The People of Freedom

The People of Freedom
Il Popolo della Libertà
President Silvio Berlusconi
Coordinators Sandro Bondi,
Ignazio La Russa,
Denis Verdini
Spokesperson Daniele Capezzone
Founded 18 November 2007
(launched)
27 March 2009
(founded)
Merger of Forza Italia, National Alliance, minor parties
Headquarters via dell'Umiltà 36
00187 Rome
Membership unknown
Ideology Liberal conservatism[1], Christian democracy[1], Liberalism[2]
International affiliation none
European affiliation European People's Party
European Parliament Group European People's Party
Chamber of Deputies
238 / 630
Senate
135 / 315
European Parliament
29 / 72
Website
http://www.ilpopolodellaliberta.it
Politics of Italy
Political parties
Elections

The People of Freedom (Italian: Il Popolo della Libertà, PdL) is a centre-right political party in Italy.

The party was launched by Silvio Berlusconi on 18 November 2007 and officially founded in a party congress on 27–29 March 2009, when Forza Italia merged with National Alliance, Berlusconi was elected President of the party and Sandro Bondi, Ignazio La Russa and Denis Verdini national coordinators. In coalition with Lega Nord and the Movement for Autonomies, the party currently forms Italy's government.

Contents

History

Background

Following the run-up to the 2006 general election there had been talk among the components of the House of Freedoms regarding a possible merger into a "united party of moderates and reformers". Forza Italia (FI), the National Alliance (AN) and the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) all seemed interested in the project. Soon after the election, however, UDC leader Pier Ferdinando Casini started to distance his party from its historical allies. Lega Nord (LN) showed no interest in the idea, because of its character of regional party.

On 2 December 2006, during a big rally of the centre-right in Rome against Romano Prodi's government, Silvio Berlusconi proposed the foundation of a "Freedom Party", stressing that voters of the different parties were all part of a "people of freedom". On 21 August 2007 Michela Vittoria Brambilla, president of the Circles of Freedom, registered the name and symbol of the new party on Berlusconi's behalf. At that time, none of Berlusconi's allies seemed keen at joining the new party and it was not clear what fate would have occurred to Forza Italia.

The "running board revolution"

On 18 November 2007, after claiming the collection of more than 7 million signatures demanding the President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano to call a fresh election,[3] Silvio Berlusconi announced from the running board of a car in a crowded Piazza San Babila in Milan[4] that Forza Italia would have soon merged or transformed into a new "People of Freedom party".[5][6][7] Both supporters and critics of the new party called Berlusconi's announcement the "running board revolution" (rivoluzione del predellino).[8][9]

At the beginning, the fate of Forza Italia as a party remained unclear. It was thought that the new party's core would consist of Forza Italia, the Circles of Freedom and the Circles of Good Government, while also some minor parties of the House of Freedoms were likely to join. Gianfranco Fini made very critical statements in the days after Berlusconi's announcement, declaring the end of his support for Berlusconi as candidate for Prime Minister and that National Alliance would not have joined the new party.[10][11] Also Pier Ferdinando Casini, UDC leader, criticized the idea from the start.

Foundation and early years

After the sudden fall of Romano Prodi's government on 24 January 2008, the break-up of The Union coalition and the subsequent political crisis paving the way towards a new general election, Berlusconi hinted on 25 January that Forza Italia would have probably contested its last election and that the new party would have been founded officially only after that election. In an atmosphere of reconciliation with Gianfranco Fini, Berlusconi also stated that the new party could have seen the participation of other parties.[12] Finally, on 8 February, Berlusconi and Fini agreed to form a joint list under the banner of "The People of Freedom", in alliance with Lega Nord.[13] UDC was invited to join, but its leaders refused to do so.[14]

Several parties and groups which chose to join the PdL: Forza Italia, National Alliance, the Circles of Freedom, the Circles of Good Government, the Liberal Populars (a splinter group from the UDC), Christian Democracy for the Autonomies, the Pensioners' Party, Liberal Reformers, the Italian Republican Party, the New Italian Socialist Party, the Liberal Democrats, Decide!, Italians in the World, Social Action and the Reformist Socialists.

In the general election the PdL won 37.4% of the vote, getting elected 276 deputies and 146 senators and becoming the Italian largest party. The PdL was also the first party since Christian Democracy in 1979 to surpass the 35% of popular vote.

On 27–29 March 2009 the party held its first congress in Rome and was officially founded. Berlusconi was elected president of the party. Sandro Bondi, Ignazio La Russa and Denis Verdini were appointed national coordinators. In the 2009 European Parliament election the party won 35.2% of the vote.

In the big round of regional elections of 2010 the PdL retained Lombardy with Roberto Formigoni, gained Lazio with Renata Polverini, Campania with Stefano Caldoro and Calabria with Giuseppe Scopelliti, while Veneto was won by Luca Zaia of Lega Nord, which largely surpassed the PdL there.

Split of Gianfranco Fini

In late July 2010, after months of bickering and clashes with Berlusconi, Gianfranco Fini left the PdL and formed Future and Freedom (Futuro e Libertà, FLI). Only a minority of the deputies and senators coming from National Alliance followed their former leader Fini into the new party, but enough to hold the balance in the Chamber of Deputies.[15][16] Fini confirmed the support of his group, which counted a handful of cabinet members, to Berlusconi's government.[17]

Ideology and factions

The PdL aims to combine together the traditions of its two main predecessors, Forza Italia (FI) and National Alliance (AN), as well as of their smaller partners (Liberal Populars, Christian Democracy for the Autonomies, New Italian Socialist Party, Liberal Reformers, Social Action, etc.).

Forza Italia, launched in 1994 by Silvio Berlusconi, was joined mainly by former Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals who had seen their parties disappear amid the Tangentopoli scandals. National Alliance, successor of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), had become a respectable conservative party under the leadership of Gianfranco Fini. The two parties started to cooperate as soon as in 1994 and were the two pillars of the centre-right Pole of Good Government, Pole of Freedoms and House of Freedoms coalitions.

The "Charter of Values" of the PdL underlines the "Christian" and "liberal" character of the party, presenting itself as a defender of traditional values as well as of individual responsibility and self-determination. The document stresses the adherence of the party to the values and the platform of the European People's Party (EPP), its support for European integration and the transformation of Italy into a federal state, coherently with its alliance with Lega Nord.[18]

The PdL is a typical example of catch-all party. Although the leadership of Berlusconi is unquestioned, the party is far from being a monolith. In line with its allies within the EPP, its main political traditions are Christian democracy and liberal conservatism[1], but it is not to understimate the weight of those coming from the right-wing National Alliance and the relevant role of former Socialists, who are disproportionately represented in Berlusconi IV Cabinet. Four leading ministers (Giulio Tremonti, Franco Frattini, Maurizio Sacconi and Renato Brunetta) hail from the old PSI, while another Socialist, Fabrizio Cicchitto, is the party leader in the Chamber of Deputies.[19][20] This is not to say that all former Socialists are actually social-democratic now: for instance, while Tremonti is an outspoken critic of globalization[21] and is not enthusiastic about labour market flexibility[22], Brunetta is a free-market liberal[23][24] and, as such, frequently clashes with Tremonti.[25][26] Moreover internal alliances over policy are often inconsistent with the previous affilition of party members.

On issues such as end of life, Sacconi, who considers himself a social democrat, has sided with the party's Christian democrats and the social-conservative wing of the former AN, while several members hailing from the MSI found themselves in alliance with the liberal wing of the former FI. This is no surprise as the late MSI had also a strong secular tradition, now represented by Gianfranco Fini, while Forza Italia was home to both social-conservatives and uncompromised social-liberals. On the economy, ex-FI Giulio Tremonti has often been at odds with ex-FI liberals as Antonio Martino and Benedetto Della Vedova[27][28], while his social-democratic instincts go well with the statism of most former members of AN. In this sense, traditional values and the social market economy grew of importance in the rhetoric of the new party, replacing the small government and libertarian ideals that Forza Italia expressed since 1994. On this respect, Sacconi explained in an interview the economic settings of the PdL with the slogan "less state, more society".[29]

Berlusconi vs. Fini

Somewhat surprisingly, Gianfranco Fini, former leader of the conservative National Alliance and currently President of the Italian Chamber of Deputies, became the most influential representative of the socially liberal wing of the party due to his progressive views on stem cell research, end of life issues, advance health care directive and immigration.[30][31][32] Fini was also an outspoken supporter of the principle of separation of church and state and of a more structured party organization[33][34], while Berlusconi tends to rely on his personal charisma to lead the party from the centre and thus proposes a lighter form of party, which in his mind should be a movement-party that organizes itself only at election times.[35]

The political views of Fini, especially over moral issues and laicity were shared by the liberals of the former AN party (Adolfo Urso, Italo Bocchino, Fabio Granata, Flavia Perina, Giulia Bongiorno and Carmelo Briguglio among others), the FareFuturo foundation and by other liberal figures within the PdL, including Antonio Martino, Benedetto Della Vedova, Margherita Boniver, Renato Brunetta, Stefania Prestigiacomo and Alessandra Mussolini.[36][37][38]

If Fini was able to make inroads among the liberal and centrist ranks of the former Forza Italia[39], most former leading members of AN, notably including Ignazio La Russa and Maurizio Gasparri, became close allies of Berlusconi[40], while others, including Gianni Alemanno and Alfredo Mantovano, often sided with the party's Christian democrats.[38] At the beginning most of those hailing from AN are not eager to distance themselves too much from Fini, making him an influential leader within the PdL and the embodiment of a plural political party.[41][42][43] However, after Fini's attacks to Berlusconi became more frequent and harsher[44][45], most of them, from Gasparri to Altero Matteoli, started to distance from him.[46]

On 15 April 2010 Italo Bocchino, a Fini loyalist, launched an association named Generation Italy in order to better represent Fini's views within the party and to push for a different party organization.[47] On 15 April Fini posed a sort of ultimatum to Berlusconi and hinted the formation of separate groups from the PdL in Parliament.[48] At one point some Finiani even proposed the formation of a new party outside the PdL.[49] After some tense days emerged as a possibility that Fini and his group would have remained in the party as a minority faction.[50] On 20 April 2010 52 MPs (39 deputies and 13 senators) signed a document in support of Fini and his theses, while other 74 MPs formerly members of AN, including La Russa, Gasparri, Matteoli and Giorgia Meloni, plus the Mayor of Rome Alemanno, signed an alternative document in which they reasserted their loyalty to the party and Berlusconi.[51][52]

On 22 April 2010 the National Committee of the PdL convened in Rome for the first time in a year. The conflict bewteen Fini and Berlusconi was covered live by television. At the end of the day a resolution proposed by the party leadership was put before the assembly. The resolution was approved by a landslide margin as only 13 members of the Committee casted a "no" vote. In that occasion even some Finiani abstained or voted "yes".[53]

Since then clashes between Fini and Berlusconi became even more frequent and reached their height in late July, when Fini questioned the morality of some party bigwigs under investigation.[54] On 29 July 2010 the party executive released a document (voted by 33 members out of 37) in which Fini was described as "incompatible" with the political line of the PdL and unable to perform his job of President of the Chamber of Deputies in a neutral way. Berlusconi asked Fini to step down from his post and the executive proposed the suspension from party membership of three hard-liner Finiani (Italo Bocchino, Fabio Granata and Carmelo Briguglio) who had harshly criticized Berlusconi and accused some party members of criminal offences.[55] As response, Fini and his followers organized separate groups both in the Chamber and the Senate, the embryo of a new party called Future and Freedom (FLI).[56][57]

Factions

Although the actual factional divide in the party is not yet clear, it is possible to identify some ideologically-distinct groups:

Popular support

The People of Freedom has its strongholds in Northern Italy, especially Lombardy and Veneto, and in some regions of the South, notably Sicily and Apulia. Despite this, in the 2008 general election, the party was fairly stronger in the South, where there are more swing voters, than in the North, due to the big win of Lega Nord, which scored 27.1% in Veneto, 21.6% in Lombardy and 12.6% in Piedmont. In this respect the region where PdL scored best is Campania, with a surprising 49.1% in a traditionally centre-left region.

The electoral results of the PdL in the 10 most populated Regions of Italy are shown in the table below. As the party was launched in 2007, the electoral results from 1994 to 2006 refer to the combined result of the two main percursor parties, Forza Italia and National Alliance.

1994 general 1995 regional 1996 general 1999 European 2000 regional 2001 general 2004 European 2005 regional 2006 general 2008 general 2009 European 2010 regional
Piedmont 34.8 37.9 33.8 36.8 42.7 41.2 31.0 31.9 35.8 34.3 32.4 25.0
Lombardy 31.8 39.5 32.6 36.5 43.6 40.9 32.9 34.7 37.3 33.5 34.4 31.8
Veneto 31.4 34.7 28.8 34.3 40.2 40.5 33.6 30.8 35.8 27.4 29.3 24.7
Emilia-Romagna 25.5 28.5 26.6 29.0 32.6 33.5 28.2 27.1 28.8 28.6 27.4 24.6
Tuscany 27.3 32.2 30.1 30.4 35.2 34.7 28.7 27.9 29.5 31.6 31.4 27.1
Lazio 45.8 43.5 45.0 40.9 44.6 46.8 35.9 39.3 40.0 43.5 42.7 38.2[58]
Campania 40.2 37.2 42.1 35.9 32.1 46.9 32.7 22.5 39.8 49.1 43.5 31.7
Apulia 27.3[59] 41.1 42.5 40.7 44.2 45.4 36.4 38.9 40.5 45.6 43.2 31.1
Calabria 36.2 36.0 41.7 31.6 28.7 40.9 28.5 19.9 31.7 41.2 34.9 36.3[60]
Sicily 47.6 31.2 (1996) 48.6 38.9 36.4 (2001) 47.4 36.0 29.8 (2006) 40.0 46.6 36.4 33.4 (2008)
ITALY 34.5 - 35.8 35.5 - 41.1 32.3 - 36.0 37.4 35.3 -

Leadership

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 Parties and Elections in Europe – Italy
  2. Chiara Moroni, Da Forza Italia al Popolo della Libertà, Carocci, Rome 2008
  3. http://www.ansa.it/opencms/export/site/notizie/rubriche/daassociare/visualizza_new.html_65041167.html
  4. Corriere.it
  5. http://www.skylife.it/html/skylife/tg24/politica.html?idvideo=56053
  6. «Oggi nasce il partito del popolo italiano». Corriere della Sera
  7. http://www.ansa.it/opencms/export/site/visualizza_fdg.html_65043240.html
  8. Il futuro della rivoluzione del predellino | Tempi
  9. E per la rivoluzione del predellino il Cavaliere lascia giacca e cravatta - Repubblica.it » Ricerca
  10. «Basta con il populismo» Affondo di Fini e Casini
  11. Fini: il Vassallum? Truffa L' ira di Forza Italia
  12. Berlusconi: altri 5 anni? Farò staffetta come Blair
  13. Berlusconi: FI e An unite E dà l' ultimatum all' Udc
  14. Casini, addio a Berlusconi «Non tutti sono in vendita»
  15. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/agosto/01/Previsioni_sbagliate_sui_numeri_nel_co_8_100801004.shtml
  16. http://www.economist.com/node/16743353
  17. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/luglio/31/Premier_illiberale_non_lascio_Leali_co_8_100731001.shtml
  18. PdL - Il Popolo della Libertà - CARTA DEI VALORI
  19. De Michelis consulente di Brunetta «Io, un padre che torna ai figli»
  20. Il Socialismo Di Brunetta E La Storia Di Forza Italia
  21. E Tremonti denunciò la globalizzazione
  22. Tremonti: credo al posto fisso, non alla mobilità
  23. Premium content | Economist.com
  24. Il Paradosso Di Tremonti
  25. Brunetta: basta veti Tremonti ha commissariato il governo
  26. Il Tesoro «disorientato» Telefonata con il Cavaliere
  27. La solitudine del liberale forzistaNella raccolta di articoli dell' ex ministro Martino la contrapposizione con il colbertismo di Tremonti
  28. Martino: Pdl somiglia a fascismo, no a liberalismo | Libertiamo.it
  29. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/agosto/02/Contro_noi_cartello_cadiamo_voto_co_9_100802015.shtml
  30. «Fini, candidato ideale pd» Gelo di La Russa e Gasparri
  31. Affondo di Fini: no a leggi orientate dalla fede
  32. Fini, nuovo duello con il Senatur «Il vero suicidio è negare i diritti»
  33. Berlusconi-Fini Un faccia a faccia dopo lo scontro
  34. Dubbi nella maggioranza sullo stop alla par condicio
  35. Il premier consegna le prime case Poi l' attacco in tv
  36. Alla Camera 60 «liberal»: un altro testo? Difficile
  37. il Lodo Alfano e il Test del Voto
  38. 38.0 38.1 Fine vita, Bondi apre. E i laici: ora si cambi la legge
  39. Nel suo «fortino» al Secolo «Con lui, è un leader europeo»
  40. Il gelo degli «ex» colonnelli sul leader
  41. Lettera pro-Fini, il Pdl si divide Il leader cita in giudizio Feltri
  42. «Nel Pdl il Cavaliere è in primo piano Gianfranco viene subito dopo»
  43. Matteoli: sulla lettera Fini ha sbagliato Non ha bisogno di 50 firme per contare
  44. Fini, fuorionda su premier e mafia: quell' inchiesta, una bomba atomica
  45. Fini: Berlusconi mi rispetti
  46. I «colonnelli» e il gelo con l' ex leader Alemanno e Matteoli lontani Gasparri: è cambiato lui, non io
  47. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/marzo/15/Via_Generazione_Italia_nuova_associazione_co_9_100315008.shtml
  48. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/aprile/16/premier_risponda_ore_Fini_Berlusconi_co_8_100416013.shtml
  49. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/aprile/19/Fini_prepara_battaglia_Conta_dei_co_8_100419030.shtml
  50. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/aprile/20/Una_corrente_minoranza_Fini_prepara_co_8_100420018.shtml
  51. http://lastampa.it/redazione/cmsSezioni/politica/201004articoli/54276girata.asp
  52. http://lastampa.it/redazione/cmsSezioni/politica/201004articoli/54265girata.asp
  53. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/aprile/23/sfida_del_cofondatore_Non_sono_co_8_100423002.shtml
  54. http://www.ilgiornale.it/interni/fini_chi_e_indagato_lasci_lincarico_le_leggi_non_servano_salvare_furbi/politica-pdl-berlusconi-fini-giustizia-granata-legalita-probiviri-dell_utri-cosentino-verdini/26-07-2010/articolo-id=463524-page=0-comments=1
  55. http://www.repubblica.it/politica/2010/07/29/news/pdl_il_documento_dell_ufficio_di_presidenza-5938625/?ref=HREA-1
  56. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/luglio/31/Via_gruppi_finiani_Qualche_difficolta_co_8_100731003.shtml
  57. http://archiviostorico.corriere.it/2010/agosto/02/Finiani_pronto_gruppo_anche_Senato_co_9_100802014.shtml
  58. Combined result of the PdL (11.9%) and Lista Polverini (26.3%), Renata Polverini's personal list (26.3%). The PdL failed to present a list in the Province of Rome and thus most PdL voters voted for Lista Polverini instead.
  59. Forza Italia failed to present a list and, although most centre-right voters voted for National Alliance, some of them voted for PPI and Patto Segni.
  60. Combined result of the PdL (26.4%) and Lista Scopelliti (9.9%), Giuseppe Scopelliti's personal list.

External links