Republic of Srpska
Република Српска
Republika Srpska |
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Anthem: Moja Republika (English: "My Republic") |
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Location of Republika Srpska (yellow) in Bosnia and Herzegovina.1
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Location Republika Srpska (red) inside of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the European continent.
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Capital | Sarajevo (official)[1], Banja Luka (de facto) | |||||
Official languages | Serbian, Bosnian, and Croatian2 | |||||
Ethnic groups (2006 est) | Serbs: 88% Bosniaks: 8% Croats: 4% |
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Government | Parliamentary system | |||||
- | President | Rajko Kuzmanović (SNSD) | ||||
- | Prime Minister | Milorad Dodik (SNSD) | ||||
Entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina | ||||||
- | Proclaimed | 28 February 1992 | ||||
- | Recognized in Bosnia and Herzegovina constitution | 14 December 1995 | ||||
Area | ||||||
- | Total | 24,526 km2 9,677 sq mi |
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- | Water (%) | N/A | ||||
Population | ||||||
- | 2007 estimate | 1,439,673 3 | ||||
- | 1996 census | 1,475,288 4 | ||||
- | Density | 60/km2 155/sq mi |
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Currency | Convertible Mark (BAM ) |
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Time zone | CET (UTC+1) | |||||
- | Summer (DST) | CEST (UTC+2) | ||||
Even though the Constitutional Court has ruled against and even in favor of individual national symbols on entity flags/coats of arms/anthem (RS and FBiH), the Constitutional Court has, in a spontaneous decision, decided that national symbols are to be banned from entity flags, coats of arms, and anthem (anthem applies to RS only, since FBiH does not have one) The decision was passed on January 29, 2007.[2] This decision entered into force upon its publication in the Official Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina on March 31 2007.[3] Following the decision of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, National Assembly of Republika Srpska accepted new coat of arms for the entity in July 2008. Bosniak and Croat members of the National Assembly have issued an official objection on the accepted coat of arms claiming that it still violates the decision of the Constitutional Court of BiH and that the accepted coat of arms still discriminates against non-Serbs in Republika Srpska. The case will be reviewed by the Constitutional Court of Republika Srpska in the near future [4] | ||||||
1 | Although the Brčko District is formally held in condominium by both entities simultaneously (the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina), it is a de facto third entity, as it has all the same powers as the other two entities and is under the direct sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[5] [6] | |||||
2 | The Constitution of Republika Srpska avoids naming the languages, and lists the "languages of Serbs, Bosniaks, and Croats. | |||||
3 | excluding RS's 48% of the Brčko District | |||||
4 | including refugees abroad |
Republika Srpska listen (Serbian: Република Српска, Republika Srpska, often abbreviated PC or RS, also Српска, Srpska; Bosnian and Croatian: Republika Srpska) is one of the two political entities which represent a lower level of governance in the present-day state of Bosnia and Herzegovina; the other entity is the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Article 9 of the Constitution of the Republika Srpska, the official capital of this entity is Sarajevo[7] (during the Bosnian war, Pale was known as the de facto capital of the Republika Srpska which was then so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina).
The de facto capital of Republika Srpska, however, is Banja Luka, which is also the second largest city in the country. The entity is home to three ethnic "constituent peoples": Serbs, Bosniaks and Croats.
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The word "Srpska" can be interpreted as an adjective ("Serb"), and, bearing in mind language rules for the creation of names of countries in Serbian and other Slavic languages, also as a proper noun. The Serbian name for several countries is analogous: France - Republika Francuska (Република Француска), which is also the official French name for France (République Française); Croatia - Republika Hrvatska ; Bulgaria - Republika Bugarska (Република Бугарска), and so on. However, in these cases there has long existed an appropriate Latinized translation of the name to English.
The government of Republika Srpska uses the term "Republic of Srpska" in English translations of official documents.
Republika Srpska is sometimes translated as "Serb Republic", although it should be mentioned that this is not universally accepted, as some believe it to be a mistranslation. Those who oppose such translation argue that the Republika Srpska per its constitution is an entity of three ethnic groups so the possessive adjective in this translation tends to violate rights of other two constituent ethnicities in the entity by describing the entity as belonging to only one ethnic group. The similar name convention is given to the other Bosnia and Herzegovina entity, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, also referred to as Muslim-Croat Federation which is implied to violate the rights of the Serbs in that entity. Both naming conventions largely stem from the nationalist animosities apparent in both entities following the 1990s Bosnian War.
The Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL) that distinguishes Bosnia and Herzegovina's two entities essentially runs along the military front lines as they existed at the end of the Bosnian War, with adjustments (most importantly in the western part of the country and around Sarajevo), as defined by the Dayton Agreement. The total length of the IEBL is approximately 1,080 km. The IEBL is an administrative demarcation and not controlled by the military or police and there is free movement across it.
Under the Law on Territorial Organization and Local Self-Government adopted in 1994, Republika Srpska was divided into 80 municipalities. After the conclusion of the Dayton Peace Agreement, the law was amended in 1996 to reflect the changes to the entity borders and now provides for the division of Republika Srpska into 63 municipalities.
The largest towns in Republika Srpska are [note 1][note 2]:
Republika Srpska uses the convertible mark currency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since a so-called "regulatory guillotine" it takes a few days to register a business in RS, in contrast to the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where it takes several months.[8]
An agreement on strategic partnership was concluded between the Iron Ore Mine Ljubija Prijedor and the British company LNM, a leading world steel producer. The Russian company Yuzhuralzoloto also signed a strategic partnership with the Lead and Zinc Mine Sase Srebrenica. Recent foreign investments include privatisation of Telekom Srpske, sold to the Serbian Telekom Srbija for (€646mln, and the sale of the petroleum and oil industry, based in Bosanski Brod, Modriča and Banja Luka, to Zarubezhneft of Russia, whose investment is expected to total US$970mln in the coming years.[9] On May 16 2007 the Czech power utility ČEZ signed a €1.4 bln contract with the Elektroprivreda Republike Srpske, to renovate the Gacko I power plant and build a second, Gacko II.[10]
In recent years exports (not including trade with the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) have grown significantly, and the level of import coverage has improved - from 1,130,518mln KM (€565mln) and 38.3% in 2005, to 1,539,229mln KM (€770mln) and 55.8% in 2006. In the first two months of 2007 exports grew 19% year on year, and imports by 39%.[11][12][13][14]
Since 2001, Republika Srpska initiated significant reforms in the sector of the tax system, which lowered the tax burden to 28.6%, one of the lowest in the region. The 10% rate of capital gains tax and income tax are the lowest in Europe and highly stimulating for foreign investment, and there are no limits on the amount of earnings. Increasing the number of taxpayers and budgeted incomes, and creating a stable fiscal system, were necessary for further reforms in the fields of taxation and duties; this area is a priority goal of the RS authorities. VAT has been introduced in 2006. Income tax is 46% in the RS, compared to nearly 70% in the Federation, and the corporate tax rate is 10%, compared to 30% in the Federation. These tax advantages have led to some companies moving their business to RS from the other entity.[8]
The average gross salary in August 2004 was 660KM (around 340 EUR). From 1998–2003, the average monthly salary in Republika Srpska increased from 280 to 660KM, according to the Agency for Statistics of Bosnia and Hercegovina. In January 2007, the average wage was 804KM (€400; gross) or 531KM (€265; .net).[15] In September 2008, the average wage was 1175KM (€600; gross) or 783KM (€400; net)
Under its constitution, Republika Srpska has a president, parliament (the 83-member National Assembly of Republika Srpska), executive (with a prime minister and several ministries), supreme court and lower courts, customs service (under the state-level customs service), and postal service. It also has its own coat of arms, flag (the Slavic tricolor), and national anthem. The Constitutional Law on Coat of Arms and Anthem of the Republika Srpska was ruled not in conformance with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as it states that those symbols "represent statehood of the Republika Srpska" and are used "in accordance with moral norms of Serb people". According to the Constitutional Court's decision, the Law was to be corrected by September 2006. The national assembly of Republika Srpska formed a board which is going to make a proposal for the anthem and coat of arms of Republika Srpska. Its flagship airline, Air Srpska, ceased operations in 2003.
Although the constitution names Sarajevo as the capital of Republika Srpska, the northwestern city of Banja Luka is the headquarters of most of the institutions of government — including the parliament — and is therefore the de facto capital.
After the war, Republika Srpska retained its army, but in August 2005, under considerable foreign pressure (acting primarily through the Office of the High Representative), the parliament consented to transfer control of Army of Republika Srpska to a state-level ministry and abolish the Republic's defense ministry and army by January 1, 2006. These reforms were required by NATO as a precondition of Bosnia and Herzegovina's admission to the Partnership for Peace. As of December 14 2006, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a part of the Partnership for Peace-project.
Republika Srpska has its own police force, but in October 2005, again under pressure, the parliament consented to the creation over a five-year period of a single integrated police service at the state level, with local police areas that may cross the Inter-Entity Boundary Line if required based on technical considerations. These reforms were insisted upon by the European Union as a precondition for the negotiation of a Stabilization and Association Agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The leading Bosnian Serb party, the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), called on other political parties in Republika Srpska to organize a referendum on police reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The SNSD said the referendum should give a clear picture on whether the Bosnian Serb police should be dismissed or not in the process reforms under which a single police force is to be created on the state level. "I do expect that the answer of most of citizens of Republika Srpska would be no," Rajko Vasić, member of the SNSD leadership said. He also said the party, which won exactly half the seats in the National Assembly of Republika Srpska on October 1 2006, would suggest the referendum on police reform as an issue to be discussed at the first next session of the entity's parliament. Earlier this year the leader of the SNSD and the current RS Prime Minister Milorad Dodik said he would be ready to sacrifice negotiations with the European Union on the eventual integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Union, if the RS police is to be abolished as part of the police reform on Bosnia's state-level.
As the response to the latest initiatives from Banja Luka, the Chairman of Bosnia's central government, the Council of Ministers, Adnan Terzić, blamed the international community and its passive stand towards the RS stance on police reform.
"Considering the reactions of the international community's officials to the obstructions from the Republika Srpska, they (Bosnian Serbs) can do whatever they want," Terzić told Sarajevo daily Dnevni avaz.
The police reform was aimed at joining police troops of the two ethnic entities into a single state-level police. The police reform fulfills three EU requests - establishment of a statewide police service, elimination of political interference and creation of patrol regions based on professional criteria.
"We do not want suspension of the talks on Stabilization and Association Agreement. However, we won't make concession on what we consider as a minimum requirement, that is retaining of the Republika Srpska Police as an organizational unit with clear competencies and jurisdiction within the reconstructed Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina", Dodik said.
He announced that the RS side will step out of the police reforms process, if their wishes are not respected.
On the November 14 2006, Uroš Pena, the RS chief of police, was quoted as saying that the agreement was being broken by the international community, not RS. In the agreement, it is written that the "Directorate for Police Reform shall be made up of professionals and experts from all levels of government (Bosnia and Herzegovina, entities, cantons)...", which was ignored when a EU Police Mission representative was included.[16]
On September 26 2006 Republika Srpska officials signed a 'special ties agreement' with Serbia aimed at promoting economic and institutional cooperation between Serbia and the Republika Srpska (RS). The accord was signed by Serbia's President Boris Tadić and Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, former RS President Dragan Čavić, and Prime Minister Milorad Dodik.
Tadić and Koštunica, accompanied by several ministers and some 300 businessmen, arrived in Banja Luka, the de facto capital of the Republika Srpska, on two special planes from Belgrade, in what was seen as the biggest-ever boost to strengthening ties in all spheres of life between the Republika Srpska and Serbia. The Serbian bank, the Komercijalna banka, and the "Dunav osiguranje" insurance company opened branches in Banja Luka and the Serbian news agency Tanjug also inaugurated its international press center in Banja Luka, in a day packed with business engagements.
The document sets out steps taken by Serbia and Republika Srpska officials to increase economic and political ties. It is similar to a previous one signed in 2001 between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republika Srpska, which had envisaged close cooperation in economy, defense, education and dual citizenship for the residents, said a Serbian government statement. The agreement gives Republika Srpska, the same status with Serbia as the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole.
"This agreement will stabilize the relations between countries in the region and it will promote economic, political and cultural relations between Serbia and Republika Srpska," Čavić told reporters after the signing ceremony. Koštunica added "We have long waited for this day," and insisting that the agreement would not be "a dead letter on paper," but would "live and be useful to the citizens of Serbia and Republika Srpska." Under the Dayton peace accord, which ended the Bosnian war in 1995, the country was divided into two entities - Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Republika Srpska. Each entity was accorded most of the powers of a state and the accord left room for special ties between the RS and Serbia, as well as between Croatia and the Bosnian Croats.
The political platform of some Bosniak political parties in the other entity (the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina), most notably that of the Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina, includes the abolition of the Republika Srpska. The party's leader, Haris Silajdžić, has repeatedly stated that he wishes to see the RS dismantled.[17][18]
In response to such statements, the Prime Minister of Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik brought the idea of an independence referendum for RS into public debate when Montenegro seceded from the union with Serbia in an independence referendum on May 21, 2006. In an interview published in the Serbian media, Dodik said a referendum on independence for RS was a fair solution and that 99 percent of Bosnian Serbs support secession from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Dodik stated that this referendum is "inevitable" since Bosnia and Herzegovina has no viable future.[19]
Sulejman Tihić, the Bosniak member of Bosnia and Herzegovina's tripartite presidency, responded by saying that those who want to secede from Bosnia can pack up and leave, "but can’t take away an inch of Bosnian territory". Borislav Paravac, the Serb member of the state presidency, responded that Tihić's statement was an "irresponsible and scandalous act". "Bosnia isn’t his private property," said Paravac, adding that RS covers 49% of Bosnia’s territory and that Serbs are one of three constituent (autochthonous or native) peoples, with equal rights.
Prime Minister Dodik also stated that Tihić’s statement represented a drastic example of “hate and chauvinism” which would only further inflame ethnic passions in Bosnia. "In Tihić’s statement one can easily recognize an Islamic concept which sees Bosnia as its exclusive right," said Dodik. "Serbs are a constituent people in Bosnia and claim the same right to the country and to live in it," said Dodik.
The high representative of the international community in Bosnia has appealed to the leaders of all three nationalities to stop with their “inflammatory rhetoric”. However, Haris Silajdžić continued his calls for the RS to be abolished, and Dodik continued to propose that the Bosnian Serbs may seek a referendum on independence, despite a warning that he may be punished for such statements. The international community's high representative to Bosnia, German diplomat Christian Schwarz-Schilling, warned in Vienna, that "if he [Dodik] continues to talk about the referendum, I will have to remove him from office.”.
Dodik responded: "Let him be my guest and sack me. I stand by everything I said about the referendum". Dodik went further and explained that his statements were a response to repeated threats from Sarajevo that Republika Srpska should be dissolved..
The Former President of Republika Srpska, Milan Jelić, a member of Dodik's party, had then said that: "If the abolition of the RS is raised again we will continue the rhetoric of a referendum. However, that's not our aim, but to reform RS according to European standards, to make it the better part of BiH, which will drag the rest of BiH into Euro-Atlantic integration."[20]
More recently, measures announced by the current High Representative Miroslav Lajcak intended to improve the functionality of Bosnia and Herzegovina state institutions, were interpreted by RS officials as undermining RS and the Bosnian Serbs. These measures have been met with strong opposition from the Bosnian Serb leadership and resulted in the resignation of the Bosnia and Herzegovina PM Nikola Spiric, member of SNSD party. Lajcak responded that the announced measures do not jeopardize either Bosnia and Herzegovina entity or any ethnic group, an assessment which was confirmed by the OHR. He further stated that unless the measures are implemented by December 1st, he will use his powers as the top international administrator in Bosnia and Herzegovina to impose them. The issue was resolved at the government level on December 4th partially when both entities agreed to implement the said proposals, and was expected to be fully resolved by mid 2008 when their implementation would finish. However it still remains to be seen if the general public of RS, seemingly opposing the decision, accepts the same or not.
Many politicians in the Bosniak-Croat Federation and journalists of Western mass media often criticize the existence of Republika Srpska because in their opinion the initial creation of a separate entity for the Serbs of Bosnia was based in harsh ethnic cleansing policies and genocide by the first administration and military of Republika Srpska commanded by president Radovan Karadzic.[21][22]. Much of their opinions are founded in decisions by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and International Court of Justice which both lead to conclusions that responsibility for ethnic cleansing and genocide lay in idea, structure and leadership of Republika Srpska.
Current Srpska political leadership staunchly refutes these arguments, making a clear separation between the rights of Bosnian Serbs to constitute a land where they can govern themselves and the war crimes committed by the former Srpska leadership between 1992 and 1995, calling the people who call for the extinction of RS “racists”, “terrorists”, “fascists” and “serbophobic”.
The structures devised by the Dayton agreement, however, can only be modified by consensus of the two Bosnian entities and the approval by the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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