Periyar E. V. Ramasamy

Periyar
Thanthai Periyar
Born	September 17, 1879 Erode, Tamil Nadu, India
Died	December 24, 1973 Tamil Nadu, India
Occupation	Social Worker, politician
Religious beliefs	Atheist (Raised Hindu)
Spouse(s)	Nagammal, Maniammai
Website http://www.periyar.org/

Periyar E. V. Ramasamy^[1] (Tamil: பெரியார், Kannada: Kannada: ಪೆರಿಯಾರ್ ) (September 17, 1879 – December 24, 1973), also known as Ramaswami, EVR, Thanthai Periyar, or Periyar, was a Dravidian social reformer and politician from India, who founded the Self-Respect Movement and Dravidar Kazhagam.^[2][3][4] He is considered an icon of rationalism.^[5] and is most famous for his Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu. Periyars primary principles of focus was on rationalism, self-respect, social reform, eradication of caste, and women’s rights. To his followers and admirers, he was a courageous advocate for the rights of humanity and the preservation of Dravidian cultures. He was a man who indicted Indo-Aryan India in the harshest terms for its exploitation, imposition, and marginalization of the indigenous Dravidian peoples who were non-Brahmin. Those who had a dislike for Periyar accused him of attacking Hinduism and the Brahmin community. But his was targeted against Brahminism and not Brahmins, and the manipulation of Hinduism and not Hinduism as a faith. He has been listed amongst the top 100 most influential people amongst Tamil society of the 20th century.^[6]

Periyar was born in Erode, Tamil Nadu to a wealthy business family.^[7] At a young age, he has been a witness to numerous incidents of racial, caste and gender discrimination.^[7] At the age of nineteen, he was married to Nagammai and had a daughter who lived only till 5 months. Nagammai passed away a couple years later.^[8] Periyar joined the Indian National Congress in 1919.^[9] After many failed attempts to bring about change in Tamil Nadu’s society through this party, he resigned.^[10]

In 1924, Periyar carried out a Satyagraha agitation in Vaikom, Kerala. From 1929 to 1932 he conducted a world tour to Malaysia, Europe, and Russia which had an influence on him.^[11]

In 1939, Periyar headed the Justice Party^[12] , and in 1944, he changed the name to Dravidar Kazhagam.^[13] While continuing the Self-Respect Movement, he advocated for an independent Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan).^[14] Periyar's party later split and formed the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK).^[13] In his older age, he married again to a young lady by the name of Annaiyar Maniyammai^[6] who carried out his work after his death in 1973.^[15] Today, the Dravidar Kazhagam is headed by K. Veeramani who has been an ardent supporter of Periyar’s Dravidian movement, and still continues today to stand up for the rights of humanity.^[16]

Contents 1 Biography 1.1 Early years 1.2 Member of Congress Party (1919-1925) 1.3 Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-1925) 1.4 Self-Respect Movement 1.5 International travel (1929-1932) 1.6 Anti-Hindi campaigns 1.7 Justice Party (1939-1944) 1.8 Dravidar Kazhagam (1944-onwards) 2 Periyar’s principles 2.1 Rationalism 2.2 Self-Respect 2.3 Social reform 2.4 Eradication of caste 2.5 Women’s rights 3 Legacy 3.1 Awakening in society 3.2 Removal of caste names 3.3 Inter-caste marriages 3.4 Service to the backward classes 3.5 Uplift of women 4 Ideals and criticisms 4.1 Tamil language and writing 4.2 Formation of Dravidistan 4.3 Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin 4.4 Dalits 4.5 Religion and atheism 5 Followers and influence 6 In popular culture 7 Notes 8 References 9 Further reading 10 External links

Biography

Early years

Periyar was born as Erode Venkata Ramasami Naicker on September 17, 1879, in Erode, Tamil Nadu.^[7] The name Naicker denoted the caste his family was from.^[7] Periyar's father, a rich businessman, was Venkata (Naicker), and his mother was Chinna Thayammal, alias Muthammal. He had one elder brother named Krishnaswamy and two sisters named Kannamma and Ponnuthoy.^[1]

He later came to be known as "Periyar" meaning 'respected one' or 'elder' in Tamil.^[1] In 1929, Periyar announced the deletion of his caste title "Naicker" from his name at the First Provincial Self-Respect Conference of Chenggalpattu.^[17] He could speak three Dravidian languages: Kannada, Tamil and Telugu. Periyar attended school for 5 years after which he joined his father's trade at the age of 12. He used to listen to Tamil Vaishnavite gurus who gave discourses in his house enjoying his father's hospitality. At a young age, he began questioning the apparent contradictions in the fables of Hindu deities which he believed was spread by the Arya race, for subjugating the Dravidian race.^[1] As Periyar grew, he became convinced that some people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people. That was why he took it as one of his duties in life to warn people against superstitions and priests.^[18]

Periyar's father arranged for his wedding when he was nineteen with Nagammai who was only thirteen, then. It was not altogether an arranged marriage because Periyar and Nagammai had known each other for some years and were actually in love with each other. Nagammai proved to be an ideal wife and cooperated, whole heartedly with her husband in all his later public activities and agitations. Two years after marriage, this couple had a girl child who lived only for five months. After the child's demise they had no other children.^[8]

Kasi Pilgrimage Incident

In 1904, Periyar went on a pilgrimage to Varanasi (Kasi) to worship in the famous Siva temple Kashi Vishwanath.^[1] The immoral activities, begging and floating dead bodies, which Periyar supposedly witnessed at Kasi, regarded as one of the holiest sites of Hinduism, made Periyar abhor the place.^[1] His frustrations extended to functional Hinduism in general when he experience what he called Brahmanic exploitation.^[7]

There was one incident in Kasi which had an impact on his future work. At the worship site there were free meals offered to guests. To Periyar's shock, he was refused meals at choultries which exclusively fed Brahmins forbidding other Hindu castes. Having starved severely for some days, Periyar found no other better way than to enter a choultry with the appearance of a Brahmin wearing a thread on his bare chest. But his mustache betrayed him. So the gate-keeper not only prevented his entry but also pushed him rudely to the street.^[1]

As his hunger grew for the past few days, Ramasamy was forced to compete with the street dogs in eating the remnants of food in the leaves. While eating that food, he saw the letters carved on the front wall of the building. They revealed the truth that the choultry exclusively occupied by the highest caste Brahmins, had been built only by a wealthy Dravidian merchant from Tamil Nadu.^[1] Suddenly Periyar questioned to himself as to why and how the Brahmins can obstruct the non-Brahmins from taking meals in the choultry although it was built with the money of a non-Brahmin Dravidian philanthropist. He continued to question as to why the Brahmins behaved so mercilessly and fanatically as to push the communities of the Dravidian race even to starvation and even death by adamantly enforcing their evil casteism. He had pictured Kasi as a place where all Hindus would be treated equally. But, the shame inflicted by the Brahmins at Kasi upon him without the least mercy, made a deep wound in the heart of Periyar and thus inflamed intense opposition towards Indo-Aryan cultural imposition, casteism, and their creation of innumerable gods.^[1] Ramasami was a theist till his visit to Kasi, after which his views changed and he became an atheist.^[19]

Dravidian political parties
Dravidian movement Periyar E. V. Ramasamy Rise of Dravidian parties Anti-Hindi agitations Cinema in Dravidian politics
Defunct Dravidian parties Justice party Thamizhaga Munnetra Munnani Thayga Marumalarchi Kazhagam
Contemporary Dravidian parties Dravidar Kazhagam Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pattali Makkal Katchi Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam All India Latchiya Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Chief Ministers from Dravidian parties C. N. Annadurai V. R. Nedunchezhiyan M. Karunanidhi M. G. Ramachandran Janaki Ramachandran J. Jayalalithaa O. Panneerselvam

Member of Congress Party (1919-1925)

Periyar Ramaswamy joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 after quiting his business and resigning public posts. He held the chairmanship of Erode Municipality and wholeheartedly undertook the constructive program of spreading the use of Khadi, picketing toddy shops, boycotting the shops selling foreign cloth, and eradication of untouchability. In 1921, Periyar courted imprisonment for picketing toddy shops in Erode. When his wife as well as his sister joined the agitation, it gained momentum, and the administration was forced to come to a compromise. He was again arrested during the Non-Cooperation movement and the Temperance movement.^[9]. In 1922, Periyar was elected the President of the Madras Presidency (Tamil Nadu) Congress Committee during the Tirupur session where he advocated strongly for reservation in government jobs and education. His attempts were defeated in the Congress party due to a strong presence of discrimination and indifference. He later quit the party on those grounds in 1925.^[10]

Gurukulam Incident

Even before he resigned his membership of the Congress, Periyar was convinced that communalism was deep rooted in Tamil Nadu and that the forward community members of the Congress showed only lip service for backward classes. When Mahatma Gandhi started the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920, he suggested that congressmen should avoid sending their children to schools which were under the supervision of the British rulers. Some new schools were started by individuals and some charitable institutions, for the benefit of the children who were not going to Government schools.^[19]

In a place called Cheranmadevi in Tirunelveli district, a residential school, also known as Gurukulam, was started with help from the Tamil Nadu Congress. It was manned by V.V.S. Iyer who was believed to be an ardent Congressman. The Tamil Nadu Congress was given an annual grant of ten thousand rupees to the school. For the year 1925, half of he grant for the school had already been given by the time Periyar became the secretary. On receipt of complaint, Periyar found that Brahmin children and Non-Brahmin children were given food in separate places. He advised V.V.S. Iyer to treat all children alike and not instill communalism into them by putting them into separate groups. He refused to listen to Periyar's advice, upon which the latter refused to release the other half of the grant. But, Iyer managed to get the amount through the joint secretary of the Congress, without the knowledge of Periyar. When this came to the attention of Periyar, he addressed public meetings about it and created public awareness of what was happening in the Gurukulam. Prominent congressmen like Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu, Thiru V.Ka, S. Ramanathan and others condemned the sectarian attitude of V.V.S. Iyer in running a public institution.^[19] When Gandhi's attention was drawn to what was happening in the school, he too did not succeed in the matter. ^[20] Iyer was reluctant to change his attitude and therefore the school was closed. ^[21]

Reasons for leaving the Congress Party

Periyar was initially an enthusiastic supporter of Non-Cooperation movement and left Congress in 1925 as he believed that Congress was not able or willing to provide importance to the concerns of the non-Brahmins. He was particularly angered by Gandhi's pro-Brahman speeches in Madras during his trip in 1927.^[22]

When he joined the Congress in 1919, he believed that all the prominent people in that organization were enlightened and he hoped that with their co-operation, he could get rid of the evil of untouchability and that the backward and depressed class people could be enabled to have proper education and have their proper share in government appointments.^[23] Several times, Periyar had tried to get the a resolution regarding communal representation. Soon after his return from Vaikom, Periyar made the last and sixth attempt at getting the Tamil Nadu Congress to pass the resolution regarding communal representation at a conference held in Kanchipuram in 1925. Thiru V.Ka was the President at the time and sensing opposition in the open session, he did not permit Periyar to propose the resolution. In utter disgust, Periyar got out of the Congress.^[24]

This happened just a few months before Periyar's failure in getting the resolution regarding communal representation discussed at the annual conference of the Tamil Nadu Congress in November 1925 at Kanchipuram. So by the time Periyar resigned from the Congress, he knew that in order to enable the backward community people to come up, they must be made to realize that they had the right to claim equality with the so called upper classes, and that, in fact, they had the right to claim proportionate representation in all public offices. These he made the major themes of his platform for the rest of his life. It should be said to the credit of Periyar that his repeated public meetings on the question of communal representation forced the government to pass G.O.No.1129 on December 15, 1928 by which Brahmins]], non-Brahmins, Christians, Muslims and depressed classes were assured of proportionate representation in public offices.^[21]

Periyar felt that the Brahmins, who formed a majority in the Indian National Congress and occupied the top posts desired to dominate the party. Periyar was against the activities of the Brahmin leadership, which he felt, conspired to secure the top posts in the party for themselves and members of their community ^[25] As soon as Periyar joined the Indian National Congress, he tried to popularize the usage of khadi. However, he soon got the impression that the Khadi Board Administration was dominated by Brahmins. The affairs of this Board also convinced Periyar that in order to get justice done to Non-brahmins in Tamil Nadu, he must leave the Congress and work from outside.^[26]

Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-1925)

Main article: Vaikom Satyagraha

Periyar Ramaswamy was involved in securing rights to entry into temples and access to temple roads for people of all castes in Vaikom, Kerala of the princely state of Travancore in 1924. Periyar was the President of the Madras Presidency (Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh) Congress Committee at that time and led the agitation after many other leaders had been arrested. Upon coming to Vaikom in April of 1924, he was arrested. Regardless of his arrest, he remained in Vaikom and continued with the Satyagraha. Mahatma Gandhi, on an invitation from Rajaji, went to Vaikom and began talks with the Queen of Travancore where it was agreed that the police pickets would be removed and that the State police would do nothing to prevent the lower castes using the roads. Periyar refused to participate in the negotiations, but agreed reluctantly to Gandhi's idea for the demand of all people entering the temple be put off for the time being. ^[27]

In 1925, the Madras Presidency (Tamil Nadu) Congress passed a resolution unanimously praising Periyar's significant contribution to the Vaikom Satyagraha and hailing him as the Vaikom Veerar (Vaikom Hero) in the Kanchipuram Session.^[28]

Self-Respect Movement

Main article: Self-Respect Movement

Periyar and his followers campaigned constantly to influence and pressurize the government to take measures for removing social inequality even while other nationalist leaders focused on the struggle for political independence. The Self-Respect Movement was described from the beginning, as "dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of pride based on their Dravidian past".^[29] In 1952 the Periyar Self-Respect Movement Institution was registered with a list of objectives of the institution from which may be quoted:

1. For the diffusion of useful knowledge of political education.
2. To allow people to live a life of freedom from slavery to anything against reason and self respect.
3. To do away with all kinds of needless customs, meaningless ceremonies, and blind superstitious beliefs in society.
4. To put an end to the present social system in which caste, religion, community and traditional occupations based on the accident of birth, have chained the mass of the people and created superior and inferior classes... and to give people equal rights.
5. To completely eradicate untouchability and to establish a united society based on brother/sisterhood.
6. To give equal rights to women.
7. To prevent child marriages and marriages based on law favorable to one sect, to conduct and encourage love marriages, widow marriages, inter caste and inter-religious marriages and to have the marriages registered under the Civil Law.
8. To establish and maintain homes for orphans and widows and to run educational institutions.^[30]

Propagation of the philosophy of Self-Respect became the full-time activity of Periyar since 1925. Oral and written media were used mostly in Tamil; a Tamil weekly Kudi Arasu started in 1925, while the English journal Revolt started in 1928 carried on the propaganda among the English educated people.^[31] The Self-Respect Movement began to grow fast and received the sympathy of some of the leaders of the Justice Party from the beginning. In May 1929, a conference of Self-Respect Volunteers was held at Pattukkotai under the presidency of S. Guruswami. K.V. Alagiriswami took charge as the leader of the volunteer band. Several conferences followed in succession throughout the Tamil districts of the former Madras Presidency. A training school in Self-Respect was opened at Erode, the home town of Periyar. The object was not just to introduce social reform but to bring about a social revolution to foster a new spirit and build a new society.^[32]

International travel (1929-1932)

Between 1929 and 1935, under the strain of World Depression, political thinking all over the world received a jolt from the spread of international communism.^[33] Indian political parties, movements and considerable sections of leadership were also affected by inter-continental ideologies. The Self-Respect Movement also came under the influence of the leftist philosophies and institutions. Periyar after establishing the Self-Respect Movement as an independent institution began to look for strengthening it politically and socially. And for this, he undertook a study of the history and politics of several countries combined with personal observation of the systems at work.^[11]

Periyar toured Malaysia for a month from December, 1929 to January, 1930 to propagate the Self-Respect philosophy. Embarking on his journey from Nagapattinam with his wife Nagammal and his followers, Periyar was received by 50,000 Tamil Malaysians in Penang. During the same month, he inaugurated the Tamils Conference convened by the Tamils Reformatory Sangam in Ipoh and then went to Singapore. In December 1931 he undertook a tour of Europe, accompanied by S. Ramanathan and Erode Ramu, to personally acquaint himself with their political systems, social movements, way of life, economic and social progress and administration of public bodies. He visited Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Russia, Germany, England, Spain, France and Portugal, staying longest in Russia for three months. On his return journey he halted at Ceylon and returned to India in November of 1932.^[11]

The tour shaped the political ideology of Periyar to achieve the social concept of Self-Respect. The communist system obtained in Russia appealed to him as the best suited to deal with the social ills of the country. Thus, on socio-economic issues Periyar was Marxist, but he did not advocate for abolishing private ownership.^[34] Immediately after his return, Periyar in alliance with the enthusiastic communist M. Singaravelu Chettiar, began to work out a socio-political scheme incorporating socialist and self-respect ideals. This marks a crucial stage of development in the Self-Respect Movement which got politicized and found its compatibility in Tamil Nadu.^[11]

Anti-Hindi campaigns

Main article: Anti-Hindi agitations

In 1937, when Rajagopalachari became the Chief Minister of Madras state, he introduced Hindi as a compulsory language of study in schools, igniting thereby a series of anti-Hindi agitations.^[35] Tamil nationalists, the Justice Party under Sir A. D. Panneerselvam, and Periyar organized anti-Hindi protests in 1938 which ended with numerous arrests by the Rajaji government.

More than 1200 people, including women and children, were imprisoned in 1938, of which two, Thalamuthu and Natarasan, lost their lives. In 1939 the Rajaji government quit due to the decision of the Indian National Congress to protest India's participation in World War II. The teaching of Hindi was withdrawn in 1940 by the British governor.^[36][37]

The slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamilians" was first raised in 1938 in protest against the introduction of Hindi in schools. Opposition to the linguistic domination of Hindi was one of the programs of the Self-Respect Movement ever since its genesis. Previously, Periyar gave a warning in a 1926 article of the Kudi Arasu that Hindi would develop as one of the dangers confronting the non-Brahmin community and that it would help only religious propaganda by the Brahmins. In another editorial of the Kudi Arasu in 1929, he questioned the wisdom of spreading the knowledge of Hindi, a language that had no connection to Tamils and was of no utility, an Aryan language that taught only superstitious legends and customs and the superiority of Brahmins.^[38]

He reasoned that the adoption of Hindi would make Tamils subordinate to Hindi-speaking North Indians. Periyar also considered Tamil to be the most desirable language for development of Tamil people. His contention was that it was a conspiracy of Tamil Brahmins and North Indians to destroy the Dravidian art and culture through Hindi language and impose those of the Aryan and thereby re-establish the Varnashramadharma and suppress the Dravidians as the Shudras of the varna order, degrade the Adi Dravidas as Panchamas and Chandalas, and treat the Christians and Muslims as Mlechas. Periyar explained that Hindi would not only halt the progress of Tamilians but would completely destroy their culture and nullify the progressive ideas that had been successfully inculcated through Tamil in the recent decades.^[39]

Periyar stated that if the North Indian quits, the Tamil Brahmin will remain silent. Then they will themselves bid good-bye to castes. The foremost duty today is rooting out Hindi because is was imposed with the motive of installing North Indian domination.^[40]

Anti-Hindi campaigns brought together Dravidians from different political parties and united many leaders who had parted on vital policy differences. ^[41]</ref>Further agitations against the imposition of Hindi continued to occur during the years of 1948, 1952, and 1965.^[42]

Justice Party (1939-1944)

Main article: Justice Party (India)

A political party known as the South Indian Libertarian Federation was founded in 1916, principally to oppose the economic and political power of the Brahmin jati groups. The party was later named the Justice Party, and its stated goal was to render social justice to non-Brahmin groups.^[43] In order to gain the support of the masses, non-Brahmin politicians began propagating an ideology of equality among all non-Brahmin jati groups. Brahmanical priesthood and Sanskritic social class-value (varna) hierarchy were blamed for the existence of inequalities among non-Brahmin jati groups.

In 1937, when the government, required that Hindi be taught in the school system, Periyar organized opposition through the Justice Party to this policy. After 1937, the Dravidian movement derived considerable support from the student community. In later years, opposition to Hindi played a major role in the politics of Tamil Nadu. The fear of the Hindi language had its origin in the conflict between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. To the Tamil, "acceptance" of Hindi in the school system was a form of bondage. When the Justice Party weakened in the absence of mass support, Periyar took over the leadership of the party after being jailed for opposing Hindi in 1939.^[12] Under his tutelage the party prospered, but almost all of the party's conservative members, most of whom were rich and educated, withdrew from active participation.^[43]

Dravidar Kazhagam (1944-onwards)

Main article: Dravidar Kazhagam

In 1944, Periyar renamed the party Dravida Kazhagam (Dravidian Association). The Dravidian Association became immensely popular with the urban masses and students. Many villages were influenced by its message. Hindi, and ceremonies that had become associated with Brahmanical priesthood, were identified as alien symbols that should be eliminated from Tamil culture. Brahmins, who were regarded as the guardians of such symbols, came under verbal attack.^[13] From 1949 onwards, the Dravidar Kazhagam intensified social reformist work and put forward the fact that the superstitions were the cause for the degeneration of Dravidians. The Dravidar Kazhagam vehemently fought for the abolition of untouchability amongst the Dalits. It also focused its attention on the liberation of women, women's education, willing marriage, widow marriage, orphanages and mercy homes.^[44]

Formation of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

Main article: Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

In 1949, Periyar's chief lieutenant, Aringar C.N. Annadurai established a separate association called the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), or (Dravidian Advancement Association).^[13] This was due to differences between the two leaders where Periyar advocated a separate independent Dravidian or Tamil state, while Annadurai compromised with the Delhi government combined with claims of increased state independence.^[45] Periyar was convinced that individuals and movements that undertake the task of eradicating the social evils in the Indian sub-continent have to pursue the goal with devotion and dedication without deviating from the path and with uncompromising zeal. Thus, if they contest elections aiming to assume political power, they would lose vigor and sense of purpose. But amongst his followers, there were those who had a different view. They wanted to enter into politics and have a share in running the government. They were looking for an opportunity to part with Periyar. Thus, when Periyar got married to Maniammai on July 9, 1948, they quit the Dravidar Kazhagam stating that Periyar had set a bad example by marrying a young woman in his old age - he was 70 and she 30. Those who parted company with Periyar also joined the DMK.^[6] Though the DMK split from the Dravidar Kazhagam, the organization made efforts to carry on Periyar's Self-Respect Movement to the villagers and the urban students. The DMK advocated the thesis that the Tamil language was immensely richer than Sanskrit and Hindi in content, and thus was a key which opened the door to all subjects to be learned.^[13] The Dravidar Kazhagam continued to counter Brahminism, Aryan propaganda, and uphold the Dravidians' right of self-determination.^[46]

Periyar’s principles

For over fifty years Periyar was educating the common people on all aspects of life through his speeches. He was particular that everyone should realize that he or she is as much a citizen as anybody else and that caste and creeds are man-made, intended to keep the innocent and the ignorant as under-dogs forever. Though he was focusing his attention on the simple, uneducated people, those who benefited from his innumerable speeches included millions of degree holders who knew their respective subjects of study all right, but who knew practically nothing about how some people were propagating blind beliefs and caste distinctions for selfish ends.^[47]

The special instrument which Periyar used for analyzing any subject or problem was reason. He called reasoning a special instrument because, though everyone has been endowed with that faculty, very few people use it. The way in which Periyar presented his material and carried his audience with him can best be understood only if we look at his remarks on some of the important subjects of social interest.^[47]

Rationalism

The bedrock of Periyar’s principles and the movements that he started was rationalism. What drew him to public service and made him dedicate his long life to it was man’s inhumanity to man.^[47] He found that an insignificant minority in society was exploiting the majority and trying to keep them in a subordinate position forever. To set matters right, he wanted the exploited to sit up and think about their position. Unless they exercised their reason, they would not even realize that they were being exploited by a handful of people. If they started thinking, they would realize that they were human beings like the rest, that birth did not and should not endow superiority to some over others and that they must awaken themselves and do everything possible to improve their own lot.^[48]

It was not an easy task for Periyar to create this awakening among the people who had, for generations, got used to a subordinate position. Most of them did not know that their subordinate position had been brought about by the cunning schemes of some self-seekers. Periyar had to talk to the people on innumerable platforms, over a number of years to arouse their thinking power.^[49]

Likewise, Periyar explained that wisdom lies in thinking and that the spear-head of thinking is rationalism. On caste, he stated that no other living being harms or degrades its own class. But man, said to be a rational living being does all these evils. The differences, hatred, enmity, degradation, poverty, and wickedness, now prevalent in the society are due to lack of wisdom and rationalism and not due to God or the cruelty of time.^[50]

Periyar also blamed the capitalists for their control of machineries, creating difficulties to the workers. Consequently rationalism, which has to lead the way for peaceful life to all, has resulted in causing poverty and worries to the people because of dominating forces. He went on to explain that there is no use of simply acquiring titles or amassing wealth if one has no self-respect and scientific knowledge. An example he showed was the West sending messages to the planets, while the Tamil society in India were sending rice and cereals to their dead for-fathers through the Brahmins.^[50]

In a message to the Brahmin community, Periyar stated, "in the name of god, religion, and sastras you have duped us. We were the ruling people. Stop this life of cheating us from this year. Give room for rationalism and humanism". He further explained that "any opposition not based on rationalism, science, or experience will one day or another, reveal the fraud, selfishness, lies and conspiracies".^[51]

Self-Respect

Main article: Self-Respect Movement

The movement that Periyar first started was significantly called The Self-Respect Movement. He was convinced that if man developed self-respect, he would automatically develop individuality and would refuse to be led by the nose by schemers. One of his most famous quotes on Self-Respect was, "we are fit to think of 'self-respect' only when the notion of superior and inferior caste is banished from our land."^[52]

Self-respect, in Periyar's words, was "a task undertaken in the true spirit of Bhagavad Gita, and nishkamya karma, a work done without any expectations". Periyar did not expect any personal material gain out of this movement and probably derived pleasure out of the work itself. The founder used to recall in a very casual manner that as any human being, he also was obligated to this duty, as it was the right and freedom to choose this work. Thus, Periyar opted to engage himself in starting and promoting the movement.^[41]

The philosophy of Self-Respect, which underlies Periyar's image of an ideal world, was said to be a universally accepted one - a philosophy that preaches that human actions should be based on rational thinking. It is an outcome of the natural instinct of human beings to examine every object and every action and even nature with a spirit of inquiry; and to refuse to submit to anything irrational as equivalent to slavery. The philosophy of Self-Respect preaches that human actions should be guided by reason; right and wrong should follow from rational thinking, and; conclusions drawn from reason should be respected under any circumstances. Freedom means respect to thoughts and actions considered 'right' by human beings on the basis of 'reason'. There is not much difference between 'freedom' and 'self-respect'.^[53]

Periyar declared that the Self-Respect Movement alone could be the genuine freedom movement, and political freedom would not be fruitful without individual self-respect. He remarked that the so called 'Indian freedom fighters' were showing disrespect of self-respect, and this was really an irrational philosophy.

Periyar observed that political freedom as conceived by nationalist leaders not excluding even Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not cover individual self-respect. To him neither revival of the original spirit of Hindu religion and ancient traditions which formed part of Gandhi's conception of freedom, nor complete liberation from the British rule which was considered by Nehru to be the meaning of freedom or both of them together could ensure individual self-respect or remove any of the ills from Indian societies. In his opinion the task of fulfilling the need for self-respect would have to be faced whatever be the extent of political freedom gained. Pointing out that even the British monarch in a fully independent nation had no freedom to marry a person of his choice and had to abdicate his kingdom, Periyar raised a question whether Gandhi's vision of freedom or Nehru's concept of independence contained even an iota of individual self-respect.^[53]

To Periyar, self-respect was as valuable as life itself. To a human being it is protection of his self-respect that is his birth right and not swaraj ('political freedom'). He described the movement as Arivu Vidutalai Iyakkam, that is, a movement to liberate the intellect.

The terms tan manam or cuya mariyadai meaning 'self-respect' are traceable in ancient Tamil literature and the sense conveyed is said to be a virtue highly valued by the Tamil people and speakers of Tamil. Periyar once claimed that to describe the ideology of his movement, no dictionary in the entire world, implying that no other language, could provide a word better than or equal to cuya mariyadai.

Started as a movement (Iyakkam in Tamil) to promote rational behavior, the Self-Respect Movement acquired much wider connotation within a short time. Periyar speaking with M.K. Reddy at the First Self-Respect Conference held in 1929, explained the significance of self-respect and its principles. The main tenets of the Self-Respect Movement were proposed as:^[54]

1. There shall be no kind of inequality among people living in a society.
2. In the economic life of a society there shall be no difference as rich and poor.
3. In human society, men and women shall be treated as equal in every respect without any kind of differences.
4. Attachments to caste, religion, varna, and country shall all have to be eradicated from the society and there shall prevail friendship and unity in the human society all over the world.
5. Every human being shall see to act according to his reason, understanding, desire, and perspective, and shall not be subject to slavery of any kind in any manner.

Human equality with stress on economic and social equality formed the central theme of the Self-Respect Movement was due to Periyar's determination to fight the inequalities ingrained in the caste system and religious practices. Working on the theme of liberating the society from the baneful social practices perpetrated in the name of dharma and karma, Periyar developed the idea of establishing this movement as the instrument for achieving his objective.^[31]

Social reform

Periyar wanted all thinking people to realize that their society was far from perfect and that it is in urgent need of reform. He wanted the Government, the political parties and social workers to identify the evils in society and boldly adopt measures to remove them.^[55]

Periyar's philosophy did not differentiate social and political service.^[56] According to him, the first duty of a government is to run the social organization efficiently, and that the philosophy of religion was to organize the social system. Periyar pointed out that while Christian and Islamic religions were fulfilling this role, the Hindu religion remained totally unsuitable for social progress. Conditions appeared to him such that the government was not for the people, but, in a "topsy-turvey" manner, the people were for the government. He attributed this situation to the state of the social system contrived for the advantage of a small group of people.^[57]

Therefore, Periyar was of the view that for the progress of the people in the country, great social changes were necessary and a good government could be formed only after making those changes. He thought that under the existing social system, there was and there could be no means of removing the hardships of the people even to a small extent, regardless of who came to power.^[57]

One of the areas of focus was in the upliftment of villages. In a booklet called Village Uplift, Periyar plead for rural reform. It should be stressed in this context that rural India still forms the largest part of the Indian subcontinent in spite of the ongoing process of urbanization. As the distinction between rural and urban has meant an economic and social degradation for the rural inhabitant. Periyar wanted to eradicate the concept of "village" as a discrimination word among places just as the concept "outcast" among social groups. Periyar advocated for a location where neither the name nor the situation or its conditions imply any difference among people.^[58]

With the same aim in view, Periyar wanted farm laborers to be called "partakers in agriculture" and be paid 60% of the income, while 40% would go to the landowner. In his booklet on rural uplift of 1944^[59], Periyar gave an action program for modernizing villages which mentioned: a) mechanization of agriculture, that is, ploughing, sowing, digging wells, and harvesting by machines; b) reformulation of agricultural land to facilitate mechanization and separation of land unsuitable for this for growing other crops; c) marketing of agricultural products, through farmers' cooperative so that the proceeds would go to the agriculturists; d)combining several villages as a small town for provision of a school, hospital, park, cinema, drama, reading room, library, radio station, roads, bus transport, police station, a well-educated judge, and shops; e) organizing mobile exhibitions; f) establishing appeals courts and providing for field camp of officers for redressal of grievances; and g)establishing small industries.^[58][59]

Periyar and the Self-Respect Movement wanted to reduce Government salaries because they spoiled men's purity. He explains that they want industries producing things necessary for public welfare to be state-owned.^[60] Furthermore, that cooperative societies to be introduced to remove the brokers and moneylenders that come between farmers and consumers. Farmers must be helped to get rid of their debts. Litigation and conflicts on account of rules should be reduced and death taxes fixed. Periyar also believed that local boards, municipalities, and cooperative managements must be given more power.^[58]

In Periyar's rural uplift, he puts every stress on education as the sure way to rational thinking and action which would lead to the abolishment of injustices in society, economic as well as social.^[61]

Periyar came up with a fourteen point program in the following:

1. The landless agriculturists should be safeguarded from exploitation by landlords and money lenders. The Government should do everything to see that agricultural workers are not deprived of their scroll land holdings for defaulting payment of rent.
2. Co-operative societies and banks should be formed to save the farmers from the exorbitant rate of interest collected by pawnbrokers and money lenders.
3. To reduce the number of cases arising out of the dispute of the ownership of land the Government should itself possess all clear land documents. The practice of cheating the government by means of benami registration of documents should be watched and weeded out.
4. The laws pertaining to agriculture should be so framed that the actual agricultural laborers get reasonable returns for their labor. The laws should also see that the landlords and middle-men do not corner away the bulk of the agricultural products.
5. Like railways, post and telegraphs, waterways and electricity which are now under the control of Government, the other public utilities and services should be taken over by the Government.
6. The insurance scheme should be undertaken by the Government itself and to be extended to workers as in the case of other people.
7. Legislation should be so framed as to increase the income of public as well as the workers with a view to upgrade their standard of living under income ratio.
8. Children of all should be given facilities for education within the target period.^[62]
9. Considering the baneful influence of toddy and other kinds of drink, the government should work towards total prohibition before a specified period of time.
10. The evils of untouchability, discrimination based on birth, superstition and blind belief should be done away with.
11. The State Government appointments should be apportioned according to the percentage of population of people and political aspirations.
12. Land tax should be levied progressively taxing the rich more and leaving the poor from the rigorous clutches of tax.
13. The opportunities to get revenue in the case of local bodies and co-operatives should be enlarged and the management should be vested with the Government servants.
14. The motto of the public administration should aim at efficiency and best administration with reasonable expenditure. The average economic life of an Indian should relate to the economics of the countries and their salary to be regulated accordingly.

Periyar sent a copy of these resolutions to the government and all political parties, including the Congress. The Congress ignored these resolutions because they had come from Periyar and his party. But the Just Party accepted the resolutions and assured Periyar that it would implement as many of those resolutions as possible, when administrative power came into its hands. The acceptance of the resolutions by the Just Party was indeed a victory for Periyar's Self-Respect Movement.^[62]

Eradication of caste

Periyar felt that a small number of cunning people created caste distinctions in order to dominate over society. That was why he emphasized the view that we must first develop self-respect and learn to analyze any proposition rationally. A self-respecting rationalist will readily realize that caste system has been stifling self-respect and therefore he will strive to get rid of this menace. One of Periyar's quotes on caste was, "a sizable population today remains as untouchables, and another sizable population exists in the name of Sudras and as serfs, coolies and menials. Who wants an independence that cannot help change these things? Who wants religion, scriptures and gods, which cannot bring about a change in this sphere?"^[63]

Periyar explained that the caste system in south India is, due to Aryan influence, linked with the arrival of Brahmins from the north. Ancient Tamil Nadu (part of Tamilakkam) had a different stratification of society in four or five regions (Tinai), determined by natural surroundings and adequate means of living.^[64] Periyar also mentions that birds, animals, and worms, which are considered to be devoid of rationalism do not create castes, or differences of high and low in their own species. But man considered to be a rational being, is suffering from all these because of religion. He further explains that amongst dogs you don't have a Brahmin dog, or a Pariah (untouchable) dog. Among donkeys and monkeys we also do not find such things. But, amongst men there is such discrimination.^[65]

Periyar argues by asking how are we to believe that a man has an iota of sense or rationalism in doing all these. He also asks why sosciety would give things only to Brahmins, fall at their feet?, or even to the extent as to wash their feet and drink that water. Periyar explains that if this is Hindu doctrine and philosophy, such a religion must go. He gives examples of rituals such as christening, house warming, marriage, and for puberty, that they are for the Brahmin's gain as the only ones to conduct these occasions. We do not respect our knowledge nor are we ashamed of our actions. Are we merely a mass of flesh and bones? Why should anybody get angry when I say all these to make you think over. Who is responsible of our degradation? Is it religion or government"?^[66]

Gandhi advocated for the caste system in its preservation. On the question of Untouchables being prevented from drawing water from wells and entering temples, Gandhi suggested having separate wells and temples made for them instead.^[67] Periyar argued against this by demanding the Vedas of Aryans to be burnt and their deities to be destroyed since it was their creation of the castes and Untouchables. He also went on to state that "it was absurd to quote religion, god, or religious doctrines to render people as lowest castes".^[50]

Periyar argued that the caste system has "perverted peoples ideas about human conduct. The principle of different codes of conduct for each caste based on birth and life, led in accordance with it for centuries, have spoiled the Hindu mentality almost beyond repair, and destroyed the idea of uniformity in conduct. Graded inequality has got so much into the Hindu blood that general intelligence is warped and refused to mend even after English education and higher standards of living".^[68]

Women’s rights

Main article: Periyar on Women's Rights

As a rationalist and ardent social reformer, Periyar advocated forcefully, throughout his life, that women should be given their legitimate position in society as the equals of men and that they should be given good education and also the right to property. He was keen that women should realize their right and be worthy citizens of their country.^[69]

Periyar fought against the orthodox traditions of marriage as suppression of women in Tamil Nadu and throughout the Indian sub-continent. Though arranged marriages were meant to enable a couple to live together throughout life, it was manipulated to enslave women.^[70] Much worse was the practice of child marriages which were many in India. It was believed that it would be a sin to marry after puberty.^[71] Another practice, which is prevalent today, is the dowry system where the bride's family is supposed to give the husband a huge payment for the bride. The purpose of this was to assist the newly wedded couple financially. However, this too was misused by many bridegrooms which resulted in making most parents beggars and in many cases leading to dowry deaths.^[72] There have been hundreds of thousands of cases where wives have been murdered, mutilated, and burned alive because the father of the bride was unable to make the dowry payment to the husband. Periyar fiercely stood up against this abuse meted out against women.

Women in India also did not and still have no rights to their families or husbands property. Periyar fought fiercely for this and also advocated for the women to have the right to separate or divorce their husbands under reasonable circumstances.^[73] While birth control remained taboo in society of Periyar's time, he advocated for it not only for the health of women and population control, but for the liberation of women.^[51]

He criticized the hypocrisy of 'chastity' for women and argued that it should also either belong to men, or not at all for both individuals.^[74] While fighting against this, Periyar advocated to get rid of the Devadasi system. In his view it was an example of a long list of degradations of women attaching them to temples for the entertainment of others and, in many cases, as temple prostitutes.^[75] As a further liberation of women, Periyar pushed for the right of women to have an education and to join the armed services, including police force.^[76][77]

Legacy

Periyar was not only a social revolutionary but also a champion of the underprivileged. His sphere of activity was wide and when he took up any issue he went deep into it, understanding all the aspects, and did not rest until he had found a permanent solution. Communal differences in Tamil society were deep-rooted and appeared to be permanent features until Periyar came to the scene. Until about fifty to sixty years ago, the words, "paraya" and "sudra" were commonly used by a majority of Brahmins at the time. It was not unusual for a Brahmin child back then of seven or eight years to address a non-Brahmin of forty or fifty years disrespectfully thus: "Hey, you Sudra, keep out of my way. Don't touch me." A Brahmin child would also use the contemptuous term "aday" with reference to any non-Brahmin. The same child would address any non_brahmin woman as, "adiye" without the least hesitation. That practice has now died out. It is well known that this is the result of Periyar's continuous propaganda against this social disgrace. ^[78]

Awakening in society

One of the greatest services Periyar did to Tamil society was that he instilled into every Tamilian the sense of self-respect.^[78] He made non-brahmins realize that they are as entitled to enjoy the rights and privileges that a Brahmin enjoys.^[79] It was not an easy thing for him to arouse this sense of equality in all non-Brahmins. By means of his numerous speeches and articles, he appealed to non-Brahmins to learn and to be self-respecting citizens. He continued to remind them that most Brahmins claimed to belong to a superior community with the reserved privilege of being in charge of temples and performing archanas. They claimed that by virtue of their superior caste status, they could touch the idols in temples and the non-Brahmins could not even enter the sanctum sanctorum in any temple. In certain places the scheduled caste people were not allowed to use the tanks, wells and sometimes even the streets used by Brahmins. All these unjust restrictions have been eradicated through the continual condemnations of Periyar and his lieutenants.^[80]

Removal of caste names

Periyar realized that the domination of Brahmins was not restricted to the spheres of administration and [[worship]. It was found that most of the hotels in Tamil Nadu indicated on the name boards that they were maintained by Brahmins and only served Brahmins. Periyar organized agitations in many places for the removal of the words "for the brahmins" and "by the Brahmins" from the name boards of hotels. He drew the attention of the common people and particularly the philanthropists to this practice in some of the chowltries of feeding the Brahmins and non-Brahmins separately. Today this practice is no longer in existence.^[80]

Inter-caste marriages

Periyar encouraged inter-caste marriages in order to combat the superstitions of the caste system practiced in India. He pointed out that a marriage is a contract between a young woman and a young man and it is not a function for the parents to get involved in for some reason or another. Generally, orthodox elders arranged the marriages of their children and tried to perpetuate the dowry system. One of the projects of the Self-Respect Movement started by Periyar was to make young people realize that a marriage is the concern of a young man and a young woman and that other considerations brought in by the parents were utterly irrelevant. The Self-Respect Movement also pointed out that there were facilities for registering marriages and that the practice of employing Brahmin priests to conduct the marriages betrayed the superstition of the concerned people and encouraged exploitation by Brahmins. In the course of over the past fifty years, thousands of weddings between people of different communities and without the intervention of Brahmin priests have taken place as a result of the influence that the Self-Respect Movement has exerted on society. Arignar Anna in his capacity as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu passed a law in 1967 by which all marriages conducted without the intervention of priests became lawful marriages.^[81]

Service to the backward classes

As soon as Periyar entered the Congress, he realized that the Brahmins had a lot more government jobs than the non-Brahmins and that higher education was more or less their perogative. He wanted the Congress to pass a resolution demanding communal representation in education and in employment. Though he tried hard for five years continuously, he could not persuade the Congress party to realize the need for such a resolution. Therefore he left the Congress, supported the Justice party, started the Self-Respect Movement and finally got the government of Madras to pass a law on Communal representation in education and employment.^[81]

Kumarasami Kamaraj was thoroughly convinced that Periyar was only demanding justice for the non-Brahmins who had been neglected and exploited by certain sections of the people for hundreds of years. Therefore he readily accepted Periyar's suggestion that all poor people should have free education. When Kamaraj became Chief Minister of Madras he allowed all children to have free education up to standard ten.^[81] Inspired by Periyar's spirit of social service, Kamaraj introduced the free mid-day meal scheme for school children and later granted free books and free clothes to school children.^[82] When Kalaignar Karunanidhi was Chief Minister in 1969, he extended free education up to the pre-university class. As a result of Periyar's devoted service for the cause of the under privileged, many scheduled caste men and women occupy high positions in government offices and also serve as doctors and engineers.^[83]

Uplift of women

Periyar and his movement have achieved a better status for women in Tamil society. It was his conviction that in matters of education and employment there should be no difference between men and women. There was a time when no girl opted for engineering studies, or parents thought of sending their daughter to an engineering college. Today, lots of young women can be found studying at engineering and medical colleges in Tamil Nadu.^[83]

His influence in the State departments have started employing women also in police departments and the Center has started giving them posts in the army. For a few years, Periyar was engaged in strenuous propaganda against child marriage and now the government has fixed the minimum age for the marriage of girls to be eighteen. His propaganda for equality of the sexes has resulted in securing the girls right over ancestral property along with the male children. Considering the growth in the percentage of Indian population some of the State governments are encouraging birth control now.^[83] Periyar had confronted this problem even over fifty years ago.^[84] He advised married people to limit the birth of children so that both men and women could give of their best to society. In one of the meetings he even wondered why the scientists should not think of producing test tube babies.^[85]

Ideals and criticisms

Tamil language and writing

Periyar has placed importance on the indigenous languages of the Dravidian peoples. He was quoted saying:

"The love of one's tongue is the foremost of all loves that are required of the people born in our land. He that has no love for his tongue has no love for his land. A nation functions on the basis for the love for one's language. So it is my prayer that Tamils love for their tongue should grow. I affirm again and again that love of the mother-tongue is a must for those born in Tamil Nadu. The Bengalis love Bengali. The Maharashtrians love for the Marathi language. The Andhras love the Telugu language. But the Tamils have no love for the Tamil-tongue. The Tamils will never progress unless they bestow love on their mother-tongue. If I love Tamil, it is not merely because it is the mother-tongue or the language of the Tamil Nadu State. Nor am I attached to Tamil by reason of its uniqueness or its antiquity. If I love Tamil, it is because I am aware of the advantages I expect through it an the measure of loss that will occur by the absence of it.^[86]

Praise and criticism of Dravidian languages

Periyar has also raised praises and criticisms of Tamil and other Dravidian languages by stating:

"As I am aware of the disadvantages of another language being imposed on our country, I am intolerant of it and oppose it, I do not resist it merely because it is new or it belongs to another land. It is my opinion that the Tamil Language is capable of contributing to the progress and freedom of the people in all fields, and will be conductive to a life of dignity and reason. However, some may ask whether all such resources are available in Tamil. Even if all these qualities are not found, I am aware that Tamil has arts, customs, traditions, and an appropriate vocabulary, which can contribute to a greater advancement than most other languages in India. Therefore, any other language that is likely to cause disadvantage to Tamil is unwelcome."^[87]

"Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada came from the same tongue that is, they are the offspring of the same mother. There is only one Dravidian tongue, and she is Tamil. And we call her by four different names. Because she is spoken in four different Dravidian states, she has four different names. It is only Tamil that is spoken in these four states. Writing in Tamil about the arts which are useful to the people in their life and which foster knowledge, talent and courage, and propagating them among the masses, thereby enlightening the people and enriching the language, this alone can be regarded as zeal for Tamil."^[87]

"If you remove the words of North Indian origin (Sanskrit) from Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam you will be left with only Tamil. The Tamil spoken by the Andrhas and the Malayalee peoples are far better than the Tamil spoken by the Brahmins. Our language will make our people unite under the banner of Tamil Nadu and Tamil language. It will make the Kannadigas, Andhras and the Malayalees vigilant. A time will come for unity. This will go on till there is an end to the North Indian domination. We shall reclaim an independent sovereign state for us."^[40]

Periyar was also known to have issued controversial remarks on Tamil language and Tamil people from time to time. On one occasion, he referred to Tamil people as "barbarians"^[88] and Tamil language as the "language of barbarians".^{[89][90][88][91]} However, Anita Diehl explains that Periyar made these remarks on Tamil because it had no respective feminine verbal forms.^[64]

Tamil alphabet reform

Periyar's ideas on Tamil alphabet reforms and his reasons were quoted in Veeramani's Collected Works of Periyar, by stating:

"In writings and publications of 70 or 80 years ago, the vowel 'ஈ' (i), was a cursive and looped representation of the short form, 'இ' (I). In stone inscriptions of 400 or 500 years ago, many Tamil letters are found in other shapes. As a matter of necessity and advantage to cope with the printing technology, it is sensible now to change a few letters, reduce the number of letters, and alter a few signs. The older and the more divine a language and its letters are said to be, they, in truth, need reform. Because of changes brought about by means of modern transport and international contact, and because of happenings that have attracted words and products from many countries, a number of foreign words and their pronunciations have been assimilated into Tamil quite easily. Just as some compound characters have separate signs to indicate their length as in ' கா ' , ' கே ' (kA: , kE:), why should not other compound characters like ' கி ' , ' கீ ' , 'கு ' , ' கூ ' (kI, ki:,kU, ku:) (indicated integrally as of now), also have separate signs? This indeed requires consideration. ^[92] Changing the shape of letters, creating new symbols and adding new letters and similarly, dropping those that are redundant, are quite essential. The glory and excellence of a language and its script depend on how easily they can be understood or learnt and on nothing else."^[93]

Formation of Dravidistan

Main article: Dravidistan

The Dravidian-Aryan conflict was believed to be a continuous historical phenomenon that started when the Aryans first set their foot in the Dravidian lands. Even a decade before the idea of separation appeared, Periyar stated that, "as long as Aryan religion, Aryan domination, propagation of Aryan "Vedas" and Aryan "Varnashrama" existed, there was need for a "Dravidian Progressive Movement" and a "Self-Respect Movement".^[94] Periyar became very concerned about the growing north Indian domination over the south which appeared to him no different from foreign domination. He wanted to secure the fruits of labor of the Dravidians to the Dravidians, and lamented that all fields - political, economic, industrial, social, art and spiritual - were dominated by the north for the benefit of the north Indians. Thus, with the approach of independence from Britain, this fear that north India would take the place of Britain to dominate south India became more and more intense.^[95]

The demand for a separate Dravidistan or Dravida Nadu (Dravidan land) was in a sense the outcome of the anti-Hindi agitation, embodying the idea of the national identity of the Tamil people. In fact, Tamil, Dravidian, and non-Brahmin Shudra identities easily merged into one another wherein the demand of autonomy first of Tamil Nadu, then of Dravida Nadu were seen as intended to bring about the fruition of Shudra emancipation from Aryan, or north Indian hegemony. Advocating further for the recognition of Dravidian cultural identity, the Self-Respect Movement under the leadership of Periyar raised the demand for Dravida Nadu, calling territorial autonomy for the Dravidian ethnic groups.

In 1955 Periyar threatened to burn the national flag, but on Chief Minister Kamaraj's pledge that Hindi should not be compulsory he postponed the action.^[45] In his speech of 1957 called "Cutantara Tamil Nadu En?" (Why an independent Tamil Nadu?), he criticized the Central Government of India inducing thousands of Tamilians to burn the constitution of India. The reason for this action was that Periyar held the Government responsible for maintaining the caste system. After stating reasons for separation and turning down opinions against it he closed his speech with a "war cry" to join and burn the map of India on June 5th. Periyar was sentenced to six months imprisonment for burning the Indian constitution.^[96]

In highlighting the demand for Dravida Nadu, the economics of [[exploitation[[ by the Hindi-speaking, Aryan, Brahminical North was elaborated upon. It was contended that Dravida Nadu had been transformed into a virtual marketplace for north Indian products. And, thus, Annadurai explained that to change this situation, a separate Dravida Nadu must be demanded. Throughout the 1940s, Periyar spoke along the lines of a trifurcation of India, that is dividing the existing geographical region into Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan), Muslim India (Pakistan), and Aryan Land (Hindustan). In all the public meetings that he addressed between March and June of 1940, he projected the three-nation doctrine as the only solution which could end the political impasse in the country.^[14]

Characteristics and pre-cursors

At the 16th Confederation of the South Indian Liberal Federation held in Tiruchirapalli in 1945, rules and regulations, or precursors of a Dravida Nadu were adopted. The objectives were defined as: a) to attain Purna Swaraj and complete control for Dravida Nadu in social, economic and industrial, and commercial fields; b) to liberate Dravida Nadu and Dravidians from all kinds of exploitation and domination by non-Dravidian foreigners; c) to acquire for the citizens of Dravida Nadu without any discrimination on account of caste and class and inequalities arising there from, in law and society, equal rights and equal opportunities to live in equality; d) to remove from the Dravidian people the sense of difference and superstitious beliefs existing in the name of religion, customs, and traditions and unite them as a society of people with a liberal outlook and intellectual development, and e) to get proportionate representation in all fields till the achievement of these objectives and until the people who have a sense of caste, religious and class differences cooperate with the party in full confidence and goodwill.^[97] Thus, Periyar also stated that "Self Respect should come before self-rule.^[96]

The characteristics of the separate Dravida Nadu was described by Periyar as: a) the area then comprising Madras Presidency; b) system of passport to enter the state; c) duty on goods from other provinces and entry with permit; d) demarcation of boundaries according to the needs and convenience of Dravida Nadu; and e)continuing an existing system of defense till grant of full independence. He also assured religious freedom to Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and others within this area.^[98] On the same accord, the separation of religion and politics was a part of this leaving religion as a matter of individual belief. It was made clear that the political movement should not be used for any kind of religious propaganda.^[99]

Recognition and non-recognition

Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising of Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. The proposition was made with a view to safeguarding the national self-respect of Dravidians threatened by Aryan culture, language, political leadership, and business interests. A separatist conference was held in June of 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu. With the promised grant of full self-government after World War II, and posed another threat to the Indian Freedom Movement However, it failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.^[100][101]

In August of 1941, Periyar declared that the agitation for Dravida Nadu was being temporarily stopped. The reason cited was that it was necessary to help the government in its war efforts. The agitation would be renewed after the conclusion of the war. Even though the agitation for Dravida Nadu was being stopped, the demand was very much intact. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a delegation of the Justice Party, comprising Periyar, Soundrapandiya Nadar, Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met the members of the Cripps Mission on March 30, 1942, and placed before them the demand for a separate Dravidian nation.^[102]

In practice, however, it became difficult to sustain the spirit of Dravidian nationalism. After the ethno-linguistic reorganization of the states, the concept of Dravida Nadu was modified as Tamil Nadu.^[103] Dravidistan would at best now mean only Tamil Nadu and realizing the potentialities of the situation of the Tamils in Ceylon, the scope of Dravidistan was widened. This led to a proposal of a union of the Tamil people of not only South India but including those of Ceyon as well.^[104] Advocacy of such a nation became illegal when separatist demands were banned by law in 1957. Regardless of these measures, a Dravida Nadu Separation Day was observed on September 17, 1960 resulting in numerous arrests.^[105] However, Periyar resumed his campaign in 1968. He wrote an editorial on 'Tamil Nadu for Tamilians' in which he stated, that by nationalism only Brahmins had prospered and nationalism had been developed to abolish the rights of Tamils. He advocated that there was need to establish a Tamil Nadu Freedom Organization and that it was necessary to work towards it.^[106]

Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin

Periyar was a radical advocate of anti-Brahmanism who has sometimes called Brahmin women of immorality. His anti-brahmanism was evident from his comments to his followers that if they encountered a Brahmin and a snake on the road they should kill the Brahmins first.^[107] He also used violent and vulgar language in his writings against Hindu gods.^[108]

In 1920 when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70% of the high level posts in government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it reversed this trend, allowing non-brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency^[109]. Periyar, through the Justice Party, advocated against the inbalance of the domination of Brahmins who constituted only 3% of the Population over Government jobs, judiciary and the Madras University.^[110] His Self-Respect Movement espoused rationalism and atheism, and although Periyar had Brahmin colleagues, the movement had currents of anti-Brahminism.^[111] Furthermore, Periyar stated that:

“

"Our Dravidian movement does not exist against the Brahmins or the Banias (a North Indian merchant caste). If anyone thinks so, I would only pity him. But we will not tolerate the ways in which Brahminism and the Bandiaism is degrading Dravidanadu. Whatever support they may have from the government, neither myself nor my movement will be of cowardice".[112]

”

Dalits

On Dalits, it was said that Thol Thirumavalavan, leader of the Tamil political party Viduthalai Chiruthaigal (Liberation Panthers Party) representing the them in Tamil Nadu stated that:

"Periyar had no separate agenda for Dalits. The enthusiasm Periyarites have even today for sanctum entry and in challenging Shankaracharyas is not shown in leading Dalits into temples controlled by non-Brahmins. Periyar’s only success was in displacing Brahmin hegemony. On all other fronts-the battle against superstitions, for equality, atheism, rational humanism—he has failed."
^[113] Periyar and Kula Kalvi Thittam/Hereditary Education Policy

Main article: Hereditary Education Policy

In 1952, Rajaji introduced a new education policy based on family vocation which its opponents dubbed Kula Kalvi Thittam (Hereditary Education Policy). As per this policy, schools will work in the morning and students had to compulsorily learn the family vocation of their caste in the afternoon. Thus, a carpenter’s son would learn carpentry, a priest's son chanting hymns, and a barber’s son would learn hair cutting and shaving after school.^[114] Periyar felt that this scheme was a clever device against Dalits and Other Backward Classes as their first generation was getting educated only then.^[115][116] Periyar demanded its withdrawal and launched protests against the Kula Kalvi Thittam which he felt was caste-based and was aimed at maintaining caste hegemony. Rajaji quit in 1954, and his successor Kamaraj scrapped it after becoming chief minister.^[117][118]

Religion and atheism

Main article: Periyar on Religion

Periyar was generally regarded as a pragmatic propagandist who attacked the evils of religious influence on society, mainly what he regarded as Brahmin domination. Anita Diehl explains that Periyar cannot be called an atheist philosopher. Periyar has, however, a qualified definition of what the term 'atheist' implies in his address on philosophy. He repudiated the term as without real sense: "…the talk of the atheist should be considered thoughtless and erroneous. The thing I call god... that makes all people equal and free, the god that does not stop free thinking and research, the god that does not ask for money, flattery and temples can certainly be an object of worship. For saying this much I have been called an atheist, a term that has no meaning.^[64]

His is not so much denial of God as a criticism of religion’s lack of social concern.^[119] In a book on revolution published in 1961, Periyar stated, "be of help to people. Do not use treachery or deceit. Speak the truth and do not cheat. That indeed is service to God."^[120]

On Hinduism, Periyar believed that it was a religion with no distinctive sacred book, or origins, but to be an imaginary faith preaching the superiority of the Brahmins, the inferiority of the Shudras, and the untouchability of the Dalits (Panchamas).^[121] Maria Misra, a lecturer at Oxford University, compares him to the philosophes, by stating, "his contemptuous attitude to the baleful influence of Hinduism in Indian public life is strikingly akin to the anti-Catholic diatribes of the enlightenment philosophes."^[122] In 1955, Periyar was arrested for his public agitation of burning the pictures of Rama at all public places, as a symbolic protest against the Aryan domination and degradation of the Dravidian leaders according to the Ramayana epic.^[123] Periyar also shoed the images of Krishna and Rama, stating that they were Aryan gods that considered the Dravidian Shudras to be "sons of prostitutes".

Periyar suggested to those who were marginalized within the Hindu communities to consider converting to other faiths such as Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. On Islam, he stated how it was good for abolishing the disgrace in human relationship, based on one of his speeches to railway employees at Tiruchirapalli in 1947. Periyar also commended Islam for its belief in one invisible and formless God; proclamation of equal rights for men and women; and advocating of social unity.^[124]

Periyar viewed Christianity similar to the monotheistic faith of Islam. He explained that their faith says that there can be only one God which has no name or shape. Periyar took an interest in Rev. Martin Luther, where both he an this followers wanted to liken him and his role to that of the European reformer. Thus, Christian views such as that of Ram Mohan Roy's The Precepts of Jesus has had at least an indirect influence on Periyar.^[125]

Apart from Islam and Christianity, Periyar also found in Buddhism a basis for his philosophy though he did not accept that religion. It was again an alternative in the search for self-respect and the object was to get liberation from the discrimination of Hinduism.^[126] Through Periyar's movement Temple Entry Acts of 1924, 1931, and up to 1950 were created for the non-Brahmins. During the 1970s of his last years, Tamil replaced Sanskrit as the Temple language in Tamil Nadu, while Dalits were finally eligible for priesthood.^[127]

Followers and influence

After the death of Periyar in 1973, conferences were held in a number of places in Tamil Nadu for a week in January of 1974. All the members were assured that their whole-hearted support and previous activities which the Dravidar Kazhagam was engaged in under the direct guidance of Periyar would continue with the same vigor. During the same year, at Periyar Thidal, Madras Tmt., Periyar's wife, Maniyammai, the new leader of the Dravidar Kazhagam, set fire to the effigies of 'Rama', 'Sita' and 'Lakshmana' as a retaliation to the Ramaleela celebrations where effigies of 'Ravana', 'Kumbakarna' and 'Indrajit' were burnt in New Delhi. For this act she was imprisoned. During the 1974 May Day meetings held at different places in Tamil Nadu, a resolution urging the Government to preserve 80 percent of jobs for Tamils was passed. Soon after this, a camp was held at Periyar Mansion in Tiruchirapalli to train young men and women to spread the ideals of the Dravidar Kazhagam in rural areas.^[15]

On Periyars Birthday of September 17, 1974, Periyar's Rationalist Library and Research Library and Research Institute was opened by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi. This library contained Periyar's rationalist works, the manuscripts of Periyar and his recorded speeches. (Periyar Father of Tamil 60 & 61) Also during the same year Periyar's ancestral home in Erode, was dedicated as a commemoration building. On February 20, 1977, the opening function of Periyar Building in Madras was held. At the meeting which the Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam held, there on that day, it was decided to support the candidates belonging to the Najata Party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and the Marxist Party during the General Elections.^[16]

On March 16, 1978, Annaiyar Maniyammai passed away. The Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam resolved on the day that in memory of Thanthai Periyar and Annaiyar Maniyammai they would carry on the activities of the Dravidar Kazhagam as vigorously as ever. Thiru Krishnasamy Veeramani was elected as General Secretary of the Dravidar Kazhagam on March 17, 1978. From then on, the Periyar-Maniyammai Educational and Charitable Society started the Periyar Centenary Women's Polytechnic at Thanjavur on September 21, 1980. On May 8 1982, the College for Correspondence Education was started under the auspices of the Periyar Rationalist Propganda Organization.^[16]

Over the years, Periyar has had an influence on Tamil Nadus political party leaders such as former Chief Minister C.N. Annadurai and present Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam' (DMK), V. Gopalswamy leader of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), S. Ramadoss leader of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Thol. Thirumavalavan, leader of Dalit Panthers of India (DPI), and the Dravidar Kazhagam leader K. Veeramani. Other political figures inspired by Periyar were former Congress leader K. Kamaraj, former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayavati, and former Municipal Chairman of Kumbakonam S. Kumarasamy. Periyar's life and teachings have also influenced writers and poets such as Kavignar Inkulab, and Bharathidasan, including actors such as Kamal Hassan.

In popular culture

Sathyaraj and Khushboo starred in a government-sponsored movie on Periyar E.V. Ramaswami released in 2007. Directed by Gnanashekaran, the movie was screened in Malayisa on May 1, 2007 and was screened at the Goa International Film Festival in November that year.^[128] The president of the Dravidar Kazhagam K. Veeramani said there were plans to dub the movie in Hindi and other foreign languages, including French.^[129] Other films on social awareness created by Gnanashekaran were Moha Mullu, Oru kan oru parvai, and Barathi.^[130]

Notes

1. ↑ ^{1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8} "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch from From 1879 to 1909". Dravidar Kazhagam. Retrieved on 6 September 2008.
2. ↑ Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. p. 48. http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN0761934200&id=KJejtAaonsEC&pg=PA48&lpg=PA48&dq=%22Self-respect+movement%22&ie=ISO-8859-1&output=html&sig=2MFf1OTrHpydPFBq6ZS4SdlaHjs. 
3. ↑ Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. pp. 425. http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN8124111642&id=szBpnYfmH0cC&pg=PA425&lpg=PA425&dq=%22Self-respect+movement%22&ie=ISO-8859-1&output=html&sig=zyuKCxtk4jFplHL8Y_JeaiDUb94. 
4. ↑ Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand, Sage Publications: New Delhi, p. 230.
5. ↑ Misra, Maria (2008). Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion. Yale University Press: New Haven, p. xxxiii.
6. ↑ ^{6.0 6.1 6.2} "One Hundred Tamils of the 20th Century - Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy". TamilNation.org. Retrieved on 27 October 2008.
7. ↑ ^{7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4} Diehl, Anita (1977). E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar. Sweden: Scandinavian University Books. pp. p. 19. 
8. ↑ ^{8.0 8.1} Gopalakrishnan, M.D. (1991) Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, Chennai. Emerald Publishers, p. 3.
9. ↑ ^{9.0 9.1} "Biography of Periyar E.V. Ramasami (1879-1973)". Barathidasan University. Retrieved on 6 September 2008.
10. ↑ ^{10.0 10.1} Kandasamy, W.B. Vansantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. HEXIS: Phoenix. p. 106. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA106,M1. 
11. ↑ ^{11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3} Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 54.
12. ↑ ^{12.0 12.1} Kandasamy,. Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. p. 109. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA109,M1. 
13. ↑ ^{13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4} Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay, p. 64.
14. ↑ ^{14.0 14.1} Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai , p. 42.
15. ↑ ^{15.0 15.1} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 50.
16. ↑ ^{16.0 16.1 16.2} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 51.
17. ↑ Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies, p. 6.
18. ↑ Veeramani, K. (1992) Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Madras, Introduction - xi.
19. ↑ ^{19.0 19.1 19.2} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 14.
20. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 14 & 15.
21. ↑ ^{21.0 21.1} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 15.
22. ↑ Bandyopadhyaya, Sekhara, (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A history of modern India. Orient Longman: New Delhi. p. 349.
23. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 10.
24. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 11.
25. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 16 & 17.
26. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 17.
27. ↑ Kent, David. "Periyar". ACA. Retrieved on 21 June 2007.
28. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 14.
29. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 77.
30. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, pp. 77 & 78.
31. ↑ ^{31.0 31.1} Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 4.
32. ↑ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 19.
33. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 54.
34. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 69.
35. ↑ Chatterjee, Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar, p. 40.
36. ↑ Nalankilli, Thanjai (1 January 2003). "A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations A Chronology of Anti-Hindi Agitations in Tamil Nadu". Anti-Hindi Agitation: 1938-1964. Tamil Tribune. Retrieved on 30 December 2007.
37. ↑ Kumar, P.C. Vinoj (10 September 2003). "Anti-Hindi sentiments still alive in TN". Sify.com. Retrieved on 30 December 2007.
38. ↑ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 118 & 119.
39. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88.
40. ↑ ^{40.0 40.1} Veeramani, [January 1981](2005) Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R., Third Edition, Chennai. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution, p. 503.
41. ↑ ^{41.0 41.1} Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 88 & 89.
42. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 79.
43. ↑ ^{43.0 43.1} Pandian, Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity, p. 62.
44. ↑ International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346.
45. ↑ ^{45.0 45.1} Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 29.
46. ↑ Geetha, V. and S.V. Rajadurai, (1987).Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481.
47. ↑ ^{47.0 47.1 47.2} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 59.
48. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 59 & 60.
49. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 60.
50. ↑ ^{50.0 50.1 50.2} Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 511.
51. ↑ ^{51.0 51.1} Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 504.
52. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 64.
53. ↑ ^{53.0 53.1} Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 2.
54. ↑ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, p. 3.
55. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 66.
56. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 164.
57. ↑ ^{57.0 57.1} Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 165.
58. ↑ ^{58.0 58.1 58.2} Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 68.
59. ↑ ^{59.0 59.1} Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 192.
60. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, pp. 68 & 69.
61. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 26.
62. ↑ ^{62.0 62.1} Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 28.
63. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 60.
64. ↑ ^{64.0 64.1 64.2} Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 61.
65. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 72.
66. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 73.
67. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 523.
68. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 463.
69. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 70.
70. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 22.
71. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 37.
72. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 65.
73. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 50.
74. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 41.
75. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 32.
76. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 41.
77. ↑ Veeramani, K., Periyar on Women's Rights, p. 45.
78. ↑ ^{78.0 78.1} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 45.
79. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 45 & 46.
80. ↑ ^{80.0 80.1} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 46.
81. ↑ ^{81.0 81.1 81.2} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 47.
82. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp. 47 & 48.
83. ↑ ^{83.0 83.1 83.2} Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 48.
84. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, pp.48 & 49.
85. ↑ Gopalakrishnan, Periyar: Father of the Tamil race, p. 49.
86. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 549.
87. ↑ ^{87.0 87.1} Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 550.
88. ↑ ^{88.0 88.1} Raghavan, B. S. (October 9, 2000). "Thanthai Periyar", The Hindu Business Line. Retrieved on 2008-10-27. 
89. ↑ S. Ramaswamy, Cho. "E.V. Ramaswami Naicker and C.N. Annadurai", India Today: 100 people of the millenium. Retrieved on 2008-10-27. 
90. ↑ Sundaram, V. (March 6, 2006). "The boy who gives a truer picture of 'Periyar'", News Today. Retrieved on 2008-10-27. 
91. ↑ Dasgupta, Shankar (1975). Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy: A Proper Perspective D.G.S. ; [with an Introd. by Avvai. Sambandan]. Vairam Pathippagam. pp. p. 24. 
92. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 551.
93. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 552.
94. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 90.
95. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 95.
96. ↑ ^{96.0 96.1} Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 30.
97. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 87.
98. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 93.
99. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 98.
100. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 89.
101. ↑ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. pp. p. 263. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=lekITKy2rd4C&dq=Castes+of+Mind++By+Nicholas+B.+Dirks&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=UJYZrtoUz6&sig=ejfiLGfYFsP4jfiauhRl6yYRlMc&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPA263,M1. 
102. ↑ Chatterjee, Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar, p. 43.
103. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 98.
104. ↑ Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay, p. 318.
105. ↑ Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Traditon of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York, p. 48.
106. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 9.
107. ↑ Misra, Maria, Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion, p. 292.
108. ↑ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. pp. p. 262. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=lekITKy2rd4C&dq=Castes+of+Mind++By+Nicholas+B.+Dirks&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=UJYZrtoUz6&sig=ejfiLGfYFsP4jfiauhRl6yYRlMc&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPA262,M1. 
109. ↑ "Superiority in Numbers". Tehelka - The People's Paper (2006). Retrieved on 6 August 2008.
110. ↑ "India and the Tamils". Columbia University (2006). Retrieved on 6 September 2008.
111. ↑ Omvedt, Gail (2006), Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction on an Indian Identity, Orient Longman, p. 95, http://books.google.com/books?id=nvSapw8i6k8C&pg=PA95&dq=Anti-Brahmanism&ie=ISO-8859-1&output=html&sig=dvE4djhCdWEN3Siy24RioEdu-bs 
112. ↑ Veeramani, Collected Works of Periyar, p. 495.
113. ↑ Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2003). Talisman, Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation: Extreme emotions of Dalit Liberation. Popular Prakashan: Mumbai, pp. 17 & 18.
114. ↑ Kumar, P.C. Vinoj (17 September 2004). "What if Periyar had not been born?". Sify.com. Retrieved on 2 January 2007.
115. ↑ Kandasamy,. Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. p. 266. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA266,M1. 
116. ↑ Kandasamy,. Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. p. 326. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA326,M1. 
117. ↑ Kandasamy,. Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. p. 111. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA111,M1. 
118. ↑ Kandasamy,. Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. p. 262. http://books.google.com/books?id=hgb-MKcsSR0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Fuzzy+and+neutrosophic+analysis+of+Periyar%27s+views+on+untouchability#PPA262,M1. 
119. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 60.
120. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 58.
121. ↑ Saraswathi, S. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 118 & 119.
122. ↑ Misra, Maria, Vishnu's crowded temple, India since the great rebellion, p. 181.
123. ↑ "About Periyar: A Biographical Sketch from From 1950 to 1972". Dravidar Kazhagam. Retrieved on 30 November 2008.
124. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p.52.
125. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 92.
126. ↑ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 125.
127. ↑ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 79.
128. ↑ "Periyar primiere in Malaysia.". IndiaGlitz.com (30 April 2007). Retrieved on 28 November 2008.
129. ↑ "Periyar and Ammuvagiya Naan at the International Film Festival.". Chennai365.com (19 October 2007). Retrieved on 28 November 2008.
130. ↑ Warrier, Shobha (2007). "First Look: Periyar, the movie". rediff.com. Retrieved on 28 November 2008.

References

• Arora, N.D.; S.S. Awasthy, (2007). Political Theory and Political Thought. Har-Anand Publications: New Delhi. ISBN 81-24-11164-2.
• Bhaskaran, R., (1967). Sociology of Politics: Traditon of politics in India. Asia Publishing House: New York.
• Bandyopadhyaya, Sekhara, (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A history of modern India. Orient Longman: New Delhi. ISBN 9788125025962
• Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai. ISBN 9788170338604
• Diehl, Anita, (1977). E. V. Ramaswami - Periyar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Scandinavian University Books: Sweden. ISBN 91-24-27645-6.
• Dirks, Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton. ISBN 0691088950.
• Geetha, V.; S.V. Rajadurai, (1987). Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. M. Sen for SAMYA: Calcutta, p. 481. ISBN 9788185604374.
• Gopalakrishnan, G.P., (1991). Periyar: Father of the Tamil race. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.
• Ghurye, G.S., (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot: Bombay.
• International Tamil Language Foundation, (2000).Tirukkural/ The Handbok of Tamil Culture and Heritage. ITLF: Chicago, p. 1346. ISBN 9780967621203
• Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha; Florentin Smarandache; K. Kandasamy (2005). Fuzzy and Neutrosopohc Analysis of Periyar's Views on Untouchability. Hexis: Phoenix. ISBN 19-31-2330-04.
• Mehta, Vrajendra Raj; Thomas Pantham, (2006). Political Ideas in Modern India: thematic explorations. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks. ISBN 07-61-93420-0.
• Misra, Maria, (2008). Vishnu's Crowded Temple: India since the great rebellion. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300137217
• Pandian, J., (1987).Caste, Nationalism, and Ethnicity. Popular Prakashan Private Ltd.: Bombay.
• Richman, Paula, (1991). Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. University of California Press: Berkeley. ISBN 05-20-07281-2.
• Saraswathi, S. (2004) Towards Self-Respect. Institute of South Indian Studies: Madras.
• Thakurta, Paranjoy Guha; Shankar Raghuraman (2004). A Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand. Sage Publications. New Delhi. ISBN 07-61-93237-2.
• Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2003). Talisman, Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation: Extreme emotions of Dalit Liberation. Popular Prakashan: Mumbai. ISBN 9788185604688.
• Veeramani, Dr. K.(2005). Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R.. Third Edition. The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution: Chennai.
• Veeramani, Dr. K.(1992). Periyar on Women's Rights. Emerald Publishers: Chennai.

Further reading

• Bandistse, D.D., (2008). Humanist Thought in Contemporary India. B.R. Pub: New Delhi.
• Biswas, S.K., (1996). Pathos of Marxism in India. Orion Books: New Delhi.
• Chand, Mool, (1992). Bahujan and their Movement. Bahujan Publication Trust: New Delhi.
• Dirks,Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of mind : colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey.
• Geetha, V., (1998). Periyar, Women and an Ethic of Citizenship. Sameeksha Trust: Bombay.
• Kothandaraman, Ponnusamy, (1995). Tamil Varalarril Tantai Periyar (Tamil). Pumpolil Veliyitu: Chennai.
• Mani, Braj Ranjan, (2005). Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society. Manohar: New Delhi.
• Mission Prakashan, (2003). Second Freedom Struggle: Chandapuri’s Call to Overthrow Brahmin Rule. Mission Prakashan Patna: Bihar.
• Omvedt, Gail, (2006). Dalit Visions. Oscar Publications: New Delhi.
• Pandian, M.S.S., (2007). Brahmin and Non-Brahmin: Genealogies of the Tamil Political Present. Manohar: New Delhi.
• Ram, Dadasaheb Kanshi, (2001). How to Revive the Phule-Ambedkar-Periyar Movement in South India. Bahujan Samaj Publications: Bangalore.
• Ramasami, Periyar, [3rd edition] (1998). Declaration of War on Brahminism. Chennai.
• Ramasami, Periyar E.V., [ new ed] (1994). Periyana. Chintakara Chavadi: Bangalore.
• Ramasami, Periyar, [new ed] (1994). Religion and Society:: Selections from Periyar’s Speeches and Writings. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
• Sen, Amiya P., (2003). Social and Religious Reform: The Hindus of British India. Oxford University Press: New Delhi; New York.
• Srilata, K., (2006). Other Half of the Coconut: Women Writing Self-Respect History - an anthology of self-respect literature, 1928-1936. Oscar Publications: Delhi.
• Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2004). Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers. Popular Prakashan.
• Venugopal, P., (1990). Social Justice and Reservation. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
• Yadav, Bibhuti, (2002). Dalits in India (A set of 2 Volumes). Anmol Publications. New Delhi.

External links

• Periyar (official website)
• Thanthai Periyar
• One Hundred Tamils of 20th Century
• Rationalist/Social Reformer
• The Revolutionary Sayings of Periyar
• Rationalist International
• `The economic interest... that was the contradiction'
• Periyar the movie (Tamil)