Movement for Democratic Change | |
| |
Leader | Morgan Tsvangirai |
---|---|
Founded | 31 September 1999 |
Headquarters | 44 Harvest House Nelson Mandela Avenue & Angwa Street Harare Zimbabwe 263 |
Ideology | Democratic socialism, Social democracy |
Official colours | Red and black |
Website | |
www.mdc.co.zw |
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is a Zimbabwean political party. It was founded in 1999 as an opposition party to the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party led by President Robert Mugabe. The MDC was formed from many members of the broad coalition of civic society groups and individuals that campaigned for a "No" vote in the 2000 constitutional referendum, in particular the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions. The party split following the 2005 Senate election, with the main faction headed by founder Morgan Tsvangirai and the other by Arthur Mutambara; the two factions subsequently won a combined majority in the March 2008 parliamentary election.
Contents |
In February 2000, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), led by Robert Mugabe since Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, organized a constitutional referendum. The proposed change would have limited future presidents to two terms, but as it was not retroactive, Mugabe could have stood for another two terms. It would also have made his government and military officials immune from prosecution for any illegal acts committed while in office. Additionally, it legalized the confiscation of land owned by white people for redistribution to black farmers without compensation. It was defeated, after a low 20% turnout, by a strong urban vote fueled by an effective SMS campaign. Mugabe declared that he would "abide by the will of the people". The vote was a surprise to ZANU-PF, and an embarrassment before parliamentary elections due in mid-April. This success fueled a meteoric rise in visibility to the very recently formed MDC.
In the 2000 parliamentary elections, the MDC won 57 of the 120 seats up for election. This marked the first time that an opposition party had achieved more than a handful of seats since the merger of ZANU and ZAPU in 1988. The MDC dominated in most urban centres and Matabeleland. MDC won all seats in the two biggest cities, Harare and Bulawayo and lost only two in Matabeleland.
This election was viewed by international observers from the Commonwealth of Nations and Norwegian and South African parliamentary delegations declared the election not being free and fair. The MDC claimed the elections were rigged, citing state-sponsored violence and some voter results figures that were unaccounted for. They took the matter to court. Some missions from Mugabe's allies such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) observers and the South African Ministerial Observer team held that the election was substantially free and fair. The election is currently being challenged in the Zimbabwean Supreme Court.
The MDC announced during mid-2004 that it would not participate in any further elections in Zimbabwe, including the 2005 Zimbabwe parliamentary elections until it believed a free and fair vote could take place. However on 3 February 2005, then spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi told a news conference, "It is with a heavy heart that the MDC has decided to participate in the elections ... This is a decision based primarily on the demands of our people".[1] A meeting of the party's decision making national council was called in October 2005 to decide on whether the party should participate in senatorial elections which were imminent. The national council resolved by a vote of 33 to 31 that the party should participate. Morgan Tsvangirai overruled the vote, arguing that it was no use contesting an election where the electoral field "breeds illegitimate outcomes and provides for predetermined results."[2] He argued that the Senate of Zimbabwe was part of the 17th amendment, which the MDC had opposed in Parliament. Tsvangirai stated then that the council was split 50/50 including the proxies sent by members of the National Executive Sekai Holland and Grace Kwinjeh.[3] Those who favored participation went on to contest the elections, but lost heavily securing only 5 out of the 60 contested seats. It was reported that some of these candidates were brought into the city by the Central Intelligence Organisation and driven to the nomination courts. The National Constitutional Assembly - a coalition of pro-democracy civil society groups, also supported a boycott of the Senate elections, believing it was conceived only as the result of an undemocratic constitutional change.[4]
After the Senate elections, the MDC split into two groups: one led by Morgan Tsvangirai, and another by his deputy Gibson Sibanda with the support of Welshman Ncube, Gift Chimanikire and spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi. The pro-Senate group had one more member in the House of Assembly at the time of the split, however senior members of the pro-Senate faction subsequently defected to the faction of the MDC led by Tsvangirai including its Chairman Gift Chimanikire,[5] Blessing Chebundo, the Member of Parliament for Kwekwe, the Environmental Secretary and Binga Member of Parliament Joel Gabuza, and Senate Candidate for Tsholotsho Sam Sipepa Nkomo.[6][7]
A by-election for Budiriro constituency was held and was won by Emmanuel Chisvuure of the faction led by Tsvangirai he polled 7949 votes, and Gabriel Chaibva of the Mutambara faction polled 504 votes [8] the combined votes was less than half of what they had got in previous elections.[9] Although the pro-senate faction had the bulk of its support in Matabeleland, it felt that it needed a Shona leader to reflect Zimbabwe demographics and chose the anti-senate academic Arthur Mutambara as leader.
The Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) failed for a while in dividing the party by using a white officer from the old Rhodesian Army, Col Lionel Dyck, to make different and secret proposals to Mr. Tsvangirai[10] and Prof. Welshman Ncube. Dyck, a close business associate of Mnangagwa, had formed a company called MineTech [1], which gained lucrative mine-clearing contracts from the Zimbabwe government via Mnanagagwa. MineTech has now relocated to Wiltshire in England and has linked up with the British company Exploration Logistics [2] which is headed by Alastair Morrison OBE,MC. Morrison,[11] was a former 2 i/c of 22 SAS, has very close links with British Intelligence. It would appear that Mnangagwa, who worked for the American NSA (Mr. Phillip) while on the DARE, has now transferred his allegiance. Mnangagwa has substantial property investments in England through front companies.
It is widely believed that the split was a reflection of problems that had been in the party for a while but manipulated by the CIO.[12] In July 2006, after attending a political meeting in the Harare suburb of Mabvuku, Stevenson was attacked and suffered panga wounds to the back of her neck and head. The MDC leadership immediately claimed that the attack was carried out by ZANU militants. But, while recovering in hospital, the Stevenson positively identified her assailants as members of a rival faction of the MDC.[13] The Central Intelligence Organisation took advantage of the divisions between the factions to attack member of the other faction. One of the CIO/Mnangagwe moves was the use by Mnangagwa of Col.Lionel Dyck, his close business associate, who approached Tsvangirai and Prof.Welshman Ncube with different proposals on behalf of Mnangagwa. This had the intention of dividing the party. Dyck is also the link between Mnangagwa through their secret joint venture MineTech to important business links in the British establishment. Mine Tech is now owned by the British Exploration Logistics whose Chairman is Alastair Morrison OBE.MC. moves[14] Cracks had also emerged along ethnic lines and between trade unionists and academics.[15]
On 3 August 2007 it was widely reported that two officials of the Arthur Mutambara faction had defected to the Tsvangirai faction, a week after talks to reunite the two parties had broken down.
At a media briefing, former Member of Parliament Silas Mangono and Masvingo Province Chairman Shaky Matake said they had defected from the Mutambara faction. [16][17][18]
An opinion poll in 27 September 2007 by the Mass Public Opinion Institute of Zimbabwe found that of the 22% of poll respondents who are supporters of the MDC, 21% backed the MDC faction led Tsvangirai and 1% expressed support for Mutambara's faction.
The poll takers acknowledged the survey was conducted mainly in the rural areas, traditionally a ZANU-PF stronghold, because the majority of the population lives there. It polled 1,202 of eligible voters.[19]
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) mandated South African President Thabo Mbeki to mediate between ZANU-PF and the MDC in April 2007 to create conditions for free and fair elections for the 2008 polls. Mbeki appointed Sydney Mufamadi, South Africa's Minister of Provincial and Local Government, and director-general in the presidency, Frank Chikane, as the main mediators in the talks. All parties agreed to refrain from commenting on the progress of the talks in the media. Due to the media silence, it is relatively difficult to judge the progress of these talks, but both parties have agreed to constitutional amendments and the revision of certain key media and security laws. Critics say that these changes are superficial and the mediation seems to have had little impact on a practical level. The MDC faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai threatened to pull out of the talks if the conditions were not created in which free and fair elections can take place.
Tsvangirai and Mutambara failed to unite on a single MDC candidate for the March 2008 presidential election. Tsvangirai ran for President while Mutambara backed the independent candidacy of Simba Makoni.[20] In the election, Tsvangirai won 47.9% of the vote according to Zimbabwe Electoral Commission results, ahead of Mugabe's 43.2%, necessitating a run-off because neither candidate won a majority; however, Tsvangirai claimed to have won a narrow first-round majority on 50.3% based on the mandatory posting of votes counted at polling booths.
In the simultaneous parliamentary election, both factions contested most seats, with the Tsvangirai faction winning 99 and the Mutambara faction 10, compared with 97 for Zanu PF, 1 independent, leaving 3 vacancies caused by deaths of candidates.[21] [22]
On 28 April 2008, the two factions of the MDC announced that they were reuniting, thus enabling them to have a clear parliamentary majority.[23][24][25] As of June 2008, the factions have not formally merged.[26]
International media reported that MDC members and supporters, including prominent activist Tonderai Ndira who was murdered in May, were subjected to arrests, beatings and killings during the campaign period for the second round of the election.[27][28]
On 22 June 2008, Tsvangirai announced at a press conference that he was withdrawing from the run-off against Mugabe, due to be held on 27 June, describing it as a "violent sham" and saying that his supporters risked being killed if they voted for him. He vowed that the MDC would ultimately prevail and that its victory could "only be delayed".[29]
In July and August 2008, the MDC and ZANU-PF entered into negotiations in both Harare and Pretoria, both mediated by the South African president, Thabo Mbeki. They are meant to settle electoral disputes and reach a compromise on creating a joint executive government for Zimbabwe.
On September 15, 2008, the leaders of the 14-member Southern African Development Community witnessed the signing of the power-sharing agreement, brokered by Mbeki. With a handshake and warm smiles at the Rainbow Towers hotel in Harare, Mugabe and Tsvangirai signed the deal to resolve the crisis. According to it, Mugabe will remain president, Tsvangirai will become prime minister,[30] the MDC will control the police, Mugabe’s ZANU (PF) party will command the Army, and Mutambara will become deputy prime minister.[31][32]
|