Prime Minister of Canada

Prime Minister of Canada
Ministry
Federal
PMO-logo.png

Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger.jpg
Incumbent:
Stephen Harper
PC, MP, MA
since 6 February 2006
Style: The Right Honourable
Appointed by: Michaëlle Jean
as Governor General of Canada
First : Sir John A. Macdonald
Formation: 1 July 1867
Term: At Her Majesty's pleasure
Residence: 24 Sussex Drive, Ottawa
Harrington Lake, Gatineau Park

Website: www.pm.gc.ca
Canada

This article is part of the series:
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The Prime Minister of Canada (French: Premier ministre du Canada) is the primary minister of the Crown, chairman of the Cabinet, and thus head of government for Canada, charged with advising the Canadian monarch or viceroy on the exercise of the executive powers vested in them by the constitution.[1] Not outlined in any constitutional document, the office exists only as per long-established convention originating in Canada's former colonial power, the United Kingdom, which stipulate that the monarch's representative, the governor general, must select as prime minister the person most likely to command the confidence of the elected House of Commons; this individual is typically the leader of the political party that holds the largest number of seats in that chamber.[n 1][2]

The current, and 22nd, Prime Minister of Canada is the Conservative Party's Stephen Harper, who was appointed as such on 6 February 2006 by Governor General Michaëlle Jean, following the general election that took place that year. As with all other Canadian prime ministers, Harper is styled as The Right Honourable (French: Le Très Honorable), a privilege maintained for life.

Contents

Origin of the office

The position of prime minister is outlined in no Canadian constitutional document and is mentioned only in passing in Schedule B of the Constitution Act, 1982,[3][4] and the Letters Patent issued in 1947 by King George VI.[5] The office and its functions are instead governed by constitutional conventions and modelled on the same office in the United Kingdom.

Qualifications and selection

The prime minister, along with the other ministers in cabinet, is appointed by the governor general on behalf of the Queen.[6] However, by the conventions of responsible government, designed to maintain administrative stability, the viceroy will almost always call to form a government the leader of that political party which holds the most seats in the directly elected House of Commons.[7] Legally, this may be any citizen of Canada of voting age (18 years and over) — the requirements to gain election to the House of Commons. It is not actually clear as to whether there are age or citizenship restrictions on the position of prime minister itself, as it is not necessary for the incumbent to be a sitting Member of Parliament (MP). However, this is more of an academic question since the constitutional conventions involved in selecting the prime minister make the appointment of anyone ineligible for election to the house an obvious infeasibility.

In rare circumstances individuals who are not members of the Commons can be appointed prime minister. Two former prime ministers — Sir John Joseph Caldwell Abbott and Sir Mackenzie Bowell — served in the 1890s while members of the Senate;[8] both, in their roles as Government Leader in the Senate, succeeded prime ministers who died in office (John A. Macdonald in 1891 and John Sparrow David Thompson in 1894), a convention that has since evolved toward the appointment of an interim leader in such a scenario. It should be noted that the Senate was considered a much more powerful body in the first half century after confederation. By the 1920s however the Senate had lost much of its original influence, and hence no sitting senator had been known to have serious aspirations of becoming prime minister whilst remaining in the Senate. Prime ministers who are not Members of Parliament upon their appointment (or who lose their seats while in office) have since been expected to seek election to the Commons as soon as possible. For example William Lyon Mackenzie King, after losing his seat in the same general election that his party won, briefly "governed from the hallway" before winning a by-election a few weeks later. Similarly, John Turner replaced Pierre Trudeau as leader of the Liberal Party in 1984 and subsequently was appointed prime minister even though he did not hold a seat in the lower chamber of parliament; Turner won a riding in the next election but the Liberal Party was swept from power. Turner was the last sitting prime minister to not hold a Commons seat.

Should a sitting prime minister today lose his seat in the legislature (or should a new prime minister be appointed without holding a seat), the typical process that follows is that a junior member in the governing political party will immediately resign to allow the prime minister to run in the resulting by-election.[8] A safe seat is usually chosen; while the Liberal and now defunct Progressive Conservative parties traditionally observed a convention of not running a candidate against another party's new leader in the by-election, the New Democrats and other smaller parties typically do not follow the same convention. However, if the governing party selects a new leader shortly before an election is due, and that new leader is not a member of the legislature, he or she will normally await the upcoming election before running for a seat in parliament.

In a poll conducted by Ipsos-Reid following the first prorogation of the 40th parliament on 4 December 2008, it was found that 51% of the sample group thought the prime minister was directly elected by Canadians.[9]

Mandate

Sir John A. Macdonald, the first Prime Minister of Canada (1867–1873, 1878–1891)

The Canadian prime minister serves At Her Majesty's pleasure, meaning the post does not have a fixed term; once appointed and sworn in by the governor general, the prime minister remains in office until he or she resigns, is dismissed, or dies.[10] The lifespan of parliament is limited by the constitution to five years, and, after 2007, by the Canada Elections Act to four years, though the governor general may still, on the advice of the prime minister, dissolve parliament and issue the writs of election prior to the expiry of four years; the King-Byng Affair was the only time since Confederation that the viceroy deemed it necessary to refuse his prime minister's request for a general vote.

Following parliamentary dissolution, the prime minister must run in the resulting general election if he or she wishes to maintain a seat in the House of Commons. Should the prime minister's party win such an election, it is unnecessary to re-appoint the prime minister or again swear him or her into office.[10] If, however, an opposition party wins a majority of seats in the House of Commons, the prime minister may resign or be dismissed by the governor general. Should the prime minister's party achieve a minority while an opposition party wins a plurality — i.e., more seats than any other party but less than a majority — the prime minister can attempt to maintain the confidence of the House by forming a coalition with other minority parties; this option has almost never been entertained in Canada, the last time being in 1925.

Role and authority

Canada's Prime Ministers from 1867 to 1963

Because the prime minister is, in practice, the most politically powerful member of the Canadian government, he or she is sometimes erroneously referred to as Canada's head of state,[n 2] when, in fact, that post is held by the Canadian monarch, represented by the governor general.[11] The prime minister is, instead, the head of government,[2] responsible for giving advice to the monarch or the viceroy on how to exercise the Royal Prerogative and executive powers given to them by the written and unwritten tenets of the constitution. However, the function of the prime minister has evolved with increasing power. Today, as per the doctrines of constitutional monarchy, the advice given by the prime minister is ordinarily binding, meaning the prime minister effectively carries out those duties ascribed to the sovereign and/or governor general, leaving the latter to act in predominantly ceremonial fashions.[12] As such, the prime minister, supported by the Office of the Prime Minister (PMO), controls the appointments of many key figures in Canada's system of governance, including the governor general, the Cabinet, justices of the Supreme Court, senators, heads of crown corporations, ambassadors to foreign countries, the provincial lieutenant governors, and approximately 3,100 other positions. Further, the prime minister plays a prominent role in the legislative process — with the majority of bills put before parliament originating in the Cabinet — and the leadership of the Canadian Forces.

William Lyon Mackenzie King, the 10th Prime Minister of Canada (1921–1926; 1926–1930; 1935–1948)
Brian Mulroney, the 18th Prime Minister of Canada (1984–1993)

Pierre Trudeau is credited with, throughout his tenure as prime minister between 1968 and 1984, consolidating power in the PMO,[13] which is itself filled by political and administrative staff selected at the Prime Minister's discretion. At the end of the 20th century and into the 21st, analysts — such as Jeffrey Simpson, Donald Savoie, and John Gomery — argued that both parliament and the Cabinet had become eclipsed by prime ministerial power;[14] indeed, the position has been described as undergoing a "presidentialisation",[13][15] to the point that its incumbents publicly outshine the actual head of state.[16][17] Savoie quoted an anonymous minister from the Liberal Party as saying cabinet had become "a kind of focus group for the Prime Minister,"[18][19] while Simpson called cabinet a "mini-sounding board".[n 3][21] It has been theorised that such is the case in Canada as its parliament is less influential on the executive than in other countries with Westminster parliamentary systems; particularly, Canada has fewer MPs, a higher turnover rate of MPs after each election, and an Americanised system for selecting political party leaders, leaving them accountable to the party membership rather than caucus, as is the case in the United Kingdom.[22]

There do exist checks on the prime minister's power: parliament may revoke its confidence in an incumbent prime minister; cabinet or caucus revolts can quickly bring down a sitting premier, and even mere threats of such action can persuade and/or compel a prime minister to resign his post, as happened with Jean Chrétien; the Senate may delay or impede legislation put forward by the Cabinet, such as when Brian Mulroney's bill creating the Goods and Services Tax (GST) came before the upper chamber; and, given Canada's federal nature, the jurisdiction of the federal government is limited to areas prescribed by the constitution. Further, as executive power is constitutionally vested in the monarch, meaning the Royal Prerogative belongs to the Crown and not to any of its ministers,[23][24][25] the sovereign's supremacy over the prime minister in the constitutional order thus being seen as a "rebuff to the pretensions of the elected: As it has been said, when the Prime Minister bows before the Queen, he bows before us [the Canadian people]."[26][27] Either the sovereign or his or her viceroy may therefore oppose the prime minister's will in extreme, crisis situations.[n 4] Near the end of her time as governor general, Adrienne Clarkson stated: "My constitutional role has lain in what are called 'reserve powers': making sure that there is a prime minister and a government in place, and exercising the right 'to encourage, to advise, and to warn'[...] Without really revealing any secrets, I can tell you that I have done all three."[28]

Privileges

24 Sussex Drive, the official residence of the Prime Minister of Canada

Two official residences are provided to the prime minister — 24 Sussex Drive in Ottawa and Harrington Lake, a country retreat in Gatineau Park — as well an office in the Langevin Block, across from Parliament Hill.[29] For transportation, the prime minister is granted an armoured car and shared use of two official aircraft — a CC-150 Polaris for international flights and a Challenger 601 for domestic trips. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police also furnish constant personal security for the prime minister and his or her family. All of the aforementioned is supplied by the Queen-in-Council through budgets approved by parliament, as is the prime minister's annual salary of CAD$301,600.[30] Only about half of this income is specific to the role of prime minister, the remainder being the normal salary of a Member of Parliament.

Sitting or former prime ministers are accorded state funerals, wherein their casket lies in state in the Centre Block of Parliament Hill.[31] Only Mackenzie Bowell and the Viscount Bennett were given private funerals, Bennett also being the only former Prime Minister of Canada to die and be buried outside the country and Bowell the only whose funeral was not attended by politicians. John Thompson also died outside Canada, at Windsor Castle, where Queen Victoria permitted his lying-in-state before his body was returned to Canada for a state funeral in Halifax.[32]

In earlier years, it was traditional for the monarch to bestow a knighthood on newly appointed Canadian prime ministers. Accordingly, several carried the prefix Sir before their name; of the first eight premiers of Canada, only Alexander Mackenzie refused the honour of a knighthood from Queen Victoria. Following the 1919 Nickle Resolution, however, it was against non-binding policy for the sovereign to grant such honorific titles to Canadians; the last prime minister to be knighted was Sir Robert Borden, who was premier at the time the Nickle Resolution was debated in the House of Commons. Still, Richard Bennett was in 1941, six years after he stepped down was prime minister, elevated to the peerage by King George VI as the Viscount Bennett of Mickleham in the County of Surrey and of Calgary and Hopewell.[33]

Style of address

Canada continues the Westminster tradition of using the title Prime Minister when one is speaking to the federal head of government directly; this is in contrast to the United States protocol of addressing the federal head of government as mister (as in, Mister President). The written form of address for the prime minister should use his or her full parliamentary title: The Right Honourable [name], [post-nominal letters], Prime Minister of Canada. However, while in the House of Commons during Question Period, other members of parliament may address the prime minister as The Right Honourable, Member for [prime minister's riding] or simply The Right Honourable Prime Minister.[34] Former prime ministers retain the prefix The Right Honourable for the remainder of their lives; should they remain sitting MPs, they may be referred as The Right Honourable Member for [member's riding] or by their portfolio title (if appointed to one), as in The Right Honourable Minister of Defence.

In the decades following Confederation, it was common practice to refer to the prime minister as Premier of Canada,[35][36][37] a custom that continued until the First World War, around the time of Robert Borden's premiership.[38][39][40] While contemporary sources will still speak of early prime ministers of Canada as premier,[41][42][43] the modern practice is such that the federal head of government is known almost exclusively as the prime minister, while the provincial heads of government are termed premiers (save for within Quebec, where the premier is addressed in French as Premier ministre du Québec, literally translated as Prime Minister of Quebec).

Activities post-commission

After exiting office, former prime ministers of Canada have engaged in various pursuits. Some remained in politics: Mackenzie Bowell was appointed to the Senate; R. B. Bennett moved to the United Kingdom after being elevated to the House of Lords;[44] and a number led Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition in the Canadian parliament: John A. Macdonald, Arthur Meighen, William Lyon Mackenzie King,[45] and Pierre Trudeau, all before being re-appointed as premier (Mackenzie King twice); Alexander Mackenzie and John Diefenbaker, both prior to sitting as regular Members of Parliament until their deaths;[46] Wilfrid Laurier dying while still in the post;[47] and Charles Tupper,[48] Louis St. Laurent,[49] and John Turner, each before they returned to private business. Meighen was also appointed to the Senate following his second period as prime minister, but resigned his seat to seek re-election and moved to private enterprise after failing to win a riding.[50] Following Meighen into civilian life were: Robert Borden, who served as Chancellor of Queen's and McGill Universities, as well as working in the financial sector; Lester B. Pearson, who acted as Chancellor of Carleton University;[51] Joe Clark and Kim Campbell, who became university professors, Clark also consultant and Campbell working in international diplomacy and as the director of private companies and chairperson of interest groups; while Pierre Trudeau and Jean Chrétien returned to legal practice.[52] Former prime ministers also commonly penned autobiographies — Tupper,[48] for example — or published their memoires — such as Diefenbaker and Paul Martin.[46]

See also

Notes

  1. See majority and plurality.
  2. A 2008 Ipsos-Reid poll found 42% of respondents thought the prime minister was head of state.[9]
  3. Savoie offered the critique: "Cabinet has now joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. Real political debate and decision-making are increasingly elsewhere — in federal-provincial meetings of first ministers, on Team Canada flights, where first ministers can hold informal meetings, in the Prime Minister's Office, in the Privy Council Office, in the Department of Finance, and in international organizations and international summits. There is no indication that the one person who holds all the cards, the prime minister, and the central agencies which enable him to bring effective political authority to the centre, are about to change things. The Canadian prime minister has little in the way of institutional check, at least inside government, to inhibit his ability to have his way."[20]
  4. See Note 1 at Queen's Privy Council for Canada.

Footnotes

  1. Brooks, Stephen (2007). Canadian Democracy: An Introduction (5 ed.). Don Mills: Oxford University Press. pp. 233–234. ISBN 978-0195431032. 
  2. 2.0 2.1 Brooks 2007, p. 235
  3. Privy Council Office. "Intergovernmental Affairs > About Canada > The Canadian Constitution". Queen's Printer for Canada. http://www.pco-bcp.gc.ca/aia/index.asp?lang=eng&page=canada&sub=constitution&doc=constitution-eng.htm. Retrieved 7 June 2010. 
  4. Elizabeth II (29 March 1867), Constitution Act, 1982, SchedB.37.1, Ottawa: Queen's Printer for Canada, http://www.solon.org/Constitutions/Canada/English/ca_1982.html, retrieved 7 June 2010 
  5. George VI (1 October 1947). Letters Patent Constituting the Office of Governor General of Canada. I. Ottawa: King's Printer for Canada. http://www.solon.org/Constitutions/Canada/English/LettersPatent.html. Retrieved 29 May 2009. 
  6. Office of the Governor General of Canada. "Media > Fact Sheets > The Swearing-In of a New Ministry". Queen's Printer for Canada. http://www.gg.ca/media/fs-fd/P1_e.asp. Retrieved 18 May 2009. 
  7. Forsey, Eugene (2005), How Canadians Govern Themselves (6 ed.), Ottawa: Queen's Printer for Canada, pp. 3–4, ISBN 0-662-39689-8, http://www2.parl.gc.ca/Sites/LOP/AboutParliament/Forsey/PDFs/How_Canadians_Govern_Themselves-6ed.pdf, retrieved 9 December 2009 
  8. 8.0 8.1 Forsey 2005, p. 38
  9. 9.0 9.1 In the Wake of Constitutional Crisis: New Survey Demonstrates that Canadians Lack Basic Understanding of Our Country's Parliamentary System, Toronto: Ipsos Reid, 15 December 2008, p. 1, http://www.dominion.ca/DominionInstituteDecember15Factum.pdf, retrieved 18 May 2010 
  10. 10.0 10.1 Forsey 2005, p. 5
  11. Library and Archives Canada. "First Among Equals: The Prime Minister in Canadian Life and Politics > Alone at the Top > Head of State". Queen's Printer for Canada. http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/primeministers/h4-2013-e.html. Retrieved 18 January 2010. 
  12. Brooks 2007, pp. 233-235
  13. 13.0 13.1 Geddes, John (25 January 2009). "Will the prorogation of Parliament set off a populist revolt?". Maclean's (Toronto: Kenneth Whyte). ISSN 0024-9262. http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/01/25/the-people-speak/. Retrieved 27 January 2010. 
  14. Brooks 2007, p. 258
  15. "Time to address democratic deficit", Toronto Star, 27 January 2010, http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/756262--time-to-address-democratic-deficit, retrieved 27 January 2010 
  16. Jackson, Michael D. (2009). "The Senior Realms of the Queen". Canadian Monarchist News (Toronto: Monarchist League of Canada) Autumn 2009 (30): 10. http://www.monarchist.ca/cmn/2009/Autumn_2009_CMN.pdf. Retrieved 17 January 2010. 
  17. Blair, Louisa (2001). Venne, Michel. ed. Vive Quebec!: new thinking and new approaches to the Quebec nation. Toronto: James Lorimer & Company. p. 91. ISBN 978-1550287349. http://books.google.com/books?id=xyNlYxdpdfcC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_navlinks_s#v=onepage&q=&f=false. 
  18. Savoie, Donald (1999). Governing from the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian Politics. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 260. ISBN 978-0802082527. 
  19. Savoie, Donald (12 May 2010), "Who has the power?", The Globe and Mail, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/who-has-the-power/article1565091/, retrieved 12 May 2010 
  20. Savoie 1999, p. 362
  21. Simpson, Jeffrey (2001). The Friendly Dictatorship. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. p. 248. ISBN 978-0771080791. 
  22. Foot, Richard (15 January 2010), "Only in Canada: Harper’s prorogation is a Canadian thing", National Post, http://www.nationalpost.com/story.html?id=2446705, retrieved 16 January 2010 
  23. MacLeod, Kevin S. (2008), A Crown of Maples (1 ed.), Ottawa: Queen's Printer for Canada, p. 16, ISBN 978-0-662-46012-1, http://www.pch.gc.ca/pgm/ceem-cced/fr-rf/crnCdn/crn_mpls-eng.pdf, retrieved 21 June 2009 
  24. Cox, Noel (September 2002). "Black v Chrétien: Suing a Minister of the Crown for Abuse of Power, Misfeasance in Public Office and Negligence". Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law (Perth: Murdoch University) 9 (3): 12. http://www.murdoch.edu.au/elaw/issues/v9n3/cox93.html. Retrieved 17 May 2009. 
  25. Neitsch, Alfred Thomas (2008). "A Tradition of Vigilance: The Role of Lieutenant Governor in Alberta". Canadian Parliamentary Review (Ottawa: Commonwealth Parliamentary Association) 30 (4). http://www2.parl.gc.ca/Sites/LOP/Infoparl/30/4/30n4_07e_Neitsch.pdf. Retrieved 22 May 2009. 
  26. Coyne, Andrew (13 November 2009). "Defending the royals". Maclean's (Toronto: Rogers Communications). ISSN 0024-9262. http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/13/defending-the-royals/. Retrieved 17 November 2009. 
  27. Coyne, Andrew (10 April 2002), "A lightning rod for patriotic love", National Post, http://andrewcoyne.com/columns/NationalPost/2002/20020410.html, retrieved 22 May 2006 
  28. "GG reflects on mandate during farewell address". CTV. 14 September 2005. http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/1126719024327_33?hub=TopStories. Retrieved 8 August 2007. 
  29. Privy Council Office. "Did You Know > The Langevin Block from Yesterday to Today". Queen's Printer for Canada. http://www.pco-bcp.gc.ca/index.asp?lang=eng&page=dyk-svq&doc=archive/langevin/dyk-svq-eng.htm. Retrieved 17 January 2010. 
  30. Naumetz, Tim (18 April 2007), "Raise boosts MPs' base salary to $150,800", Ottawa Citizen, http://www2.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=ea318a9c-4e24-4556-847e-2c162a7f1d36, retrieved 10 December 2009 
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  33. Library of Parliament. "Federal Government > Prime Ministers of Canada > Biographical Informarion > BENNETT, The Right Hon. Richard Bedford, P.C., K.C., K.G.St.J., LL.B.". Queen's Printer for Canada. http://www2.parl.gc.ca/Parlinfo/Files/Parliamentarian.aspx?Item=b9296f13-96f7-4c62-a577-63a5fc91ac2f&Language=E&Section=ALL. Retrieved 10 December 2009. 
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  50. Glassford, Larry A. (2000), "Meighen, Arthur", in English, John, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online, XVII, Ottawa: University of Toronto/Université Laval, 1951-1960, http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?&id_nbr=7987, retrieved 18 January 2010 
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  52. English, John (2000), "Trudeau, Pierre Elliott", in English, John, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online, Volume XXII, Ottawa: University of Toronto/Université Laval, 1991-2000, http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?&id_nbr=8418, retrieved 18 January 2010 

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