Philippine Revolution | |||||||
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Official casualties are unknown. | Official casualties are unknown. |
The Philippine Revolution (1896 - 1898) was an armed military conflict between the people of the Philippines and the Spanish colonial authorities which resulted to the secession of the Philippine Islands from the Spanish Empire.
The revolution began on August 23, 1896. Rebels and patriots in the capital city of Manila called a meeting to address the discovery of the Katipunan conspiracy by Spanish authorities. The Katipunan was a secessionist movement founded by radical members of La Liga Filipina, which was in turn the Manila chapter of the Propaganda Movement. The Madrid chapter, which was the newspaper La Solidaridad, had failed in Europe and had run out of funding. Rebel soldiers of the Katipunan, known as "Katipuneros", converged in the Pugad Lawin. The meeting concluded that the revolution that they have planned for years would begin and tore their "Cedulas" (community tax certificates) in defiance of Spanish rule. This event would be known as the "Cry of Pugadlawin". At first, the rebel army suffered a catastrophic defeat and was dispersed in less than a week. In the meantime in Cavite, Katipuneros led by Emilio Aguinaldo would win victories, and push the Spanish Army as far as Bacoor. Aguinaldo was the town mayor of Cavite El Viejo, and used his influence to secure arms from the nearby army barrack of Fort San Felipe. By 1897, the war would end in a stalemate with the signing of the Peace of Biak-Na-Bato, according to which revolutionary leaders would sail for Hong Kong in self exile. In 1898, Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines with the United States Navy and set up the First Philippine Republic and Philippine Republican Army. While the U.S. Navy prevented Spanish reinforcements from Spain, and Cuba; the Philippine Army had occupied the Spanish Army barracks stationed throughout the islands, except for the based in Intramuros in Manila. On June 12, 1898, the Philippine Republic declared the independence of the entire islands from Spanish rule.
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When the revolution began in 1896, Spain had ruled the Philippines for 377 years. During the Spanish conquest in the 16th century; European missionaries and immigrants steadily flowed to the colony. The inhabitants of the islands were converted to Christianity, and integrated into colonial society. The foundation was rather a period of slow economic growth and the colony spent its early years in constant warfare, not only quelling native rebellions, but also invasions by other nations including the Dutch, British, Portuguese, and Chinese. The longest native rebellion was that of Dagahoy which lasted more than a hundred years. In the late 1700s, Governor-General Basco introduced economic reforms and opened the islands to world trade. Almost overnight, criollos, mestizos, and indios in the islands amassed tremendous wealth and the Philippines became one of the most affluent societies in the East Indies. This new breed of business and intellectual leaders became the colony's middle class society.
In 1789, the French Revolution began changing the political landscape of Europe as it ended absolute monarchy in France. The power passed from king to people through representation in the parliament. People in other European countries began asking for the same representation in parliament. In the Philippines, this ideal spread in the colony through the writings of creole writers as Luis Varela Rodríguez who called himself "Conde Filipino". This was the first instance that a colonist called himself a Filipino rather than a Spanish subject. With the rising economic and political stability in the Philippines, the Middle Class began demanding that the churches in the Philippines be nationalized through a process known as "Secularization". In this process, the control of Philippine parishes were to be passed from the religious orders to the secular priests, particularly Philippine-born priests. The religious orders, or friars, reacted and a political struggle between the friars and secular priests commenced.
The 1800s was also a new era for Europe. Church power was at a decline and friars began pouring more to the Philippines, ending hopes for the friars ever relinquishing their posts. With the opening of the Suez Canal, the trip between Spain and the Philippines was cut short. More peninsulares (Spaniards born in the Spain) began pouring into the colony and began occupying the various government positions traditionally held by the criollo (Spaniards born in the Philippines). In the 300 years of colonial rule, the criollos have been accustomed to being semi-autonomous with the governor-general being the only Spaniard (peninsulares) in the islands. The criollos demanded representation in the Spanish Cortes where they could express their agrievances. This together with the secularization issue gave rise to the Criollo Insurgencies.
In the late 1700s, criollo writers began spreading the ideals of the French Revolution in the Philippines. At the same time, a royal decree ordered the secularization of Philippine churches and many parishes were turned over to Philippine-born priests. Half way in the process, it was aborted with the return of the Jesuits to the Philippines and the religious orders retaking Philippine parishes. One instance that enraged the criollo was the Franciscan take over of the richest parish in the islands which had been under the Philippine-born priests, that of Antipolo. In the early 1800s, Fathers Pedro Pelaez and Mariano Gómez began organizing activities that demanded the return of control of Philippine parishes to Filipino seculars. Father Pelaez, who was Archbishop of the Manila Cathedral, died in an earthquake while Father Gómez retired to private life. The next generation of criollo activists included Father José Burgos who organized the student rallies in the University of Santo Tomas. In the political front, activists like Joaquin Pardo de Tavera and Jacobo Zobel. The unrest escalated into a full blown insurgency when Novales declared the independence of the Philippines from Spain and crowned himself Emperor of the Philippines. In 1872, the bloodiest of criollo uprisings came when soldiers and workers of the Cavite Arsenal of Fort San Felipe mutinied. They were led by Sergeant La Madrid, a Spanish mestizo. The soldiers mistook the fireworks of Quiapo as the signal for a national uprising which had long been planned. The colonial government used the incident to spread a reign of terror and liquidate subversive political and church figures. Among them were Fathers Gómez, Burgos, and Zamora who was executed through the garrotte. They are remembered in Philippine history as GOMBURZA.
The Terror of 1872, its deportation of Filipinos to the Mariana Islands and Europe created a colony of Filipino expatriates in Europe, particularly Madrid. Filipinos in Europe founded the La Solidaridad, a newspaper that pressed for reforms in the Philippines through propaganda. As such, this movement is also known in history as the Propaganda Movement. La Solidaridad included the membership of leading Spanish liberals such as Morayta. Among the pioneering editors of the paper were Graciano López Jaena, Marcelo Del Pilar, and José Rizal. The Propaganda Movement in Europe managed to get the Spanish legislature to pass some reforms in the islands but the colonial government did not implement them. After years of publication from 1889 to 1895, La Solidaridad had begun to run out of funds without accomplishing concrete changes in the Philippines. José Rizal decided to return to the Philippines and found La Liga Filipina, the Manila chapter of the Propaganda Movement.
Barely a year after its founding, José Rizal was arrested by colonial authorities and deported to Dapitan. Conservative members of the Liga under the leadership of Apolinario Mabini set up the Cuerpos de Compromisarios to revive La Solidaridad in Europe. Radical members of the Liga under the leadership of Andrés Bonifacio founded the Kataastaasang Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (Exalted, Honorable Society of Sons of the Country), or simply Katipunan.
Andrés Bonifacio was mestizo orphaned at an early age. His father was a former government official. In lieu of formal education, he read books which included Les Miserables and Presidents of the United States. To earn a living, he made paper fans and sold them in the streets. Later on, he would become a clerk in a British corporation operating in Manila. Bonifacio rose through the ranks and would join the elite circle of Ilustrados, the term used to refer to the Filipino Middle Class of mostly criollos and mestizos. At the height of the Ilustrado persecutions, Bonifacio together with radical members of La Liga Filipina founded the Katipunan. On the night of July 7, 1892, Ladislao Diwa, Teodoro Plata, Valentín Díaz, and Deodato Arellano, joined Bonifacio to found the Katipunan in a house on Calle Azcarraga. After a few transitions in leadership, Bonifacio was eventually elected supreme leader of the rebel army. They raised funds to purchase weapons and sought the help of a Japanese ship docked in Manila as middleman, but failed in the attempt. Eventually, the men got hold of a small number of smuggled and stolen firearms; however, the majority of the militants were only armed with "iták" and bolos, locally-made machete-like knives.
To spread their revolutionary ideas, they published the newspaper "Kalayaan" (Freedom). It was edited by Emilio Jacinto and printed (along with other Katipunan documents) on a printing press purchased with proceeds from the lottery winnings of Francisco del Castillo and Candido Iban, who would later found the Katipunan in Panay. To mislead the Spanish authorities, it carried a false masthead declaring Marcelo del Pilar the editor and Yokohama the site of the printing press. The newspaper was published only once, before the "Katipuneros", having been alerted of the organization's discovery by the Spaniards, destroyed their printing press. They then moved their operations to the offices of "Diario de Manila" where one other edition of the paper was printed in secrecy.
It did not take long before Katipunan membership swelled in numbers, its aims and ideals spreading to other provinces. By March 1896, councils were being organized in the towns of San Juan del Monte, San Felipe Neri, Pasig, Pateros, Marikina, Caloocan, Malabon and surrounding areas. It later dispersed to the provinces of Bulacan, Batangas, Cavite, Nueva Ecija, Laguna and Pampanga. It also included women among its ranks, with the first female inductee in 1893. From a measly 300, the Katipunan grew to an army of more than 30,000.
Two katipuneros, Teodoro Patiño and Apolonio De la Cruz, were engaged in a bitter personal dispute. The former, Patiño, deciding to seek revenge, exposed the secrets of the Katipunan to his sister who was a nun, who in turn revealed it to a Spanish priest, Father Mariano Gil. The priest was led to the printing press of "Diario de Manila" and found a lithographic stone used to print the secret society's receipts. A locker was seized containing a dagger and secret documents.
As with the Terror of 1872, colonial authorities ensued several arrests which included some of the wealthiest ilustrados, including José Rizal. Despite having no involvement in the secessionist movement, many of them were executed, notably Don Francisco Roxas. Bonifacio had forged their signatures into Katipunan documents hoping that they would be forced to support the revolution.
The news immediately reached the top leadership of the organization. Panic-stricken, they immediately called a meeting of the remaining members, first in Kangkong and then in the house of Katipunero Juan Ramos in Pugadlawin in Balintawak. The first meeting yielded nothing. On the second meeting, Bonifacio, fed up with the seemingly-endless squabbling, tore up his "cedula" and cried Mabuhay ang kalayaan ng Pilipinas! (Long live Philippine Independence!). It was a cry to arms and was followed by the majority of the men in attendance. On August 24, 1896, St. Bartolomew's Day, the Revolution had begun.[1]
The first encounter between the Spanish and Philippine rebels took place in Pasong Tamo in Caloocan and signaled a small victory for the revolutionaries. The first battle of note occurred in San Juan del Monte in Manila (the site is now known as "Pinaglabanan", Tagalog for "battleground"). The katipuneros were winning initially, but were subsequently defeated by reinforcements summoned by Governor-General Ramón Blanco. Bonifacio then ordered his men to retreat to Mandaluyong, and eventually to Balara.
Not long after their disastrous defeat in San Juan, several uprisings occurred in nearby provinces. Governor-General Blanco decided to place eight provinces under martial law. These were Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, Laguna, Batangas, and Nueva Ecija. They would later be represented in the eight rays of the sun in the Filipino flag. Arrests and interrogations were intensified and many Filipinos died from torture.
When the revolution broke out, Rizal was living as a political exile in Dapitan and had just volunteered to serve as a doctor in Cuba, where a similar revolution was taking place. Instead of taking him to Barcelona from where he would be sent to Cuba, his ship, acting upon orders from Manila, took him instead to the capital where he was imprisoned in Fort Santiago. There he wrote his famous valedictory poem and awaited his execution which came on December 30, 1896 after a military trial. Although Rizal opposed the Katipunan, his writings inspired the revolution. His execution escalated the anger of Filipinos, and the revolution pushed on.
Meanwhile in Cavite, katipuneros under Emilio Aguinaldo were winning and pushed back the Spanish Army as far as Bacoor. Aguinaldo was the gobernadorcillo (town mayor) of Cavite El Viejo (now Kawit). Through his influence, he was able to secure arms from the Cavite arsenal of Fort San Felipe. He commissioned Edilberto Evangelista, an engineer, to plan the defense and logistics of the revolution in Cavite. His first victory was in the Battle of Imus on September 1, 1896 with the aid of Jose Tagle. It was not long before the issue of leadership was debated. The "Magdiwang" faction, led by Bonifacio's uncle Mariano Álvarez, recognized Bonifacio as supreme leader, being the founder. The Magdalo faction, led by Emilio's cousin Baldomero Aguinaldo, agitated for "Heneral Miong" (Emilio's nickname) to be the organization's head because of his successes in the battlefield. Bonifacio meanwhile had had a succession of defeats. The friction between the two intensified when they refused to cooperate and aid each other in battle. As a result, the Spanish Army, now under the command of Governor-General Camilo de Polavieja, steadily gained ground.
In order to unite the Katipunan in Cavite, the Magdiwang through Artemio Ricarte and Pio Del Pilar invited Bonifacio, who was fighting in Morong (now Rizal) province, to come to Cavite, Aguinaldo's home ground. On December 31, an assembly was convened in Imus to settle the leadership issue once and for all. The Magdalo insisted on the establishment of revolutionary government to replace the Katipunan and continue the struggle. On the other hand, the Magdiwang favored the Katipunan's retention, arguing that it was already a government in itself. The assembly dispersed without a consensus.
On March 22, 1897, another meeting was held in Tejeros. It called for the election of officers for the revolutionary government. Bonifacio chaired the election. This convention ended in further conflict and led to the revolution's demise.
Bonifacio called for the election results to be respected. When the voting ended, Bonifacio had lost and the leadership turnover to Aguinaldo, who was away fighting in Pasong Santol. Instead, he was elected to director of the interior but his qualifications were questioned by a Magdalo, Daniel Tirona. Bonifacio felt insulted and drew his pistol to shoot Tirona had not Artemio Ricarte intervened. Bonifacio declared the election null and void and stomped out in anger. Aguinaldo took his oath of office as president the next day in Santa Cruz de Malabon (now Tanza) in Cavite, as did the rest of the officers, except for Andrés Bonifacio.
In Naic, Bonifacio and his officers created the Naic Military Agreement, establishing a rival government to Aguinaldo's. It rejected the election at Tejeros and restored Bonifacio as the leader of the revolution. When Aguinaldo learned of the document, he ordered the arrest of Bonifacio and his soldiers. Colonel Agapito Benzon chanced upon Bonifacio in Limbon. In the subsequent battle, Bonifacio and his brother Procopio were wounded, while their brother Crispulo was killed. They were taken to Naic to stand trial.
The Consejo de Guerra (War Council) sentenced Andrés and Procopio Bonifacio to death on May 10, 1897 for committing sedition and treason.[1] Aguinaldo commuted the punishment to deportation, but withdrew his decision following pressure from Pio Del Pilar and other officers of the revolution.
On May 10, Colonel Lazaro Macapagal, upon orders from General Mariano Noriel, executed the Bonifacio brothers at the foothills of Mount Buntis,[1]a small mountain near Maragondon. Andrés Bonifacio and his brother were buried in a shallow grave marked only with twigs.
Augmented by new recruits from Spain, government troops recaptured several towns in Cavite. The succession of defeats for the Katipunan could also be attributed to conflict within the organization that resulted from Bonifacio's assassination, with those loyal to him refusing to subject themselves to the command of Aguinaldo. It did not, however, deter Aguinaldo and his men to keep on fighting. They moved northward, from one town to the next, until they finally settled in Biak-na-Bato, in the town of San Miguel de Mayumo in Bulacan. Here they established what became known as the Republic of Biak-na-Bato, with a constitution drafted by Isabelo Artacho and Felix Ferrer and based on the first Cuban Constitution.
With the new Spanish Governor-General Fernando Primo de Rivera declaring, "I can take Biak-na-Bato. Any army can capture it. But I cannot end the rebellion," he proffered the olive branch of peace to the revolutionaries. A lawyer named Pedro Paterno volunteered as negotiator between the two sides. For four months, he traveled between Manila and Biak-na-Bato. His hard work finally bore fruit when, on December 14-15, 1897, the Pact of Biak-na-Bato was signed. Made up of three documents, it called for the following agenda:[2]
In accordance with the first clause, Aguinaldo and twenty five other top officials of the revolution were banished to Hong Kong with $400,000 (Mexican) in their pockets. The rest of the men got $200,000 (Mexican) and the third installment was never received. General amnesty was never declared because sporadic skirmishes continued.
Not all the revolutionary generals complied with the treaty. One, General Francisco Makabulos, established a Central Executive Committee to serve as the interim government until a more suitable one was created. Armed conflicts resumed, this time coming from almost every province in Spanish-governed Philippines. The Spaniards, on the other hand, continued the arrest and torture of those suspected of "banditry".
The Pact of Biak-na-Bato did not signal an end to the revolution. Aguinaldo and his men were convinced that the Spaniards would never give the rest of the money as a condition of surrender. Furthermore, they believed that Spain reneged on her promise of amnesty. The Filipino patriots renewed their commitment for complete independence. They purchased more arms and ammunition to ready themselves for another siege.
The February, 1898 explosion and sinking of a U.S. Navy warship in Havana harbor during an ongoing revolution in Cuba led in April of that year to a declaration of war against Spain by the United States. On April 25, Commodore George Dewey sailed for Manila with a fleet of seven ships. Arriving on May 1, he encountered a fleet of twelve ships commanded by Admiral Patricio Montojo. The resulting Battle of Manila Bay lasted only a few hours, with all of Montojo's fleet destroyed. Dewey called for armed reinforcements and, while waiting, contented himself with merely acting as a blockade for Manila Bay.[4][5]
Aguinaldo wrote retrospectively in September 1899 that he had met with U.S. Consuls E. Spencer Pratt and Rounceville Wildman in Singapore between 22 and 25 April, and that they persuaded him to again take up the mantle of leadership in the revolution, with Pratt communicating with Admiral Dewey by telegram, passing assurances from Dewey to Aguinaldo that the United States would at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines under the protection of the United States Navy, and adding (as Aguinaldo writes) "... that there was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement because the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact equivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises and assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed with Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man’s word of honour. In conclusion the Consul said, 'The Government of North America, is a very honest, just, and powerful government.'"[6]
Aguinaldo writes of meeting with Dewey after arriving in Cavite, and recalls: "I asked whether it was true that he had sent all the telegrams to the Consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt, which that gentleman had told me he received in regard to myself. The Admiral replied in the affirmative, adding that the United States had come to the Philippines to protect the natives and free them from the yoke of Spain. He said, moreover, that America is exceedingly well off as regards territory, revenue, and resources and therefore needs no colonies, assuring me finally that there was no occasion for me to entertain any doubts whatever about the recognition of the Independence of the Philippines by the United States."[6] A U.S. Library of Congress Country Study on the Philippines completed in 1991 reports that by late May (the exact date is not given), the United States Department of the Navy had ordered Dewey to distance himself from Aguinaldo lest he make untoward commitments to the Philippine forces.[7]
Dean Conant Worcester, in his 1914 book The Philippines: Past and Present (vol. 1 of 2), reports that on April 27, 1908, Pratt wrote the Secretary of State explaining how he had come to meet Aguinaldo, and stating just what he had done. Pratt said:[8]
[... some text apparently elided by Worcester ...] At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the state of an object sought to be obtained by the present insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the Philippines, he was still directing, I took it upon myself, whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the expediency of cooperating with our fleet, then at Hongkong, and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:--
Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange with Commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if desired. Telegraph.
_Pratt_.
... and that that Dewey replied to Pratt's telegram as follows:[8]
Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.
_Dewey_.
Worcester points our that Pratt explained to Aguinaldo that he had no authority to speak for the government; that there was no mention in the cablegrams between Pratt and Dewey of independence or indeed of any conditions on which Aguinaldo was to cooperate. Worthington quotes a subsequent letter describing the particulars of Pratt's second and last interview with Aguinaldo, in which Pratt reiterated that he had no authority to discuss the establishment of a Philippine government as follows:[8]
No. 213. _Consulate-General of the United States._
_Singapore_, April 30, 1898.
_Sir_: Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and last interview I had with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo on the eve of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American Government, the President having declared that the present hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord with modern principles of civilized warfare.
To this General Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should direct.
The general stated that he hoped the United States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in the organization of which he would desire American advice and assistance.
These questions I told him I had no authority to discuss.
I have, etc.,
_E. Spencer Pratt_,
_United States Consul-General_.
Author Worcester goes on to analyze several other items bearing on the question of whether the U.S. made promises to Aguinaldo regarding Philippine independence, and concludes with the following summary:[8]
Consul-General Pratt was, or professed to be, in hearty sympathy with the ambition of the Filipino leaders to obtain independence, and would personally have profited from such a result, but he refrained from compromising his government and made no promises in its behalf.
Admiral Dewey never even discussed with Aguinaldo the possibility of independence.
There is no reason to believe that any subordinate of the Admiral ever discussed independence with any Filipino, much less made any promise concerning it.
Neither Consul Wildman nor Consul Williams promised it, and both were kept in ignorance of the fact that it was desired up to the last possible moment.
It is not claimed that either General Anderson or General Merritt made any promise concerning it.
The conclusion that no such promise was ever made by any of these men is fully justified by well-established facts.
Maximo M. Kalaw wrote in a 1927 dissertation titled The development of Philippine politics:[9]
Just exactly what transpired at the meeting between Aguinaldo and Pratt has been a matter of debate. The Englishman Bray acted as interpreter. A few of the principal facts, however, seem quite clear. Aguinaldo was not made to understand that, in consideration of Filipino cooperation, the United States would extend its sovereignty over the Islands, and thus in place of the old Spanish master a new one would step in. The truth was that nobody at the time ever thought that the end of the war would result in the retention of the Philippines by the United States.
Kalaw continues in a footnote as follows:[10]
For Aguinaldo's version of this interview, see Reseña Verídica Revolucion Filipína, Chapter III;[6] It has been claimed, probably with some truth, that Aguinaldo's Reseña Verídica was not written by himself, but by some of his cabinet members, most likely Bunecamino. The principal facts, however, must have been furnished by Aguinaldo himself. It was written, it must be confessed, at the time (about September 1899) when the question of whether Dewey and Pratt had promised Aguinaldo independence, was being asked in America.
A January 7, 1899 New York Times article, referring to correspondence published officially in connection with the Treaty of Paris, reports that Wildman had been warned not to make pledges or to or discuss policy with Aguinaldo, "... and he replied that he had made him no pledges.", and that Consul Pratt had been instructed "... that it was proper for him to obtain the unconditional assistance of Gen. Aguinaldo, but not to make any political pledges." In a letter of June 20, U.S. Secretary of State William Day referred at length to the report of Pratt's conference with the Filipino leaders, saying that he feared that some of Pratt's utterances had caused apprehension "lest the Consul's action may have laid the ground of future misunderstanding and complication." and that, in reply, Pratt repeated his assurance that he had used due due precaution in dealing with the Philippine leaders.[11]
A February 20, 1899 New York Times article reports that a close friend of Consul Pratt had disclosed purported "inside facts" about the conversations between Pratt and Aguinaldo, including (1) that Aguinaldo had indicated willingness to accept the same terms for the Philippines as the U.S. intended giving to Cuba (though no agreement on such terms had been reached at the time of the discussions), and (2) that Pratt was aware that Aguinaldo's policy "... clearly embraced independence for the Philippines."[12] No mention was made in the purported "inside facts" of any agreements between Pratt and Aguinaldo regarding Philippine independence.[12]
In relation to a book titled The Philippine Islands, the Times reported on August 6, 1899 that Pratt had obtained a court order enjoining publication of certain statements "... which might be regarded as showing a positive connection" between himself and Aguinaldo.[13] The Times reported the court upholding Pratt's position that he had "no dealings of a political character" with Aguinaldo and restraining further publication of the book.[13]
A June 27, 1902 New York Times article reports Admiral Dewey testifying before the U.S. Congress that he had made no promises. The Times article reports Dewey describing his telegraphic exchange with Pratt as follows: "The day before we left Hong Kong I received a telegram from Consul General Pratt, located at Singapore, saying Aguinaldo was at Singapore and would join me at Hong Kong. I replied, 'All right, tell him to come aboard,' but attached so little importance to the message that I sailed without Aguinaldo and before he arrived."[14]
On May 7, 1898, the American dispatch-boat McCulloch arrived in Hong Kong from Manila, bringing reports of Dewey's May 1st victory in the battle of Manila Bay but with no orders regarding transportation of Aguinaldo. The McCulloch again arrived in Hong Kong on May 15, bearing orders to transport Aguinaldo to Manila. Aguinaldo departed Hong Kong aboard the McCulloch on May 17, arriving in off Cavite in Manila Bay on May 19.[6]
Public jubilance marked the Aguinaldo's return. Several revolutionaries, as well as Filipino soldiers employed by the Spanish army, crossed over to Aguinaldo's command. Soon after, Imus and Bacoor in Cavite, Parañaque and Las Piñas in Morong, Macabebe and San Fernando in Pampanga, as well as Laguna, Batangas, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Tayabas (now Quezon), and the Camarines provinces, were liberated by the Filipinos. They were also able to secure the port of Dalahican in Cavite. The revolution was gaining ground.
The Spanish colonial government, now under Governor-General Basilio Augustín y Dávila, in order to win over the Filipinos from Aguinaldo and the Americans, established the Volunteer Militia and Consultative Assembly. Both groups were made up of Filipino recruits. However, most of them remained loyal to the revolution. The Volunteer Militia literally joined its supposed enemy, while the Assembly, chaired by Paterno, never had the chance to accomplish their goals.
By June 1898, the island of Luzon, except for Manila and the port of Cavite, was under Philippine control. The revolutionaries were laying siege to Manila and cutting off its food and water supply. With most of the archipelago under his control, Aguinaldo decided it was time to establish a Philippine government.
When Aguinaldo arrived from Hong Kong, he brought with him a copy of a plan drawn by Mariano Ponce, calling for the establishment of a revolutionary government. Upon the advice of Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, however, an autocratic regime was established instead on May 24, with Aguinaldo as dictator.
It was under this dictatorship that independence was finally proclaimed on June 12, 1898 in Aguinaldo's house in Kawit, Cavite. The first Filipino flag was unfurled and the national anthem was played for the first time.
Apolinario Mabini, Aguinaldo's closest adviser, was opposed to Aguinaldo's decision towards a dictatorial rule. He instead urged for the reformation of a government that could prove its stability and competency as prerequisite. Aguinaldo refused to do so; however, Mabini was able to convince him to turn his autocratic administration into a revolutionary one. Aguinaldo declared a revolutionary government on July 23.
The Revolution did not end with the June 12th declaration. On June 2, 1899, the Malolos Congress of the First Philippine Republic enacted and ratified a Declaration of War on the United States, which was publicly proclaimed on that same day by Pedro Paterno, President of the Assembly, and the Philippine–American War ensued.[15]
Upon the recommendations of the decree that established the revolutionary government, a Congreso Revolucionario was assembled at Barasoain Church in Malolos, Bulacan. All of the delegates to the congress were from the ilustrado class.
Mabini objected to the call for a constitutional assembly; when he did not succeed, he drafted a constitution of his own, and this too failed. A draft by ilustrado lawyer Felipe Calderón y Roca was instead laid on the table and this became the framework upon which the assembly drafted the first constitution.
On November 29, the assembly, now popularly-called Malolos Congress, finished the draft. However, Aguinaldo, who always placed Mabini in high esteem and heeded most of his advice, refused to sign it when the latter objected. On January 21, 1899, after a few modifications were made to suit Mabini's arguments, the constitution was finally approved by the congreso and signed by Aguinaldo. Two days later, the Filipino Republic (also called the First Republic and Malolos Republic) was inaugurated in Malolos with Aguinaldo as president.
The United States have refused to allow the Filipinos to participate in taking Manila from the Spanish. The United States Navy waited for American reinforcements and they occupied Manila. On January 1899, an American sentry shot a Filipino soldier patrolling near the border between the Filipino and American lines. Elwel Otis, U.S. Military Governor of Manila, used the incident to attack the Filipino patriots and colonize the Philippines. Emilio Aguinaldo requested for an investigation of the incident before it would escalate to a war. However, Otis would refuse and replied "The war has already begun and must continue to the grim end". The Mololos Congress declared war on the United States on June 2, 1899, with Pedro Paterno, President of Congress, issuing a Proclamation of War.[16] The Philippine–American War ensued between 1899 and 1902. The war officially ended in 1902, with the Filipino leaders accepting, for the most part, that the Americans had won.
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