Lehi (group)

Lehi emblem

Lehi (Hebrew pronunciation: [ˈleχi], an acronym for Lohamei Herut Israel, "Fighters for the Freedom of Israel", לח"י - לוחמי חרות ישראל), commonly referred to as the Stern Group or Stern Gang,^[1] was an armed underground Zionist group founded by Avraham Stern in the British Mandate of Palestine^[2] with the avowed aim of forcibly evicting the British authorities from Palestine, allowing unrestricted immigration of Jews and the formation of a Jewish state.

Initially called the National Military Organization in Israel,^[3] it was the smallest and most radical of Mandatory Palestine's three Zionist paramilitary groups (Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi), and never had more than a few hundred members. Lehi split from the Irgun in 1940 and by 1948 was identified with both religious Zionism (although most members were not Orthodox Jews) and left-wing nationalism (despite most members wanting to remain politically unaligned).^[4][5]

It carried out the November 1944 assassination in Cairo of Lord Moyne, along with several attacks on the British administration in Palestine. It was described as a terrorist organization by the British authorities^[6] and was banned by the newly-formed Israeli government under an anti-terrorism law passed three days after the group's September 1948 assassination of the UN mediator Folke Bernadotte.^[7] The United Nations Security Council called the assassins "a criminal group of terrorists,"^[8] and Lehi was similarly condemned by subsequent United Nations mediator Ralph Bunche.^[9]

Israel granted a general amnesty to Lehi members on 14 February 1949. In 1980 the group was honored by the institution of the Lehi ribbon, a military decoration awarded "for military service towards the establishment of the State of Israel".^[10] Future Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Shamir was among its leaders.

Foundations and founding

Avraham Stern

Avraham ("Yair") Stern was a member of the Irgun (Irgun Tsvai Leumi, National Military Organization) high command. In June 1940, when the Irgun decided to suspend its underground military activities against the British during the World War II, he left the Irgun to form his own group, which he called Irgun Tsvai Leumi B'Yisrael (National Military Organization in Israel).

While Zeev Jabotinsky, who at the time was recognized as the Irgun's supreme commander, had hoped that diplomacy and working with the Britain would prevail for the Jewish cause, Stern argued that the time for Zionist diplomacy was over and the time had arrived for armed struggle against the British. For Stern, 'no difference existed between Hitler and Chamberlain, between Dachau or Buchenwald and sealing the gates of Eretz Israel.'^[11]

Stern believed that the Jewish population of Palestine should fight, rather than support, the British in the War. He was vigorously opposed to the White Paper of 1939, which sharply reduced both Jewish immigration and the ability of Jews to purchase land in Palestine. He believed that immigration to Palestine should be available to Jewish refugees fleeing from Europe, and that this was the most important issue of the day. It was over the issue of the British that Stern and his long-time friend David Raziel split. Raziel believed that the Yishuv should assist Britain in their fight against Nazi Germany; he was killed in Iraq in 1941 during a mission for the British forces. Stern believed that dying for the 'foreign occupier' who was obstructing the creation of the Jewish State was useless. He differentiated between 'enemies of the Jewish people' (e.g., the British) and 'Jew haters' (e.g. the Nazis), believing that the former needed to be defeated and the latter manipulated.

In 1940, the idea of the Final Solution was still "unthinkable," and Stern believed that Hitler wanted to make Germany judenrein through emigration, as opposed to extermination. In December 1940, he initiated contact with Nazi authorities, in order to enlist their aid in establishing the Jewish state in Palestine open to Jewish refugees from Nazism. He proposed to recruit some 40,000 Jews from occupied Europe with the intention of invading Palestine to oust the British. The Nazis did not take this proposal seriously, however, and nothing was to come of it.^[11]

Goals and methods

Lehi had three main goals:

• to bring together all those interested in liberation (that is, those willing to join in active fighting against the British)
• to appear before the world as the only active Jewish military organization
• to take over the Land of Israel by armed force^[12]

The group believed in its early years that its goals would be achieved by finding a strong international ally that would expel the British from Palestine, or Eretz Yisrael (the Jewish name for the land), in return for help from the Jewish military; this would in turn require the creation of a broad and organised military force "demonstrating its desire for freedom through military operations."^[13]

An article titled "Terror" in He Khazit (The Front, a Lehi underground newspaper) argued as follows:

Neither Jewish ethics nor Jewish tradition can disqualify terrorism as a means of combat. We are very far from having any moral qualms as far as our national war goes. We have before us the command of the Torah, whose morality surpasses that of any other body of laws in the world: "Ye shall blot them out to the last man." But first and foremost, terrorism is for us a part of the political battle being conducted under the present circumstances, and it has a great part to play: speaking in a clear voice to the whole world, as well as to our wretched brethren outside this land, it proclaims our war against the occupier. We are particularly far from this sort of hesitation in regard to an enemy whose moral perversion is admitted by all. ^[14]

The article described the goals of terror:

• It demonstrates ... against the true terrorist who hides behind his piles of papers and the laws he has legislated.
• It is not directed against people, it is directed against representatives. Therefore it is effective.
• If it also shakes the Yishuv from their complacency, good and well.^[14]

Yitzhak Shamir, one of the trio of leaders of Lehi after Yair Stern's assassination, argued for the legitimacy of Lehi's actions:

There are those who say that to kill Martin (a British sergeant) is terrorism, but to attack an army camp is guerrilla warfare and to bomb civilians is professional warfare. But I think it is the same from the moral point of view. Is it better to drop an atomic bomb on a city than to kill a handful of persons? I don’t think so. But nobody says that President Truman was a terrorist. All the men we went for individually — Wilkin, Martin, MacMichael and others — were personally interested in succeeding in the fight against us. So it was more efficient and more moral to go for selected targets. In any case, it was the only way we could operate, because we were so small. For us it was not a question of the professional honor of a soldier, it was the question of an idea, an aim that had to be achieved. We were aiming at a political goal. There are many examples of what we did to be found in the Bible — Gideon and Samson, for instance. This had an influence on our thinking. And we also learned from the history of other peoples who fought for their freedom — the Russian and Irish revolutionaries, Garibaldi and Tito.^[15]

18 Principles of Rebirth

Avraham Stern put forth the ideology of his organization in what was called the 18 Principles of Rebirth:^[16]

1. The nation: The Jewish people is a covenanted people, the originator of monotheism, formulator of the prophetic teachings, standard bearer of human culture, guardian of glorious patrimony. The Jewish people is schooled in self-sacrifice and suffering; its vision, survivability and faith in redemption are indestructible.
2. The homeland: The homeland in the Land of Israel within the borders delineated in the Bible ("To your descendants, I shall give this land, from the River of Egypt to the great Euphrates River." Genesis 15:18) This is the land of the living, where the entire nation shall live in safety.
3. The nation and its land: Israel conquered the land with the sword. There it became a great nation and only there it will be reborn. Hence Israel alone has a right to that land. This is an absolute right. It has never expired and never will.
4. The Goals
   1. Redemption of the land.
   2. Establishment of sovereignty.
   3. Revival of the nation.

      There is no sovereignty without the redemption of the land, and there is no national revival without sovereignty.

   These are the goals of the organization during the period of war and conquest

5. Education: Educate the nation to love freedom and zealously guard Israel's eternal patrimony. Inculcate the idea that the nation is master to its own fate. Revive the doctrine that "The sword and the book came bound together from heaven" (Midrash Vayikra Rabba 35:8)
6. Unity: The unification of the entire nation around the banner of the Hebrew freedom movement. The use of the genius, status and resources of individuals and the channeling of the energy, devotion and revolutionary fervour of the masses for the war of liberation.
7. Pacts: Make pacts with all those who are willing to help the struggle of the organization and provide direct support.
8. Force: Consolidate and increase the fighting force in the homeland and in the Diaspora, in the underground and in the barracks, to become the Hebrew army of liberation with its flag, arms, and commanders.
9. War: Constant war against those who stand in the way of fulfilling the goals.
10. Conquest: The conquest of the homeland from foreign rule and its eternal possession.

    These are the tasks of the movement during the period of sovereignty and redemption

11. Sovereignty: Renewal of Hebrew sovereignty over the redeemed land.
12. Rule of justice: The establishment of a social order in the spirit of Jewish morality and prophetic justice. Under such an order no one will go hungry or unemployed. All will live in harmony, mutual respect and friendship as an example to the world.
13. Reviving the wilderness: Build the ruins and revive the wilderness for mass immigration and population increase.
14. Aliens: Solve the problem of alien population [i.e. the Arab inhabitants of Palestine] by exchange of population.
15. Ingathering of the exiles: Total in-gathering of the exiles to their sovereign state.
16. Power: The Hebrew nation shall become a first-rate military, political, cultural and economical entity in the Middle East and around the Mediterranean Sea.
17. Revival: The revival of the Hebrew language as a spoken language by the entire nation, the renewal of the historical and spiritual might of Israel. The purification of the national character in the fire of revival.
18. The temple: The building of the Third Temple as a symbol of the new era of total redemption.

Relationship with fascism and socialism

Unlike the left-wing Haganah and right-wing Irgun, Lehi members were not a homogeneous collective with a single political, religious, or economic ideology. They were a combination of militants united by the goal of liberating the land of Israel from British rule. Most Lehi leaders defined their organisation as an anti-imperialism movement and stated that their opposition to British colonial rule in Palestine was not based on a particular policy but rather on the presence of a foreign power over the homeland of the Jewish people. Avraham Stern defined the British Mandate as “foreign rule” regardless of their policies and took a radical position against such imperialism even if it were to be benevolent.^[17]

In the early years of the state of Israel Lehi veterans could be found supporting nearly all political parties and some Lehi leaders founded a left-wing political party called the Fighters' List with Natan Yellin-Mor as its head. The party took part in the elections in January 1949 and won a single parliamentary seat. A number of Lehi veterans established the Semitic Action movement in 1956 which sought the creation of a regional federation encompassing Israel and its Arab neighbors ^[18][19] on the basis of an anti-colonialist alliance with other indigenous inhabitants of the Middle East.^[20]

Some writers have stated that Lehi's true goals were the creation of a totalitarian state.^[21] Perlinger and Weinberg write that the organisation's ideology placed "its world view in the quasi-fascist radical Right, which is characterised by xenophobia, a national egotism that completely subordinates the individual to the needs of the nation, anti-liberalism, total denial of democracy and a highly centralised government."^[22] Perliger and Weinberg state that most Lehi members were admirers of the Italian Fascist movement.^[13]

Others counter these claims by pointing out that while Lehi founder Avraham Stern studied in Italy he refused to join the Fascist student association called "Gruppo Universitario Fascista" that foreign students were invited to, in spite of the fact that those joined were given serious reductions in tuition.^[23] Moreover, during the time he spent in Russia, Stern was a member of the Pioneer movement which was the young pre-Komsomol layer of the communist Party in the USSR.^[24] He also created the Histadrut of the Hebrew Tzofim Hashomer Hatzair in Suwałki which derived its ideology from youth organizations Hatzofim and socialist movements like Hashomer Hatzair and Hehalutz.^[25] Supporting theories of Stern's progressive leanings is his comment that "We... want to establish the Kingdom of Israel and to rebuild it on the eternal foundations of Fraternity, Respect and Friendship to all the nation's sons whoever they are."^[26]

Evolution and tactics of the organization

Many of Lehi combatants received professional training. Some of them even attended military schools in Civitavecchia, run by the fascist government of Benito Mussolini.^[27]

Some Lehi members had received military training from instructors of the Polish Armed Forces in 1938-1939, months before World War II began. In Zofiówka of Wołyń, Podębin near Łódź, and forests around Andrychów, they were taught how to use explosives. One of them reported later:

Poles treated terrorism as a science. We have mastered mathematical principles of demolishing constructions made of concrete, iron, wood, bricks and dirt.^[27]

The group was initially unsuccessful. Early attempts to raise funds through criminal activities, including a bank robbery in Tel Aviv in 1940 and another robbery on 9 January 1942 in which Jewish passers-by were killed, brought about the temporary collapse of the group. An attempt to assassinate the head of the British secret police in Lod in which three police personnel were killed, two Jewish and one British, elicited a severe response from the British and Jewish establishments who collaborated in an effort to eliminate the underground organisation.^[28]

Stern's group was seen as a terrorist organisation by the British authorities, who instructed the Defence Security Office (the colonial branch of MI5) to track down its leaders. In 1942, Stern, after he was arrested, was shot dead in disputed circumstances by Inspector Geoffrey Morton of the CID.^[29] The arrest of several other members led momentarily to the group's eclipse, until it was revived after the September 1942 escape of two of its leaders Yitzhak Shamir and Eliyahu Giladi (later killed by the group under circumstances that remain mysterious) aided by two other escapees Natan Yellin-Mor (Friedman) and Israel Eldad (Sheib).^[28] Shamir (who would later become Prime Minister of Israel), was known by the codename "Michael" which was a reference to one of Shamir's heroes, Michael Collins. Lehi was guided by spiritual and philosophical leaders such as Uri Zvi Greenberg and Israel Eldad. The smallest by far of any of the Jewish armed groups during the Mandatory era, it never attracted more than a few hundred followers, and was reviled by most other Jews. After the killing of Giladi, the organization was led by a triumvirate of Eldad, Shamir, and Yellin-Mor.

Lehi adopted a non-socialist platform of Anti-Imperialist ideology. It viewed the continued British rule of Palestine as a violation of the Mandate's provision generally, and its restrictions on Jewish immigration to be an intolerable breach of international law. However they also targeted Jews whom they regarded as traitors, and during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War they joined in operations with the Haganah and Irgun against Arab targets, for example Deir Yassin.

According to a compilation by Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Lehi was responsible for 42 assassinations altogether, more than twice as many as those of the Irgun and Haganah combined during the same period. Of those Lehi assassinations that Ben-Yehuda classified as political, more than half the victims were Jews.^[30]

Lehi also rejected the authority of the Jewish Agency and related organizations, operating entirely on its own throughout nearly all of its existence.

Lehi prisoners captured by the British generally refused to present a defence when brought to trial. They would only read out statements in which they declared that the court, representing an occupying force, had no jurisdiction over them and therefore was illegal. For the same reason, Lehi prisoners refused to plead for amnesty, even when it was clear that this would have spared them the death penalty. In one case Moshe Barazani, a Lehi member, and Meir Feinstein, an Irgun member, committed suicide in prison with a grenade smuggled inside an orange in order to deprive the British of the ability to hang them.

Contact with Nazi authorities

German cover letter from January 11, 1941 attached to a description of an offer for an alliance with Nazi Germany attributed to Lehi.

In 1940, Lehi proposed intervening in World War II on the side of Nazi Germany. It offered assistance in "transferring" the Jews of Europe, in return for Germany's help in expelling Britain from Mandate Palestine. Late in 1940, Lehi representative Naftali Lubenchik was sent to Beirut where he met the German official Werner Otto von Hentig (who also was involved with the Haavara or "Transfer" Agreement, which had been transferring German Jews and their funds to Palestine since 1933). Lubenchik told von Hentig that Lehi had not yet revealed its full power and that they were capable of organizing a whole range of anti-British operations.

On the assumption that the destruction of Britain was the Germans' top objective, the organization offered cooperation in the following terms: From the NMO side: full cooperation in sabotage, espionage and intelligence and up to wide military operations in the Middle East and in eastern Europe anywhere where the Irgun had Jewish cells, active and trained and in some places with weapons. From the German side, the following declarations and actions were demanded: (1) Full recognition of an independent Jewish state in Palestine/Eretz Israel; (2) That the ability to immigrate to Palestine be conceded to all Jews, with no restriction of numbers, who, in leaving their homes in Europe, by their own will or because of government injunctions.^[31]

On 11 January 1941, a letter that would be later referred to as the Ankara document was sent from Vice Admiral Ralf von der Marwitz, the German Naval attaché in Ankara, depicting an offer by Lehi to "actively take part in the war on Germany's side" in return for German support for "the establishment of the historic Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis, bound by a treaty with the German Reich."^[32][33]

There are three possibilities as to how the offer reached the German Naval attaché in Ankara. One is that en route to Germany, von Hentig was delayed in Ankara and delivered his version of the offer orally to von der Marwitz and von der Marwitz wrote the letter using his words. The second is that Colombani (a general in French intelligence) invented the offer because of personal rivalry between himself and other Vichy officials: this rivalry is known from a paragraph in von der Marwitz' letter, "Colombani is of the opinion that his return to France is a consequence of co-operation of Conti with Minister Pierroton," or, third, that Colombani wanted the offer to fail: he had co-operated with the Mufti of Jerusalem in Lebanon in 1938-1939 and was also the one who took him in his car through Syria to the Iraqi border in 1939.^[31]

In any case, von der Marwitz delivered the offer, classified as secret, to the German Ambassador in Turkey and on January 21, 1941 it was sent to Berlin. There was never any response. Von Hentig would later say that he believed it was important to help the Jews establish a country.^[34]

Lehi's leader, Avraham Stern, lost much support after seeking a modus vivendi with Nazi Germany.^[35]

Later history

As a group that never had over a few hundred members, Lehi relied on audacious but small-scale operations to bring their message home. They adopted the tactics of groups such as the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party in Czarist Russia,^[36] and the Irish Republican Army, who had successfully used guerrilla warfare to force the British out of most of Ireland in the 1920s. To this end, Lehi conducted small-scale operations such as assassinations of British soldiers and police officers and Jewish "collaborators." Another strategy, (1947) was to send bombs in the mail to many British politicians. Other actions included sabotaging infrastructure targets: bridges, railroads, and oil refineries. Lehi financed their operations from private donations, extortion, and bank robbery.

Lehi was one of the groups involved in massacres of Arabs according to Israeli historian Benny Morris, see List of massacres committed during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

Assassination of Lord Moyne

On 6 November 1944, Lehi assassinated Lord Moyne in Cairo. Moyne was the highest ranking British government representative in the region. Yitzhak Shamir claimed later that Moyne was assassinated because of his support for a Middle Eastern Arab Federation and anti-Semitic lectures in which Arabs were held to be racially superior to Jews.^[37] The assassination rocked the British government, and outraged Winston Churchill, the British Prime Minister. The two assassins, Eliahu Bet-Zouri and Eliahu Hakim were captured and used their trial as a platform to make public their political propaganda. They were executed. In 1975 their bodies were returned to Israel and given a state funeral.^[38] In 1982, postage stamps were issued for 20 Olei Hagardom, including Bet-Zouri and Hakim, in a souvenir sheet called "Martyrs of the struggle for Israel's independence." ^[39][40]

British police station in Haifa

On 12 January 1947, Lehi members drove a truckload of explosives into a British police station in Haifa killing four and injuring 140.

Cairo-Haifa train bombings

During the lead-up to the 1948 Arab-Israeli war the Cairo-Haifa train was mined several times. On 29 February 1948, Lehi mined the train north of Rehovot, killing 28 soldiers and wounding 35. On 31 March, the train was mined near Binyamina killing 40 civilians and wounding 60.

Deir Yassin massacre

One of the most widely known acts of Lehi was the attack on the Palestinian-Arab village of Deir Yassin.

In the months leading up to the British evacuation from Palestine, the Arab League-sponsored Arab Liberation Army (ALA) managed to seize several strategic vantage points along the road between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, cutting off Jerusalem's supply route and entrapping the city’s Jewish inhabitants. By March 1948, the road was cut off and Jerusalem was under siege. In response, the Haganah launched Operation Nachshon to break the siege.

On April 6, in an effort to secure strategic positions, the Haganah and its strike force, the Palmach, attacked al-Qastal, a village two kilometers north of Deir Yassin also overlooking the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv highway.^[41]

On 9 April 1948, about 120 members of Lehi and Irgun, in cooperation with the Haganah, attacked Deir Yassin, killing between 100 and 120 inhabitants, mostly civilians.^[42] The attack, labeled a massacre by the Jewish Agency, Arab League and foreign journalists, led to criticism and indignation from the international community, the more so since the press of the time reported that the death toll was 254. David Ben-Gurion roundly condemned the attack,^[43] as did the principal Jewish authorities: Haganah, the Chief Rabbinate and the Jewish Agency for Israel, who sent a letter of condemnation, apology and condolence to King Abdullah I.^[44]

According to historian Morris, "the most important immediate effect of the atrocity and the media campaign that followed it was how one started to report the fear felt in Palestinian Arab towns and villages, and, later, the panicked fleeing from them."^[44] Lehi similarly interpreted events at Deir Yassin as turning the tide of war in favor of the Jews. Lehi leader Israel Eldad would later write in his memoirs from the underground period that “without Deir Yassin the State of Israel could never have been established.”^[45][46]

Lehi veteran Ezra Yakhin, who had been wounded during the battle of Deir Yassin, offers a detailed eleven page account of the events in his memoirs from the period. In it, he attributes the high number of civilian casualties to confusion created by Arab soldiers dressed as women and the killing of several Lehi and Irgun fighters by Arab snipers early in the battle.^[47]

Both Lehi and Irgun denied that an organized massacre took place at Deir Yassin. Both organizations asserted that the battle had been characterized by heavy fighting and that their troops were under attack from rifles and machine-guns from almost every house. Both also pointed out the relatively high rate of their own casualties (attributed to the fact that they had deliberately forsworn the advantages of surprise by issuing a warning via loudspeaker prior to the attack), the large number of weapons they had captured from fallen Arabs and the number of Iraqi and Syrian soldiers among the casualties, which indicated that there had been “units of the regular army encamped there.”^[48][49]

News of the killings sparked terror within the Palestinian community, encouraging them to flee, and strengthened the resolve of Arab governments to intervene, which they did five weeks later by invading Palestine after Israel's declaration of independence on May 14.

Dissolution

The conflict between Lehi and mainstream Jewish and subsequently Israeli organizations came to an end when Lehi was formally dissolved and integrated into the Israeli Defense Forces on 31 May 1948, its leaders getting amnesty from prosecution or reprisals as part of the integration.

Assassination of Count Folke Bernadotte

UN mediator Count Folke Bernadotte was assassinated by Lehi in Jerusalem in 1948.

Although Lehi had stopped operating nationally after May 1948, the group continued to function in Jerusalem. On 17 September 1948, Lehi assassinated UN mediator Count Folke Bernadotte who had been sent to broker a settlement in the dispute. The assassination was directed by Yehoshua Zettler and carried out by a four-man team led by Meshulam Makover. The fatal shots were fired by Yehoshua Cohen. Three days later the Government banned Lehi as a terrorist organization.^[50][51]

Lehi leaders Nathan Yellin-Mor and Matitiahu Schmulevitz were arrested two months later, with Yellin-Mor being sentenced to eight years in prison, though most of the other suspects involved were released immediately. The group was then forcefully broken up for good.

Into Politics

Some of the Lehi leadership founded a left-wing political party called the Fighters' List with the jailed Yellin-Mor as its head. The party took part in the elections in January 1949 and won one seat. Thanks to a general amnesty for Lehi members granted on 14 February 1949, Yellin-Mor was released from prison to take up his place in the Knesset. However, the party disbanded after failing to win a seat in the 1951 elections.

A number of Lehi veterans later established the Semitic Action movement in 1956 which sought the creation of a regional federation encompassing Israel and its Arab neighbors ^[18][19] on the basis of an anti-colonialist alliance with other indigenous inhabitants of the Middle East.^[20]

Not all Lehi alumni gave up political violence after independence: former members were involved in the activities of the Kingdom of Israel militant group, the 1957 assassination of Rudolf Kastner, and likely the 1952 attempted assassination of David-Zvi Pinkas.^{[52][53][54][55]}

The Lehi ribbon

Service ribbon

In 1980, Israel instituted the Lehi ribbon, red, black, grey, pale blue and white, which is awarded to former members of the Lehi underground who wished to carry it.

The Lehi Anthem "Unknown Soldiers"

The lyrics of "Unknown Soldiers" were written by Avraham 'Yair' Stern, the founder of Lehi. This was one of the first songs written by Stern. He composed the song together with his wife Roni. The song became the anthem of Etzel and remained so until 1940 when Lehi broke into a separate group. The song expresses an unlimited willingness to sacrifice. The anthem is used by veteran members of the group in gatherings as well as by some political groups from time to time, from both ends of the political map.

Full text of the song :^[56]

Prominent members of Lehi

A number of Lehi's members went on to play important roles in Israel's public life.

• Geula Cohen, member of the Knesset
• Israel Eldad, leader in the Israeli national camp
• Boaz Evron, left-wing journalist
• Maxim Ghilan, Israeli journalist, author and peace activist
• Uri Zvi Greenberg
• Amos Kenan, writer
• Baruch Korff
• Yitzhak Shamir, Israeli prime minister 1983-1984 and 1986-1992.
• Shimon Tzabar
• Natan Yellin-Mor, member of the Knesset 1949-1951, leftist advocate of peace with Arabs.^[58]

See also

• Roy Farran, letter bomb incident
• Hamaas an official publication of the Lehi.

Notes

References

• (Hebrew) Amichal Yevin, Ada (1986). In purple: the life of Yair-Abraham Stern. Tel Aviv: Hadar Publishing House.
• Bell, J. Bowyer (1977). Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, Lehi, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949. Avon. ISBN 0-380-39396-4
• Ben-Yehuda, Nachman (1998). Political Violence. Political Assassinations as a Quest for Justice. In Robert R. Friedmann (Ed.). Crime and Criminal Justice in Israel: Assessing The Knowledge base Toward The Twenty-first Century (pp. 139–184). SUNY Press. ISBN 0-7914-3713-2.
• Golan, Zev (2003). Free Jerusalem: Heroes, Heroines and Rogues Who Created the State of Israel. Devora. ISBN 1-930143-54-0
• Heller, J. (1995). The Stern Gang. Frank Cass. ISBN 0-7146-4558-3
• Iviansky, Z. (1986) "Lechi's Share in the Struggle for Israel's Liberation," in: Ely Tavin and Yonah Alexander (Ed.).Terrorists or freedom fighters, Fairfax, Va.: HERO Books.
• Katz, E. (1987). "LECHI: Fighters for the freedom of Israel", Tel Aviv: Yair Publishers
• Lustick, Ian S. (1994). "Terrorism in the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Targets and Audiences." In Crenshaw, Martha (ed). Terrorism in Context (pp. 514–552). University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 0-271-01015-0
• Marton, K. (1994). A death in Jerusalem. Pantheon. ISBN 0-679-42083-5 — Bernadotte assassination
• Munson, Henry (2005). Religion and violence. Religion, 35: 223-246.
• Perliger, Arie and Weinberg, Leonard (2003). Jewish Self-Defence and Terrorist Groups Prior to the Establishment of the State of Israel: Roots and Traditions. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Volume 4, Number 3, pp. 91–118.

External links

• http://www.lehi.org.il/ (Hebrew)
• British wanted poster from 1940s
• Yehoshua Zettler - Daily Telegraph obituary