Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg
| Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg | |
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| In office July 14, 1909 – July 13, 1917 |
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| Monarch | Wilhelm II |
| Preceded by | Prince Bülow |
| Succeeded by | Georg Michaelis |
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| Born | November 29, 1856 |
| Died | January 1, 1921 |
| Political party | none |
Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg (November 29, 1856– January 1, 1921) was a German politician and statesman who served as Chancellor of the German Empire from 1909 to 1917.
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Biography
Early life
He was born in 1856 in Hohenfinow, Brandenburg, the son of Prussian official Felix von Bethmann-Hollweg and grandson of August von Bethmann-Hollweg, who had been a prominent law scholar, president of Frederick William University in Berlin, and Prussian Minister of Culture. Cosima Wagner was his relative from the von Bethmanns side. Theobald's mother Isabella de Rougemont was a French Swiss. A June 1919 Associated Press report from Berlin refers to the former chancellor as "of Jewish descent,"[1] which is in fact wrong.[2]
He was educated at the boarding school of Schulpforta and at the Universities of Strasbourg, Leipzig and Berlin. Entering the Prussian administrative service in 1882 he rose to the position of the President of the Province of Brandenburg in 1899. In 1889, Bethmann-Hollweg married Martha von Pfuel, niece of Ernst von Pfuel, Prime Minister of Prussia. From 1905 to 1907 Bethmann-Hollweg served as Prussian Minister of Interior, then as Imperial State Secretary for the Interior from 1907 to 1909. In 1909, on the resignation of Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow, Bethmann-Hollweg was appointed to succeed him.[3]
In power
In foreign policy, he pursued a policy of détente with Britain, hoping to come to some agreement that would put a halt to the two countries' ruinous naval arms race, but failed, largely due to the opposition of German Naval Minister Alfred von Tirpitz. Despite the increase in tensions due to the Second Moroccan Crisis of 1911, Bethmann-Hollweg did improve relations with England to some extent, working with British foreign secretary Sir Edward Grey to alleviate tensions during the Balkan Crises of 1912-1913, and negotiating treaties over an eventual partition of the Portuguese colonies and the Berlin-Baghdad railway. In domestic politics, Bethmann-Hollweg's record was also mixed, and his policy of the "diagonal", which endeavoured to maneuver between the Socialists and Liberals of the left and the right-wing nationalists of the right, only succeeded in alienating most of the German political establishment.
Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, Bethmann-Hollweg and Foreign Secretary Gottlieb von Jagow were instrumental in urging the Austrians to take a tough stand against Serbia, and later, took steps to prevent Grey's efforts to impose a peaceful solution on the quarreling parties. In the last days before the outbreak of war, however, he seems to have had some second thoughts, and he took half-hearted measures to support Grey's proposals of mediation, until Russia's mobilization on July 31, 1914, took the matter out of his hands.
Bethmann-Hollweg, much of whose foreign policy before the war had been guided by his desire to establish good relations with Britain, was particularly upset by Britain's declaration of war following German violation of Belgium's neutrality in the course of her invasion of France, reportedly asking the departing British Ambassador Goschen how Britain could go to war over a "mere scrap of paper" (the Treaty of London of 1839 which guaranteed Belgium's neutrality), a remark which would become infamous for its demonstration of German insensitivity to international law and treaty rights. However, it is accepted that Hollweg was involved closely in the decisions that authorised plans to destabilise Britain's colonies, most notably the Hindu German Conspiracy.
During the war, Bethmann-Hollweg has usually been seen as having generally attempted to pursue a relatively moderate policy, but having been frequently outflanked by the military leaders, who played an increasingly important role in the direction of all German policy. However, this view has been partially superseded, as the work of historian Fritz Fischer in the 1960s showed that Bethmann-Hollweg made more concessions to the nationalist right than had previously been thought. He supported the goal of ethnically cleansing Poles from the Polish Border Strip, as well germanisation of Polish territories by settlement of German colonists.[4] He presented the Septemberprogramm, which outlined the aggressively expansionist goals for the war. After Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff replaced the more ineffectual Erich von Falkenhayn at the General Staff in the summer of 1916, his hopes for American President Woodrow Wilson's mediation at the end of 1916 came to nothing, and, over Bethmann-Hollweg's objections, Hindenburg and Ludendorff forced the adoption of unrestricted submarine warfare in March 1917, which led to the United States's entry into the war the next month. Bethmann-Hollweg, all credibility and power lost, remained in office until July of that year, when a Reichstag revolt, resulting in the passage of the famous Peace Resolution by an alliance of the Social Democratic, Progressive, and Center parties, forced his resignation and replacement by the political nonentity Georg Michaelis.
Inaction on Armenian Genocide
Turkey, allied with Germany during the war, pursued a campaign of mass expulsion and killings against Armenians beginning in 1915. Despite numerous dispatches from German diplomats urging action to be taken, the Reichskanzler refused to step in on behalf of the Armenians. Special Ambassador Wolff-Metternich addressed Bethmann Hollweg on 7 December 1915 from Constantinople:
They claim that exigencies of war require that inciters be punished, while at the same time they are dodging the charge that hundreds of thousands of women, children and elderly are being thrust into misery and put to death. ( … ) Our newspapers must give voice to concerns about the persecution of Armenians and stop showering praise on the Turks. What they are doing is [made possible by] our work, our officers, our artillery, our money. Without our help the bloated frog will collapse in on itself. ( … ) To succeed in the Armenian question, we must put fear in the hearts of the Turkish leadership regarding the consequences. (…) Talaat Bey is the soul of the persecution of Armenians.[5]
On 16 December, Bethmann Hollweg wrote in the margin:
The proposed public dressing down of an ally in the midst of a war would be a disciplinary measure unprecedented in history. Our only goal is to keep Turkey by our side until the end of the war, regardless of whether Armenians perish in the process or not. If the war continues for much longer we will yet have great need of the Turks. I do not comprehend how Metternich can make such a proposal ( … )[6]
Later life
Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg received prominent attention throughout the world in June 1919, when he formally asked the Allied and associated powers to place him on trial instead of Kaiser Wilhelm II. The Supreme War Council decided to ignore his request. He was often mentioned as among those who might be tried by Allies for political offenses in connection with the origin of the war. In 1919 reports from Geneva said he was credited in diplomatic circles there as being at the bottom of the Monarchist movement in favor of both the Hohenzollerns and Habsburgs, the nucleus of which was said to be under way in Switzerland.[3]
Bethmann-Hollweg spent the short remainder of his life in retirement, writing his memoirs. A little after Christmas 1920, he caught a cold which developed into acute pneumonia. He died from this illness on January 1, 1921. His wife died in 1914 and he lost his eldest son in the war. He was survived by a daughter, Countess Zeech, wife of the Secretary of the Russian Legation at Munich.[3]
See also
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Bibliography
- Wolfgang Gust, ed.: Der Völkermord an den Armeniern 1915/15: Dokumente aus dem Politischen Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts, preface by Vahakn N. Dadrian, in German with summary English translations ("abstracts") of documents; ISBN 3-934920-59-4, published by zu Klampen Verlag, Springe 2005
References
- ↑ "Chancellor Writes Allies; Says he is responsible for Emperor's acts while in office", New York Times. June 30, 1919.
- ↑ Carr, Jonathan (2007). The Wagner Clan. Grove Press. p. 87. ISBN 0-8021-4399-7. http://books.google.de/books?id=yivc0h62bA0C&pg=PA87&lpg=PA87&dq=jonathan+carr+bethmann&source=bl&ots=pp4zJXqLw0&sig=fACdsEhIHcyRG6gfVtMaoq002uM&hl=de&ei=qBkyS4m8IND__AbfnsyPCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CAsQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=bethmann&f=false. Retrieved 2009-12-23.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Scrap of Paper Chancellor of Germany Dies, The Globe. Toronto, January 3, 1921. accessed on October 8, 2006.
- ↑ Isabel V. Hull Cornell (2005). "Absolute Destruction: Military Culture And The Practices Of War In Imperial Germany". University Press. p. 233. http://books.google.de/books?id=4tiHdU0OxXUC&pg=PP7&dq=Absolute+Destruction:+Military+Culture+And+The+Practices+Of+War+In+Imperial+Germany%22+Isabel+V.+Hull+Cornell&lr=&as_brr=3. Retrieved 2009-07-07.
- ↑ "Sie verschanzen sich hinter Kriegsnotwendigkeiten, daß Aufrührer bestraft werden müßten, und gehen der Anklage aus dem Wege, daß Hunderttausende von Frauen, Kindern und Greisen ins Elend gestoßen werden und umkommen. Ohne unsere Hülfe fällt der geblähte Frosch in sich selbst zusammen. (…) Um in der Armenierfrage Erfolg zu haben, müssen wir der türkischen Regierung Furcht vor den Folgen einflössen (…) Die Seele der Armenierverfolgung ist Talaat Bey." Gust 2005, Document 1915-12-07-DE-001, p.394-5.
- ↑ "Die vorgeschlagene öffentliche Koramierung eines Bundesgenossen während laufenden Krieges wäre eine Maßregel, wie sie in der Geschichte noch nicht dagewesen ist. Unser einziges Ziel ist, die Türkei bis zum Ende des Krieges an unserer Seite zu halten, gleichgültig ob darüber Armenier zu Grunde gehen oder nicht. Bei länger andauerndem Kriege werden wir die Türken noch sehr brauchen, Ich begreife nicht, wie Metternich diesen Vorschlag machen kann (…)." Gust 2005, Document 1915-12-07-DE-001, p.395.
External links
| Political offices | ||
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| Preceded by Prince Bülow |
Chancellor of Germany 1909–1917 |
Succeeded by Georg Michaelis |
| Prime Minister of Prussia 1909–1917 |
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| Preceded by Arthur von Posadowsky-Wehner |
Vice Chancellor of Germany 1907-1909 |
Succeeded by Clemens von Delbrück |
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