Saudi Arabia |
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House of Saud | |||
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Country | Diriyah Nejd Saudi Arabia |
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Titles | Sultan King |
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Founder | Muhammad ibn Saud | ||
Current head | Abdullah | ||
Founding year | 1744: Establishment of the First Saudi State | ||
Ethnicity | Arab (Peninsular) |
House of Saud (Arabic: آل سعود; romanized Āl Suʿūd) is the royal family of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The modern nation of Saudi Arabia was established in 1932, though the roots and influence for the House of Saud had been planted in the Arabian Peninsula several centuries earlier. Prior to the era of the Kingdom's founder, Abdul-Aziz ibn Saud, the family had ruled the Nejd and had conflicted on several occasions with the Ottoman Empire, the Sharif of Mecca, and the Al Rashid family of Ha'il. The House of Saud has gone through three phases: the First Saudi State, the Second Saudi State, and the modern nation of Saudi Arabia.
The history of the Al Saud has been marked by a desire to unify the Arabian Peninsula and to spread what it promotes as a more purified and simple, though often criticized as less tolerant, view of Islam embodied by Wahhabism which has gained international controversy since the events of 9/11. The House of Saud is linked with (Hanbali) Wahhabism (Saudis deprecate the term, preferring the term Salafism) through the marriage of the son of Muhammad ibn Saud with the daughter of Muhammad Abd al Wahhab in 1744.
Though some have put the family's numbers as high as 25,000,[1] most estimates place their numbers in the region of 7,000,[2] with most power and influence being wielded by the 200 or so descendants of King Abdul Aziz.
The current head of the Al Saud and ruler of Saudi Arabia is King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz who announced, on 20 October 2006, the creation of a committee of princes to vote on the viability of kings and the candidature of nominated crown princes - in effect, clarifying and further defining the Al Saud's line of succession process. The committee, known as the Allegiance Commission, and chaired by Prince Mishaal bin Abdul Aziz, gives each son (in case of their inability or death, their eligible son) of the late King Abdul-Aziz a single vote which would be used to confirm one of three princes nominated by the king to be named Crown Prince. In the event that either the sitting king or the crown prince were deemed unfit to rule, a five-member transitory council, appointed by the Council, would be empowered to run state affairs for a maximum of one week before naming a successor. The intent is to prevent a situation as was the case with the late King Fahd, who suffered multiple strokes beginning in 1995 but remained on the throne for ten years, most of them without the faculties to rule.
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The House of Saud take their name from Muhammad ibn Saud ("Muhammad, son of Saud"), the ruler of Diriyah in central Arabia, and the founder of what came to be known as the First Saudi State, who died in 1765. Because Muhammad ibn Saud was commonly known as "Ibn Saud" (son of Saud), the name "Al Saud", came to signify his clan. It was usurpation by the Saudi Royal Family that brought to them the whole Arabian region. The Hashemite Family presently ruling the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan are said to be the rightful rulers of Hejaz . Today, the surname "Al Saud" is carried by any descendent of Muhammad ibn Saud or his brothers, Farhan (Al Farhan, "sons of Farhan"), Thunayyan, and Mishari.
The earliest recorded ancestor of the Al Saud was Mani' ibn Rabi'ah al-Muraydi, who, according to the chroniclers of Nejd, settled in Diriyah in 1446-7 with his clan, the Mrudah. Mani had been invited to settle there by a relative named Ibn Dir', who was then the ruler of a set of villages and estates that make up modern-day Riyadh. Mani's clan had been on a soujorn in east Arabia, near al-Qatif, from an unknown point in time. Ibn Dir' handed Mani' two estates called al-Mulaybeed and Ghusayba, which Mani' and his family settled and renamed "al-Diriyah", after their benefactor Ibn Dir'.[3][4]
Genealogically, the Mrudah are regarded as belonging to the ancient Arab tribal confederation of Rabi'a, through the branch of Wa'il. However, there is disagreement as to which branch of Wa'il they belong to. The dominant opinion in their native Nejd is that they are remnants of the now-extinct tribe of Bani Hanifa, who are credited with founding most of Nejd's settlements including Riyadh. The oldest written reference to the Mrudah, a short genealogical manuscript from the 17th century, supports this view. Others, including many members of the Al Saud themselves, however, insist that they are descendants of the large bedouin 'Anizzah confederation of northern Arabia and the Syrian desert. The earliest written reference to this view comes from the Swiss traveler Johann Ludwig Burckhardt, on the authority of Anizzah tribesmen whom he encountered in northwestern Arabia in the early 19th century. Both the 'Anizzah and the Bani Hanifa, however, are branches of the Bani Wa'il of Rabi'ah.[5]
The Mrudah became rulers of al-Diriyah, which propspered along the banks of Wadi Hanifa and became an important Nejdi settlement. As the clan grew larger, power struggles ensued, with one branch leaving to nearby Dhruma, while another branch (the "Al Watban") left for the town of az-Zubayr in southern Iraq. The Al Migrin ("House of Migrin") then became the ruling family among the Mrudah in Diriyah. After some initial struggles in the early 18th century, Muhammad ibn Saud, of the Al Migrin, became the undisputed amir ("prince", or ruler) of the town and its surrounding estates. In 1744, Muhammad ibn Saud took in a fugitive religious cleric named Muhammad ibn Abdel Wahhab, from nearby al-Uyayna. Ibn Saud agreed to provide political support to Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's project to reform Islamic practice, which Ibn Abd al-Wahhab believed had strayed far from the ideals set by the Holy Prophet, Messenger of ALLAH Huzur MUHAMMAD Sallalla Hu Alaihi Wassallam, Peace Be Upon Him, and his companionsRazi Allah Hu Tala Anha. This marked the beginning of the First Saudi State. Later on, Saudi loyalists came to refer to Muhammad ibn Saud and his successors by the title of "Imam", signifying that they saw the emir of Dir'iyyah as the temporal leader of an Islamic state, rather than simply another clan leader or village ruler.
The period beginning from 1744 is usually referred to by historians as the First Saudi State. This period was marked by conquest of neighboring areas and by religious zeal. At its height, the First Saudi State included most of the territory of modern-day Saudi Arabia, and raids by Al Saud's allies and followers reached into Yemen, Oman, Syria, and Iraq. Islamic clergy, particularly Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and his descendents, are believed to have played a significant role in Saudi rule during this period. The Saudis and their allies referred to themselves during this period as the Muwahhidun or Ahl al-Tawhid ("the monotheists"), while others often referred to them as the Wahhabis.
Leadership of the Al Saud during the time of their first state passed from father to son without incident. The first imam, Muhammad ibn Saud, was succeeded by his eldest son Abdul Aziz in 1765. Abdul Aziz was killed in 1803 by an assassin, believed by some to have been a Shi'ite seeking revenge over the sacking of the Shi'ite holy city of Karbala by Saudi loyalists in 1802. Abdul Aziz was in turn succeeded by his son, Saud, under whose rule the Saudi state reached its greatest extent. By the time Saud died in 1814, his son and successor Abdullah had to contend with an Ottoman-Egyptian invasion seeking to retake lost Ottoman territory and destroy the Wahhabi movement. The mainly-Egyptian force succeeded in defeating Abdullah's forces, taking over the Saudi capital of Dir'iyyah in 1818. Abdullah was taken prisoner and was soon beheaded by the Ottomans in Constantinople, putting an end to the First Saudi State. The Egyptians sent many members of the Al Saud clan and other members of the local nobility as prisoners to Egypt and Constantinople, and proceeded to raze the Saudi capital of Dir'iyyah.
A few years after the fall of Dir'iyyah in 1818, the Saudis were able to re-establish their authority in Nejd, establishing what is now commonly known as the Second Saudi State, with its capital in Riyadh.
Compared to the First Saudi State, the second Saudi period was marked by less territorial expansion (it never reconquered the Hejaz or 'Asir, for example) and less religious zeal, although the Saudi leaders continued to go by the title of imam and still employed Wahhabist religious scholars. The second state was also marked by severe internal conflicts within the Saudi family, eventually leading to the dynasty's downfall. In all but one instance succession occurred by assassination or civil war, the exception being the passage of authority from Faisal ibn Turki to his son Abdallah ibn Faisal ibn Turki.
The first Saudi to attempt to regain power after the fall of Dir'iyyah in 1818 was Mishari ibn Saud, a brother of the last ruler in Dir'iyyah. Mishari was soon captured by the Egyptians and killed. In 1824, Turki ibn 'Abdallah, another Saudi who had managed to evade capture by the Egyptians, was able to expel Egyptian forces and their local allies from Riyadh and its environs. Turki, a grandson of the first Saudi imam Muhammad ibn Saud, is generally regarded as the founder of the second Saudi dynasty and is also the ancestor of the kings of modern-day Saudi Arabia. He made his capital in Riyadh and was able to enlist the services of many relatives who had escaped captivity in Egypt, including his son Faisal.
Turki was assassinated in 1834 by Mishari ibn Abd al-Rahman, a distant cousin. Mishari was soon besieged in Riyadh and later executed by Turki's son, Faisal, who went on to become the most prominent ruler of the Saudis' second reign. Faisal, however, faced a re-invasion of Nejd by the Egyptians four years later. The local population was unwilling to resist, and Faisal was defeated and taken to Egypt as a prisoner for the second time in 1838.
The Egyptians installed Khalid ibn Saud as ruler in Riyadh and supported him with Egyptian troops. Khalid was the last surviving brother of the last imam of the First Saudi State, and had spent many years in the Egyptian court. In 1840, however, external conflicts forced the Egyptians to withdraw all their presence in the Arabian Peninsula, leaving Khalid with little support. Seen by most locals as nothing more than an Egyptian governor, Khalid was toppled soon afterwards by Abdullah ibn Thuniyyan, of the collateral Al Thuniyyan branch. Faisal, however, had been released that year, and, aided by the Al Rashid rulers of Ha'il, was able to retake Riyadh and resume his rule. Faisal later appointed his son Abdallah as crown prince, and divided his dominions between his three sons Abdullah, Saud, and Muhammad.
Upon Faisal's death in 1865, Abdallah assumed rule in Riyadh but was soon challenged by his brother, Saud ibn Faisal. The two brothers fought a long civil war, in which they traded rule in Riyadh several times. Previously a vassal of the Saudis, Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn Rashid of Ha'il took the opportunity to intervene in the conflict and increase his own power. Gradually, Ibn Rashid extended his authority over most of Nejd, including the Saudi capital, Riyadh. Ibn Rashid finally expelled the last Saudi leader, Abdul Rahman ibn Faisal, from Nejd after the Battle of Mulayda in 1891.
After his defeat at Mulayda, Abdul Rahman ibn Faisal went with his family into exile in the deserts of eastern Arabia among the Al Murra bedouins. Soon afterwards, however, Abdul Rahman found refuge in Kuwait as a guest of the Kuwaiti emir, Mubarak Al Sabah. In 1902, Abdul Rahman's son, Abdul Aziz, took on the task of restoring Saudi rule in Riyadh. Supported by a few dozen followers and accompanied by some of his brothers and relatives, Abdul Aziz was able to capture Riyadh's Masmak fort and kill the governor appointed there by Ibn Rashid. Abdul Aziz, reported to have been barely 20 at the time, was immediately proclaimed ruler in Riyadh. As the new leader of the House of Saud, Abdul Aziz became commonly known from that time simply as "Ibn Saud" ("son of Saud").
Ibn Saud spent the next three decades trying to re-establish his family's rule over as much of the Arabian Peninsula as possible, starting with his native Nejd. His chief rivals were the Al Rashid clan in Ha'il, the Sharifs of Mecca in the Hejaz, and the Ottoman Turks in al-Hasa. Ibn Saud also had to contend, however, with the descendents of his late uncle Saud ibn Faisal (later known as the "Saud al-Kabir" branch of the family), who posed as the rightful heirs to the throne. Though for a time acknowledging the sovereignty of the Ottoman Sultans and even taking the title of pasha, Ibn Saud allied himself to the British, in opposition to the Ottoman-backed Al Rashid. For the period between 1915 and 1927, Ibn Saud's dominions was a protectorate of the British Empire, pursuant to the 1915 Treaty of Darin.
By 1932, Ibn Saud had disposed of all his main rivals and consolidated his rule over much of the Arabian Peninsula. He declared himself king of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia that year. Previously, he had gone through several titles, starting with "Sultan of Nejd" ane ending with "King of Hejaz and Nejd and their dependencies." Ibn Saud's father, Abdul Rahman retained the honorary title of "imam." A few years later, in 1937, American surveyors discovered near Dammam what later proved to be Saudi Arabia's vast oil reserves.
Ibn Saud fathered dozens of sons and daughters by his many wives and concubines. He made sure to marry into many of the noble clans and tribes within his territory, including the chiefs of the Bani Khalid, Ajman, and Shammar tribes, as well as the Al al-Shaikh (descendents of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab). He also arranged for his sons and relatives to enter into similar marriages. He appointed his eldest surviving son, Saud as heir apparent, to be succeeded by the next eldest son, Faisal. The Saudi family became known as the "royal family," and each member, male and female, was accorded the title of amir or amira ("prince" or "princess"), respectively.
Ibn Saud died in 1953, but not after having cemented an alliance with the United States in 1945. He is still celebrated officially as the "Founder," and only his direct descendents may take on the title of "his or her Royal Highness." The date of his recapture of Riyadh in 1902 was chosen to mark Saudi Arabia's centennial in 1999 (according to the Islamic lunar calendar).
Upon Ibn Saud's death, his son Saud assumed the throne without incident, but his lavish spending led to a power struggle between him and the new crown prince, Faisal. In 1964, the royal family forced Saud to abdicate in favor of Faisal, aided by an edict from the country's grand mufti. During this period, some of Ibn Saud's younger sons, led by Talal ibn Abdul Aziz defected to Egypt, calling themselves the "Free Princes" and calling for liberalization and reform, but were later induced to return by Faisal. They were fully-pardoned but were also barred from any future positions in government.
Faisal was assassinated in 1975 by a nephew, Faisal ibn Musa'ad, who was then promptly executed. Another brother, Khalid assumed the throne. The next prince in line had actually been Muhammad, but Muhammad had relinquished his claim to the throne in favor of Khalid, who was his only full brother.
Khalid died of a heart attack in 1982, and was succeeded by Fahad, the eldest of the powerful "Sudairi Seven", so-called because they were all sons of Ibn Saud's wife, Hassa al-Sudairi. Fahad did away with the previous royal title of "his Majesty" and replaced it with the honorific "Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques," in reference to the two Islamic holy sites in Mecca and Medina.
A stroke in 1993 left Fahad largely incapacitated, and the crown prince, Abdallah gradually took over most of the king's responsibilities until Fahad's death in August of 2005. Abdallah was proclaimed king on the day of Fahad's death and promptly appointed his younger brother Sultan ibn Abdul Aziz, the minister of defense and Fahad's "second deputy prime minister," as the new heir apparent. Unlike Fahad, however, Abdallah declined to name a "second deputy," who would presumably be the next crown prince. Instead, Abdallah later announced the formation of a "Council of Allegiance" to select future kings.
Sons of Abdul Aziz (Ibn Saud, the founder of the modern Saudi state) have been, thus far, the only eligible candidates allowed to serve as King or Crown Prince. As a result of the aging of this pool (there are an estimated 22 surviving sons, the oldest being in their mid 80s and the youngest in their 60s), a decree by the late King Fahd expanded the candidates to include the male progeny of King Abdul Aziz's sons. This decree has expanded the pool to over 150 eligibles, though consensus and competency would limit this number.
Sons and grandsons of King Abdul Aziz are referred to in the style "His Royal Highness," differing from the royals belonging to the Cadet line which are given the "His Highness" (HH) honorific.
The Cadet line includes the Saud al-Kabir, the Al Jiluwi, the Al Thunayan, the Al Mishari and the Al Farhan, all of which are branches of the Al Saud. Many of the Cadet Line royals hold senior government and military positions, or are in business. Intermarriage between branches is a common way of establishing alliances and reinforcing influence. Though members of the Cadet line are not in contention for the throne, there are some with seniority who command respect and often wield tremendous power.
The Head of the House of Saud is the King of Saudi Arabia who serves as Head of State and monarch of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The King holds almost absolute political power. The King appoints ministers to his cabinet who supervise their respective ministries in his name. The key ministries of Defence, the Interior, and Foreign Affairs are reserved for the Al Saud, as are most of the thirteen regional governorships. Most portfolios, however, such as Finance, Labor, Information, Planning, Petroleum Affairs and Industry, have traditionally been given to commoners, often with junior Al Saud members serving as their deputies. House of Saud family members also hold many of the Kingdom's critical military and governmental departmental posts. Ultimate power in the Kingdom has always rested upon the Al Saud though support from the Ulema, the merchant community, and the population-at-large has been a key to the maintenance of the royal family's political status quo.
Long term political and government appointments, such as those of King Abdullah, who has been Commander of the National Guard since 1963, Crown Prince Sultan, Minister of Defence & Aviation since 1962, Prince Mutaib Minister of Municipal & Rural Affairs since 1975, Prince Nayef who has been the Minister of Interior since 1975, and Prince Salman, who has been Governor of the Riyadh Region since 1962, have perpetuated the creation of fiefdoms where senior princes have, often, though not exclusively, co-mingled their personal wealth with that of their respective domains. They have often appointed their own sons to senior positions within their own fiefdom. Examples of these include Prince Mutaib bin Abdullah as Assistant Commander in the National Guard; Prince Khalid bin Sultan as Assistant Minister of Defence; Prince Mansour bin Mutaib as Assistant Minister for Municipal & Rural Affairs; and Prince Mohammed bin Nayef as Assistant Minister in the Interior Ministry. In cases, where portfolios have notably substantial budgets, appointments of younger, often full, brothers have been necessary, as deputies or vice ministers, ostensibly to share the wealth and the burdens of responsibility, of each fiefdom. Examples of these include Prince Abd-al Rahman who is Vice Minister of Defence & Aviation under Prince Sultan; Prince Badr, Deputy to King Abdullah in the National Guard; Prince Sattam, who is Deputy to Riyadh Governor, Prince Salman; and Prince Ahmed, who holds the Deputy Minister's portfolio in Prince Nayef's Interior Ministry.
Unlike Western royal families, the Saudi Monarchy has not had a clearly defined order of succession. Historically, upon becoming King, the monarch has designated an heir apparent to the throne who serves as Crown Prince of the Kingdom. Upon the King's death the Crown Prince becomes King, and during the King's incapacitation the Crown Prince, likewise, assumes power as regent. Though other members of the Al Saud hold political positions in the Saudi government, technically it is only the King and Crown Prince who legally constitute the political institutions.
Succession to the throne has traditionally been by consensus and, although age remains an influential factor within the family, senior princes have been bypassed, either by their own unwillingness or inability to rule, to build the consensus necessary primarily from within the royal family, but also from the clerical and merchant communities. The Bay'ah Council, whose membership is restricted to the surviving sons and senior grandsons of the late King Abdul-Aziz, ushers in a public face to this well-tried traditional process.
Though nominally head of the royal family, both Kings Khalid and Fahd respected and often deferred family matters (which often had intricate links to broader government procedures and policies) to their older brother, Muhammad bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud (who had stepped aside from succession) during Mohammed's lifetime. This tradition continues today; neither Princes Bandar bin Abdul Aziz nor Mishaal bin Abdul Aziz (both older than Crown Prince Sultan) hold any official role in government but both are key players in the Kingdom's political hierarchy. Sons of former kings Faisal, Khalid, Fahd, and, to a lesser extent, Saud, including those not in government, also maintain significant political & family influence, and are expected to participate on the Bay'ah Council. In contradiction to widely held opinions, senior princesses also wield significant, albeit private, influence in royal family politics.
The sharing of family wealth has been a critical component in maintaining the semblance of a united front within the royal family. An essential part of family wealth is the Kingdom in its entirety, which the Al Saud view as a totally owned family asset. Whether through the co-mingling of personal & state funds from lucrative government positions, huge land allocations, direct allotments of crude oil to sell in the open market, segmental controls in the economy, special preferences for the award of major contracts, outright cash handouts, and astronomical monthly allowances, - all billed to the national exchequer - all told, the financial impact may have exceeded 40% of the Kingdom's annual budget during the reign of King Fahd. Over decades of oil revenue-generated expansion, estimates of royal receipts have varied, ranging as low as an unlikely $50 billion and as high as over $1 trillion. Be it what it may, wealth-sharing of this sort has allowed many of the senior princes & princesses to accumulate largely unauditable wealth and, in turn, pay out, in cash or kind, to lesser royals and commoners, and thereby gaining political influence through their own largesse.
During periods of high oil prices as were the late 70s, early 80s, and immediately after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, national income has outpaced the developmental needs & social obligations of the Saudi government and the effects of royal skimming were diminished. From the mid 80s through the 90s, when international crude oil prices dropped to the teens and below, the subsequent shortfall in income, and the availability of surprisingly limited financial reserves (when compared to such countries as Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates which continued to grow during crude price droughts because of dividends generated from years of prudent investments) may have contributed to growing national discontent with the Al Saud and planted the seeds for the growth of Al-Qaeda sympathizers in the Kingdom. According to well-publicized but unsubstantiated reports, King Abdullah has intentions to reduce the Al Saud share of the budget, an act which may sow discontent within the royal family, but would be popular with the Kingdom's citizenry.
Due to its authoritarian and theocratic rule, the House of Saud has attracted much criticism during its rule of Saudi Arabia. Its opponents generally refer to the Saudi monarchy as totalitarians or dictators.
There have been numerous incidents of demonstrations and other forms of resistance against the House of Saud. These range from the Ikhwan uprising during the reign of Ibn Saud, to numerous coup attempts by the different branches of the Kingdom's military. On November 20, 1979 the Holy Sanctuary in Mecca was violently seized by a group of dissidents. The Seizure was carried out by 500 heavily armed and provisioned Saudi Dissidents, consisting mostly of members of the former Ikhwan tribe of Utayba[6] but also of other peninsular Arabs and a few Egyptians enrolled in Islamic studies at the Islamic University of Medina.
The seizure was led by Juhayman al-Otaibi and Muhammad bin 'Abdallah al-Qahtani who cited the corruption and ostentatiousness of the ruling house of Saud. Utaybi and his group spoke against the socio–technological changes taking place in Saudi Arabia. Utaybi demanded that oil should not be sold to the United States. Utaybi also spoke against the stranglehold on the interpretation and development of Wahhabi Islam placed on it by the Saudi regime in a corrupt alliance with the Ulema of Saudi Arabia.[7]
Utaybi received little mass support outside of small circles of manual workers and students of tribal origin, of the lower classes and foreign labourers (from Egypt, Yemen and Pakistan.) The Saudi Royal family turned to the Ulema who duly issued a fatwa permitting the storming of the holy sanctuary. Saudi forces, aided by French and Pakistani commandos, took two weeks to flush the rebels out of the holy sanctuary; the use of foreign commandos was particularly surprising since, officially, non-Muslims cannot enter the city of Mecca.[8]
Saudi forces with the aid of French Commandos ejected Utaybi’s Group. All surviving males (including Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al-Utaybi) were beheaded publicly in four cities of Saudi Arabia.[9]
The Saudi monarchy has been an ally of the United States for over five decades. Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, however, there has been a large anti-Saudi shift in U.S. public opinion, as well as a call to review the relationship. American politicians on both sides of the political spectrum have questioned the relationship; and the US media have raised doubts about the Kingdom's reliability. As the world's largest producer of crude oil, Saudi Arabia has received the brunt of the public's ire, particularly when gasoline prices fluctuate upwards. Lucrative oil and business ventures and contracts that have recently been awarded to non-US firms have also raised the question of whether Saudi Arabia is committed to the United States.