financial indicators remained more stable than those of its neighbours, a reflection of its solid reputation among investors and its investment-grade sovereign bond rating—one of only two in South America.[14] In recent years Uruguay has shifted some of its energy into developing the commercial use of technologies and has become the first exporter of software in Latin America.[15]
A worsening economic condition played a part in turning public opinion against the mildly free market economic policies adopted by the previous administrations in the 1990s, leading to the popular rejection of proposals for privatization of the state petroleum company in 2003 and of the state water company in 2004. The newly elected Frente Amplio government, while pledging to continue payments on Uruguay's external debt,[16] has also promised to undertake an emergency plan to attack the widespread problems of poverty and unemployment.[17] In May 2008, the unemployment rate was below 7.2%. In October 2009, the unemployment rate was 6.4 percent.[18]
Agriculture played such an important part in Uruguayan history and national identity until the middle of the twentieth century that the entire country was sometimes likened to a single huge estancia (agricultural estate) centered around Montevideo, where the wealth generated in the hinterland was spent, at its administrative head.
Today, agriculture contributes roughly 11% to the country’s GDP and is still the main foreign exchange earner, putting Uruguay in line with other agricultural exporters like Brazil, Canada, and New Zealand. Uruguay is a member of the Cairns Group of exporters of agricultural products. Uruguay’s agriculture has relatively low inputs of labor, technology, and capital compared to other similar countries, which results in comparatively lower yields per hectare but also opens the door for Uruguay to market its products as "natural" or "organic."
Estancia tourism has developed recently, showcasing Uruguay's gaucho culture, historic Estancias, and natural resources.
Uruguay is a multiparty presidential representative democratic republic, under which the President of Uruguay is both the head of state and the head of government. The president exercises executive power with his cabinet. Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the General Assembly of Uruguay. The Judiciary branch is independent from that of the executive and legislature.
The Colorado and National parties have been locked in a power struggle throughout most of Uruguay's history. The elections of 2004, however, brought the Broad Front, a coalition of socialists, former Tupamaros, communists, social democrats, and Christian Democrats among others to power with majorities in both houses of parliament. A majority vote elected President Tabaré Vázquez.
Uruguay adopted its first constitution in 1830, following the conclusion of a three year war in which Argentina and Uruguay fought as a regional federation: the United Provinces of Río de la Plata. Sponsored by the United Kingdom, the 1828 Treaty of Montevideo built the foundations for a Uruguayan state and constitution.
For most of Uruguay's history, the Partido Colorado has been the government. The other "traditional" party of Uruguay, Partido Blanco has ruled only twice. The Partido Blanco has its roots in the countryside and the original settlers of Spanish origin and the cattle ranchers. The Partido Colorado has its roots in the port city of Montevideo, the new immigrants of Italian origin and the backing of foreign interests.
The Partido Colorado built a welfare state financed by taxing cattle revenue. The elections of 2004, however, brought the Frente Amplio, a coalition of socialists, communists, Tupamaros, former communists and social democrats among others to govern with majorities in both houses of parliament and the election of President Tabaré Vázquez by an absolute majority.[19] The Reporters Without Borders worldwide press freedom index has ranked Uruguay as 43rd of 173 reported countries in 2008.[20]
According to Freedom House, an American organization that tracks global trends in political freedom, Uruguay ranked twenty-seventh in its "Freedom in the World" index. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, Uruguay scores an 8.08 in the Democracy Index, located in the 23rd position among the 30 countries considered to be Full Democracies in the world. The report looks at 60 indicators across five categories: Free elections, civil liberties, functioning government, political participation and political culture.[21]
Uruguay ranks 25th in the World Corruption Perceptions Index composed by Transparency International.[22]
The Uruguayan Constitution allows citizens to repeal laws or to change the constitution by referendum. During the last 15 years the method has been used several times; to confirm a law renouncing prosecution of members of the military who violated human rights during the military regime (1973–1985), to stop privatization of public utilities companies, to defend pensioners' incomes, and to protect water resources.
Attempts to reform the constitution in 1966 led to the adoption of a sixth and an entirely new document in 1967. Uruguay's Constitution of 1967 created a strong presidency, subject to legislative and judicial balance. Many of these provisions were suspended in 1973 but reestablished in 1985. A constitution proposed under a military revolution in 1980 was rejected by a vote of the entire electorate.
The president, who is both the head of state and the head of government, is elected by popular vote for a five-year term, with the vice president elected on the same ticket. Thirteen cabinet ministers, appointed by the president, head various executive departments. The General Assembly (Asamblea General) has two chambers.
The Chamber of Deputies (Cámara de Diputados) has 99 members, elected for a five year term by proportional representation. The Chamber of Senators (Cámara de Senadores) has 31 members; 30 members are elected for a five year term by proportional representation and the Vice-president who presides over it.
The Supreme Court is the highest court in the land. Its judges are elected for 10-year terms by the General Assembly. Below the Supreme Court are appellate and lower courts, as well as justices of the peace. There are also electoral and administrative ("contentious") courts, an accounts court, and a military justice system.
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Communications |
Uruguayans share a Spanish linguistic and cultural background with its neighbour country Argentina. Also, like Argentina, most Uruguayans are descended from colonial-era settlers and immigrants from Europe with almost 88% of the population being of European descent.[23]
The majority of these are Spaniards and Italians, followed by the French, Germans, Portuguese, British (English or Scots), Armenians, Maltese, Irish, Swiss, Russians, Poles, Croats, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Estonians, Latvians, Swedish, Danish, Dutch, Belgians, Austrians, Greeks, Scandinavians and Turkish. There are also smaller numbers of Georgian and Lebanese people.
Many colonies such as Nueva Helvecia-Colonia Suiza (Swiss colony) and Colonia Valdense (Piedmontese colony), are located in the department of Colonia. Also, there are towns founded by early British settlers, like Conchillas and Barker. A Russian colony called San Javier, is found in the department of Río Negro. Also there are Mennonite colonies in the department of Río Negro and in the department of Canelones. One of them, called El Ombú, is famous for its well-known Dulce de Leche "Claldy", and is located near the city of Young.
Many of the European immigrants arrived in Uruguay in the late 1800s and have heavily influenced the architecture and culture of Montevideo and other major cities. For this reason, Montevideo and life within the city are very reminiscent of Western Europe.
Approximately 6% of the population is Mestizo, while Afro-Uruguayans form 4% and about 1% or 2% are of Asian descent, mostly Lebanese/Syrian Arab and Chinese or Japanese ancestry. Amerindians make up a small population in the rural North-West region.
Metropolitan Montevideo, with about one and a half million inhabitants, is the capital and largest city. The rest of the urban population lives in about 20 towns and cities. Montevideo is about 200 kilometers (124 miles) away from Buenos Aires in neighboring Argentina.
Uruguay is distinguished by its high literacy rate (98%) and a large urban middle class. During the 1970s and 1980s, an estimated six-hundred thousand Uruguayans emigrated, principally to Spain, Italy, Argentina and Brazil. Other Uruguayans went to various countries in Europe, Australia and the USA.
As a result of the low birth rate, high life expectancy, and relatively high rate of emigration of younger people, Uruguay's population is quite mature. In 2006, the country had a birth rate of 13.91 births per thousand population, lower than neighboring countries Argentina (16.73 births/1000 population)[3] and Brazil (16.56 births/1,000 population).
Church and state are officially separated. While the Government keeps no statistics concerning religious affiliation, a 2004 survey published in the daily newspaper El Pais reported that 54% of those interviewed described themselves as Roman Catholics, 11% as Protestants, 9% as believers without a religious affiliation, and 26% as nonbelievers.[24]
Although the majority of Uruguayans do not actively practice a religion, they are nominally members of the Catholic Church and other communities. Political observers consider Uruguay as the most secular country in South America.[25]
Uruguay has a traditional mixed economy welfare state program since the 1990s.
Cultural and linguistic similarities, coupled with the short distances between Uruguayan cities and the Argentine capital of Buenos Aires, have encouraged many very talented Uruguayans to settle in Argentina. Some famous Uruguayans who excelled in Argentina are entrepreneur and financier Juan Navarro, sports journalist Victor Hugo Morales, singer and actress Natalia Oreiro, football/soccer players Antonio Alzamendi, Enzo Francescoli and Carlos Goyen, actress China Zorrilla, Carlos Perciavalle, cartoonist Hermenegildo Sábat and journalist Luis César Avilés.
Emigration to the United States also rose recently, but remains a small part of the US Hispanic population. The majority of Uruguayans in the US live in Miami, New Jersey, and Washington, D.C..
Uruguayan Spanish has some modifications due to the considerable number of Italian immigrants. As is the case with neighboring Argentina, Uruguay employs both voseo and yeismo (with [ʃ] or [ʒ]). English is common in the business world, and its study has risen significantly in recent years, especially among the youth. However, it is still a minority language, as are French and Italian. Other languages include Portuguese and Portuñol, a mixture of Spanish and Portuguese. Both are spoken in the northern regions near the Brazilian border. As the country contains only a few odd Amerindians, no indigenous languages are thought to remain in Uruguay.[26]
Paved roads connect Montevideo to other urban centers in the country, the main highways leading to the border and neighboring cities. Numerous unpaved roads connect farms and small towns. Overland trade has increased markedly since Mercosur (Southern Common Market) was formed in the 1990s. Most of the country’s domestic freight and passenger service is by road rather than rail.
The basic railroad network, purchased from the British after World War I, is outdated and no longer in use except for a small line that runs from Montevideo to San José passing through the cities of Las Piedras and Canelones (as of February 2009).
Oceangoing ships call mainly at Montevideo. Vessels of various sizes navigate the inland waters, and a hydrofoil service connects Buenos Aires and both Montevideo and Colonia del Sacramento across the Río de la Plata.
An international airport lies near the Carrasco beach resort some 13 miles (21 km) from downtown Montevideo. The government-owned airline, Primeras Líneas Uruguayas de Navegación Aérea (PLUNA), links Montevideo with some international destinations.
Telecommunications in Uruguay are more developed than in most other Latin American countries, being the first country in the Americas to achieve complete digital telephony coverage in 1997. The telephone system is completely digitized and has very good coverage of all the country. The system is government-owned, and since the 1990s there have been controversial proposals to privatize it, or at least to sell some of its shares, which have been voted against by the people, the exception being the mobile phone market, shared by the state owned company Ancel, and two private companies, Movistar and Claro.
Uruguay has an impressive legacy of artistic and literary traditions, especially for its small size. The contribution of its alternating conquerors and diverse immigrants has resulted in native traditions that integrate this diversity. Uruguay has centuries old remains, fortresses of the colonial era. Its cities have a rich architectural heritage and an impressive number of writers, artists, and musicians. Uruguayan tango is the form of dance that originated in the neighborhoods of Montevideo, Uruguay towards the end of the 19th century. Tango, candombe, and murga are the three main styles of music.
A prominent exponent of Afro-Uruguayan art is abstract painter and sculptor Carlos Páez Vilaró. He drew from both Timbuktu and Mykonos to create his best-known work: Casapueblo. His home, hotel and atelier near Punta del Este, Casapueblo is a "livable sculpture," and draws thousands of visitors from around the world.[27] The 19th-century painter Juan Manuel Blanes, whose works depict historical events, was the first Uruguayan artist to gain widespread recognition. The Post-Impressionist painter Pedro Figari achieved international renown for his pastel studies of subjects in Montevideo and the countryside. Blending elements of art and nature, the work of the landscape architect Leandro Silva Delgado has also earned international prominence.
Uruguay has a small but growing film industry, and movies such as Whisky by Juan Pablo Rebella and Pablo Stoll (2004), Marcelo Bertalmío’s Los días con Ana (2000: Days with Ana) and Ana Diez's Paisito (2008), about the 1973 military coup have earned international honours.
The folk and popular music of Uruguay shares with Argentina not only its gaucho roots but also the tango. One of the most famous tangos, La Cumparsita (1917), was written by the Uruguayan composer Gerardo Matos Rodríguez. The candombe is a folk dance performed at Carnival mainly by Uruguayans of African ancestry. The guitar is the preferred musical instrument; and, in a popular traditional contest called the payada, two singers, each with a guitar, take turns improvising verses to the same tune. Numerous radio stations and musical events reflect the popularity of rock music and Caribbean genres known as música tropical (“tropical music”). Early classical music in Uruguay showed heavy Spanish and Italian influence, but since the 20th century a number of composers of classical music, including Eduardo Fabini, Vicente Ascone and Héctor Tosar, have made use of Latin American musical idioms.
José Enrique Rodó (1871–1917), a modernist, is considered Uruguay’s most significant literary figure. His book Ariel (1900) deals with the need to maintain spiritual values while pursuing material and technical progress. Besides stressing the importance of upholding spiritual over materialistic values, it also stresses resisting cultural dominance by Europe and the United States. The book continues to influence young writers. Outstanding among Latin American playwrights is Florencio Sánchez (1875–1910), who wrote plays about contemporary social problems that are still performed today
From about the same period and somewhat later came the romantic poetry of Juan Zorrilla de San Martín (1855–1931) - who wrote epic poems about Uruguayan history -, Juana de Ibarbourou (1895–1979), Delmira Agustini (1866–1914), Idea Vilariño (1920–2009) and the short stories of Horacio Quiroga. The psychological stories of Juan Carlos Onetti (such as No Man's Land and The Shipyard) have earned widespread critical praise, as have the writings of Mario Benedetti. Uruguay’s best-known contemporary writer is Eduardo Galeano, author of Las venas abiertas de América Latina (1971; "Open Veins of Latin America") and the trilogy Memoria del fuego (1982–87; "Memory of Fire"). Other modern Uruguayan writers include Mario Levrero, Sylvia Lago, Jorge Majfud and Jesús Moraes. Uruguayans of many classes and backgrounds enjoy reading historietas, comic books that often blend humour and fantasy with thinly veiled social criticism.
Uruguay is South America's most secular country. It has no official religion and church and state are separate. Religious freedom is guaranteed. Sixty-six percent of Uruguayans are Roman Catholics. Most Uruguayans baptize their children and marry in churches. Less than half attend church on a regular basis. There is a small Jewish community in Montevideo (about 1% of the population) as well as several evangelical Protestant groups (about 11%). Macumba and Umbanda, religions of Afro-Brazilian origin, are currently growing in Uruguay. A 2004 survey published in the daily newspaper El Pais reported that 54% of those interviewed described themselves as Roman Catholics, 11% as Protestants, 9% as believers without a religious affiliation, and 26% as nonbelievers.[23]
Uruguayans are known to eat a lot of meat, such as asado. The parrillada (beef platter), chivito (a substantial steak sandwich), and pasta are the national dishes. The latter is due to Uruguay's many Italian immigrants in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Other Uruguayan dishes include morcilla dulce, a type of blood sausage cooked with ground orange fruit, orange peel and walnuts, and milanesa, a breaded veal cutlet similar to the Austrian Wiener Schnitzel. Snacks include olímpicos (club sandwiches), húngaras (spicy sausage in a hot dog roll), and masas surtidas (bite-sized pastries). Typical drinks include mate, tea, clericó (a mixture of white wine and fruit juice), medio y medio (part sparkling wine and part white wine), and red wine.
The cuisine of Uruguay is traditionally based on its European roots, like Mediterranean foods from Italy, Spain and France, but also Germany. Many foods from those countries such as pasta, sausages, and desserts are common in the nation's diet. A sweet paste, Dulce de Leche is the national obsession, used to fill cookies, cakes, pancakes, milhojas, and alfajores. The alfajores are shortbread cookies sandwiched together with Dulce de Leche or a fruit paste. Dulce de Leche is used also in flan con Dulce de Leche. On rainy days, the traditional snack is "tortas fritas," a food similar to Indian fry bread, fried in lard.
The national drink is the Grappamiel. Grappamiel is an alcoholic drink which is very popular in rural areas. It is distilled from grape and honey. It is often consumed in the cold mornings of autumn and winter to warm up the body.
A traditional drink is an infusion called mate. The dried leaves and twigs of the yerba mate plant (Ilex paraguariensis) are placed in a small cup made from a gourd. Hot water is then poured into the gourd at near-boiling point so as to not burn the herb and spoil the flavour. The drink is sipped through a metal or cane straw, known as a Bombilla.
Due to its strong Italian tradition, all the famous Italian pasta dishes are found in Uruguay: ravioli, spaghetti, lasagna, tortellini, fettuccine, cannelloni, fusilli, agnolotti, tagliatelle, capellini, vermicelli, penne rigate, fagioloni, cellentani, rotini, bucatini, farfalle and the traditional gnocchi. Although the pasta can be served with a lot of sauces, there is one special sauce that was created by Uruguayans. The Caruso Sauce is a pasta sauce made from double cream, meat extract, onions, ham and mushrooms. It is very popular with sorrentinos and agnolotti. There is also a huge variety of pizza, as well as calzone, fugazzetas, figazzas, fainás, and cheese fainá.
The main sport in Uruguay is football (soccer). In 1924, Uruguay sent its national team to the Olympics in Paris, the first South American nation to compete in Europe. They won gold at the competition, as well as at the next Olympics in Amsterdam in 1928. In addition, the Uruguay national football team is one of only five nations to win the FIFA World Cup on two or more occasions. In 1930, Uruguay hosted the first ever World Cup and went on to win the competition, defeating Argentina 4–2 in the final. Uruguay won the 1950 FIFA World Cup as well, famously defeating the favored hosts, Brazil, 2–1 in the last game of the final series. Uruguay performed very credibly in the 2010 FIFA World Cup, having reached the semi-final after 40 years. A narrow 3-2 semi-final defeat to the Netherlands was followed by a further 3-2 defeat to Germany in the third place play-off. Diego Forlán was named 2010 player of the tournament. Uruguay is by far the smallest country, population wise, to win a World Cup. Out of the World Cup winners, the nation with the second smallest population is Argentina (winners of the 1978 and 1986 editions), which has over 40 million people according to the latest estimate; the Uruguay's current population slightly over 3.4 million. In fact, only six nations with population smaller than Uruguay have ever participated in any World Cup.
Uruguay is also the smallest member nation of CONMEBOL, South American Football Association. Nevertheless, the Uruguayan national team has won the Copa América 14 times, a record it shares with Argentina.
The most popular football teams in Uruguay are Club Atlético Peñarol (Three times World champions, five times Copa Libertadores de América champions, 41 times Uruguayan League champions) and Club Nacional de Football (Three times World champions, three times Copa Libertadores de América champions and 42 times Uruguayan League champions). Those two, are followed by, Defensor Sporting Club, Danubio, historic teams as Montevideo Wanderers, and other popular teams like Cerro and Rampla Juniors. Uruguay has had many well known players such as Obdulio Varela, Juan Schiaffino, Enzo Francescoli, Gustavo Poyet, Álvaro Recoba, Diego Lugano and Diego Forlán (2005 and 2009 European Golden Shoe, 2010 FIFA World cup adidas Golden Ball winner) among many others.
Uruguay was the first country to have reached, in 2009, full coverage of their primary students (and their teachers) population by the OLPC's (One Laptop Per Child) XO through the Plan Ceibal. Due to their telecommunication infrastructure, students from primary schools from all over the country are able to access the Internet and its corresponding huge resources base. The Plan Ceibal included training of primary teachers to use the XO system, to maximize results. This represented a total of 350,000 primary students and their 16,000 teachers.[29]
Estancia tourism is based upon traditional, folkloristic and/or historical elements of Uruguay and the remaining resources of the historic ranches (estancias) from Uruguay's "golden era".
Index (Year) | Author / Editor / Source | Year of publication |
Countries sampled |
World Ranking (1) |
Ranking L.A.(2) |
Global Peace (2009) | The Economist[30] |
|
140 | 21º |
|
Corruption Perception (2008)(6) | Transparency International[31] |
|
180 | 23º |
|
Democracy (2006) | The Economist[32] |
|
167 | 23º |
|
Prosperity Index (2008) | Legatum Institute[33] |
|
104 | 36º |
|
Press Freedom (2007) | Reporters Without Borders[34] |
|
169 | 37º |
|
Economic Freedom (2008) | The Wall Street Journal[35] |
|
157 | 38º |
|
Human Development (2005) | United Nations (UNDP)[36] |
|
177 | 46º |
|
Quality-of-life (2005) | The Economist[37] |
|
111 | 46º |
|
Travel and Tourism Competitiveness (2008) | World Economic Forum[38] |
|
130 | 63º |
|
Global Competitiveness (2009–2010) | World Economic Forum[39] |
|
131 | 65º |
|
Income inequality (1989–2007)(5) | United Nations (UNDP)[40] |
|
126 | 88º |
|
Brazil | Brazil | |||
Argentina | Atlantic Ocean | |||
Uruguay | ||||
Río de la Plata | Río de la Plata | Atlantic Ocean |
|
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