May Fourth Movement

Students in Beijing rallied during the May Fourth Movement.

The May Fourth Movement (traditional Chinese: 五四運動; simplified Chinese: 五四运动; pinyin: wǔ sì yùn dòng) was an anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement in early modern China. The movement's name derives from a student demonstration that occurred on May 4, 1919, marking the upsurge of Chinese nationalism, and a re-evaluation of Chinese cultural institutions, such as Confucianism. Referring to the period between 1915-1921, the broader May Fourth Movement was essentially characterized by the New Literature Movement and New Culture Movement that occurred within this interval. The movement grew out of dissatisfaction with the Treaty of Versailles settlement, termed the Shandong Problem. Coming out of the New Culture Movement, the end result was a drastic change in society that fueled the birth of the Communist Party of China.

Background

Following the Xinhai Revolution in 1911, the Qing Dynasty was overthrown. This marked the end of thousands of years of powerful imperial rule, and theoretically ushered a new era in which political power rested with the people. However, the reality was that China was a fragmented nation dominated by warlords, who were more concerned with their own political powers and private armies than national interests. The Chinese Beiyang government was occupied with suppressing internal affairs, and did little to counter the influence exerted by imperialist foreign powers. The Beiyang government made various concessions to foreigners in order to gain monetary and military support against their rivals. This, together with the continuing tangled warfare among warlords, led to great suffering among the population.

Furthermore, the development of the New Culture Movement promoted the questioning and re-appraisal of millennia-old Chinese values. In 1924, Indian Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore held numerous lectures in China. Tagore argued the detrimental consequences China could encounter by integrating too much western civilization into Chinese society. In spite of Tagore's efforts, two western ideals were quickly garnering support throughout China. These two theories were democracy and science, both major components of the New Culture Movement. Democracy became a vital tool for those frustrated with the unstable condition of China whereas science became a crucial instrument to discard the "darkness of ignorance and superstition."^[1] On a separate note, the May Fourth Movement also influenced feminism throughout China. More specifically, the movement replaced sexuality over the traditional Chinese idea of kinship positionality. This substitution is a staple of the emerging individualistic theories that occurred during the era. ^[2]Thus, the New Culture Movement advocated focus on a range of topics that included science, technology, individualism, and democracy.

Over time, the New Culture Movement gradually developed into what is identified as the May Fourth Movement. More importantly, this event is largely regarded as the beginning of increased political participation by students of China. Defeats by foreign powers and the presence of spheres of influence only further inflamed the sense of nationalism among the people. On another note, the May Fourth Movement also highlighted the absence of a central authority in the entire nation of China. Despite the fact that a central government still existed in Peking, this entity proved unstable based on the fact that it elected three presidents in three years from 1916-1919. Without a centralized government authority, China witnessed internal dissension between its ordinary citizens and the Peking regime.^[3]

Cause and outbreak

China had entered World War I on the side of the Allied Triple Entente in 1917 with the condition that all German spheres of influence, such as Shandong, would be returned to China. That year, 140,000 Chinese laborers (as a part of the British army, the Chinese Labor Corps) were sent to France^[4]. Instead of rewarding China for its contribution to the Allies’ victory, the Versailles Treaty of April, 1919, awarded Shandong Province to Japan. The representatives of the Chinese government put forth the following requests:

1. the abolition of all privileges in China of foreign powers, such as extraterritoriality;
2. the cancelling of the "Twenty-One Demands" with the Japanese; and
3. the return to China of the territory of Shandong, which Japan had taken from Germany during World War I.

The Western Allies dominated the meeting and paid little heed to the Chinese representatives' demands. Britain and France were primarily interested in punishing Germany. Although the United States promoted Woodrow Wilson's utopian Fourteen Points and the ideals of self-determination at the conference, Wilson abandoned most of these ideals in the face of stubborn resistance by David Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau. American advocacy of self-determination at the League of Nations was attractive to Chinese intellectuals, but the failure of the United States to follow through was seen as a betrayal. Chinese diplomatic failure at the Paris Peace Conference became the incident that touched off the outbreak of the May Fourth Movement, and became known as the "Shandong Problem".

Protest

On the morning of May 4, 1919, student representatives from thirteen different local universities met in Peking and drafted five resolutions.

1. Opposed the granting of Shandong to the Japanese under former German concessions.
2. Draw awareness of China's precarious position to the masses in China.
3. Recommend a large-scale gathering in Peking.
4. Promote the creation of a Peking student union
5. Hold a demonstration that afternoon in protest to the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

On the afternoon of May 4th over 3000 students of Peking University and other schools gathered together in front of Tiananmen and held a demonstration. The general opinion is that the Chinese government was "spineless"^[4]. They voiced their anger at the Allied betrayal of China and the government's inability to secure Chinese interests in the conference. A boycott of Japanese products during this period was advocated, which boosted the domestic Chinese industry slightly. Throughout the streets of China, students packed the streets to protest China’s concession to Japanese demands. During these demonstrations, students also insisted on the resignation of three Chinese officials involved in these proceedings. After burning the residence of one of the three despised officials, student protesters were arrested and severely assaulted.^[5]

They shouted out such slogans as "Struggle for the sovereignty externally, get rid of the national traitors at home", "Do away with the 'Twenty-One Demands'", "Don't sign the Versailles Treaty".

The next day, students in Beijing as a whole went on strike, and students in other parts of the country responded one after another. From early June, in order to support the students' struggle, workers and businessmen in Shanghai also went on strike. The center of the movement moved from Beijing to Shanghai. In addition to students, a wide array of different groups also publicly displayed disagreement with the Chinese government. The lower class was also very angry at the current state of affairs, such as mistreatment of workers and perpetual poverty of small peasants. Chancellors from thirteen of China's tertiary institutions initiated the rescue of student prisoners. Congregations such as media outlets, citizen societies, and chambers of commerce offered their support for these students. Merchants further illustrated support for the students by resisting tax payments if China's government remained obstinate.^[6] In Shanghai, these May Fourth events culminated into general strikes by merchants and workers that nearly devastated the entire Chinese economy.^[7] Under intense public outcry, the Beiyang government had to release the arrested students and dismiss Cao Rulin, Zhang Zongxiang and Lu Zongyu from their posts. Also, the Chinese representatives in Paris refused to sign on the peace treaty: the May Fourth Movement won the initial victory. However, this move was more symbolic than anything else. Japan still retained control of the Shandong Peninsula and the islands in the Pacific it had obtained during World War I. Even though these protests and marches did not manage to achieve all their objectives, the partial success of the movement exhibited the ability of China's various social classes to successfully collaborate, an ideal that would be admired by both Nationalists and Communists.^[8]

Birth of Chinese Communism

For many years the orthodox view in the People's Republic of China was that after the demonstrations in 1918 and their suppression the discussion became more and more political. People like Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao shifted more to the Left and were among the leading founders of the 1921 Communist Party of China. Originally voluntaristic or nihilistic figures like Li Shicen and Zhu Qianzhi made similar turns to the Left as the 1920s saw China become increasingly turbulent.

According to this view:

The May Fourth Movement was a thoroughly anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary movement. Young students acted as its pioneers. The Chinese working class went up on the political stage, and functioned as the main force in the later period of the movement. Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu and other intellectuals directed and promoted the development of the movement, and played leading roles in it. On the local level, future Communist Party leader Mao Zedong rallied opposition against Hunan's warlord Chang Ching-yao.

The May Fourth Movement covered more than 20 provinces and over 100 cities of the country. It had a broader popular foundation than the Revolution of 1911. Its great contribution lay in arousing the people's consciousness and preparing for the unity of the revolutionary forces.

The May Fourth Movement promoted the spreading of Marxism in China, and prepared the ideological foundation for the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party. The October Revolution pointed out the direction for the Chinese revolution. The May Fourth Movement, which took place after the October Socialist Revolution, was a part of the world's Proletarian Revolution.

The May Fourth Movement served as an intellectual turning point in China; it was a seminal event that radicalized Chinese intellectual thought. Western-style liberal democracy had previously had a degree of traction amongst Chinese intellectuals, but after the Versailles Treaty (which was viewed as a betrayal of China's interests), lost much of its attractiveness. Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, cloaked as they were by moralism, were also seen as Western-centric and hypocritical.

Many in the Chinese intellectual community believed that the United States had done little to convince the imperialist powers (especially Britain, France, and Japan) to adhere to the Fourteen Points, and observed that the United States itself had declined to join the League of Nations; as a result they turned away from the Western liberal democratic model. Marxism began to take hold in Chinese intellectual thought, particular among those already on the Left. It was during this time that communism was studied seriously by some Chinese intellectuals such as Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao.

Some historians have speculated that Chinese history might have taken a different course at this time had the United States taken a stronger position on Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and self-determination. The United States was not yet a major imperialist power and was in a relatively strong position to take an anti-imperialist stance, however, it did not do so. As a result, China turned their attention to utilizing other political tools that could potentially resolve many of nation's issues. These tools subsumed the concepts of Marxism and Leninism.

Historical Significance

Regarded as one of twentieth century China's milestones, the May Fourth Movement advocated the usurpation of the Chinese Monarchs and Imperial command. Not only that, but the May Fourth Movement is also credited with the termination of the traditional civil service examination. By eliminating the civil service examination system, China eventually granted increased openness in its political, economic, and educational realms. Consequentially, this less restrictive form of government allowed the May Fourth movement to succeed as well as bolster both intellectual and cultural revolutions. Considered China’s "Renaissance", the May Fourth event is generally recognized for establishing the vernacular that was initiated by the late Qing reformers.

This vernacular acted as a catalyst for modernization projects across the nation state. Furthermore, the adopted vernacular was utilized as a medium of communication for the May Fourth Movement to connect with the "imaginary roots" that had been overshadowed by the greater Confucian culture.^[9] Scholars have also referred to this era as the Chinese Enlightenment based on the fact there was an intense focus on science and experimentation. In addition, the May Fourth period is identified as the "Enlightenment" period because it promoted the dismantlement of traditions.^[10]

Because it challenged traditional Chinese values, the May Fourth Movement was met with strong opposition, especially from Chiang Kai Shek's Nationalist Party. From the perspective of the Nationalist Party, the movement essentially destroyed the positive elements of Chinese tradition. More significantly, the movement placed a heavy emphasis on direct political actions and radical attitudes, characteristics that were common with the emerging Chinese Communist Party. Thus, the Nationalist Party judged the May Fourth movement quite skeptically. On the other hand, the Communist Party viewed the movement definitely more favorably. However, the Communist Party did observe the May Fourth movement with certain degree of suspicion, especially during its first phase. This phase asserted the idea that enlightened intellectuals should realize individual aspirations, which contradicted with Communist fervor.^[11]Most notably, China suffered a case of “Ibsen fever” when plays by Henrik Ibsen were frequently translated in Chinese and introduced to the population during the May Fourth period. At this moment, Ibsen’s works were highly popular among the Chinese population based on the fact that the central themes revolved around “individual liberation, women’s liberation, and freedom in marriage.”^[12]These goals resembled closely with those of the May Fourth movement. Therefore, the Nationalist Party perceived the social movement with a sense of distrust and hostility while the Communist Party welcomed the movement. In its broader sense, the May Fourth Movement led to the establishment of radical intellectuals in the Communist Party. With the assistance of peasants and workers, these Communist party members gained the organizational strength that would solidify the success of the Communist Revolution.^[13]

Neotraditionalism vs. Western Thought

Although the May Fourth Movement did find partial success at removing Chinese traditional culture, there were still proponents who steadfastly argued that China's traditions and values should be the fundamental foundation of the nation. From these opponents of Western civilization derived three neotraditional schools of thought: national essence, national character, and modern relevance of Confucianism. Each school of thought denounced the western values of individualism, materialism and utilitarianism as adequate avenues for the development of China. Each school possessed specific objectives. The "national essence" school sought to discover aspects of traditional culture that could potentially serve the national development of China. Such traditional aspects consisted of various philosophical and religious practices that emerged parallel with Confucianism. Most particularly, China imported Buddhism, a religion from their neighboring country of India. Under the “national character” school, advocates promoted the traditional family system, the primary target of the May Fourth Movement. In this school, reformers viewed their Western counterparts as shells without morals. Finally, the modern relevance of Confucianism revolved around this notion that Confucianism values were better than Western ones. Due to the fact that western culture primarily concentrated their efforts on rational analysis, China’s neotraditionalist disputed that the concept was misguided especially in the realistic, altering milieu of the world. Most importantly, these three neotraditionalist thoughts gave no consideration to the individual, which was the main theme of the May Fourth Movement. ^[14]

Notes

References

• Spence, Jonathan D. The Search for Modern China. ISBN 0-393-30780-8 New York: Norton, 1999.
• Chow Tse-Tsung: The May Fourth Movement. Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Cambridge/Mass.: Harvard University), 1960.
• Schwarcz, Vera: The Chinese enlightenment: intellectuals and the legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (1986). Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Zarrow, Peter, “Intellectuals, the Republic, and a new culture”, in Zarrow, Peter: China in war and revolution, 1895-1949 (New York: Routledge), 2005, 133-143.
• Zarrow, Peter, “Politics and culture in the May Fourth Movement”, in Zarrow, Peter: China in war and revolution, 1895-1949 (New York: Routledge), 2005, 149-169.
• Schoppa, R. Keith, "Constructing a New Cultural Identity: The May Fourth Movement." Revolution and Its Past: Identities and Change in Modern Chinese History (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall), 2006, 162-180.
• Hao, Zhidong, "May 4th and June 4th Compared: A Sociological Study of Chinese Social Movements." Journal of Contemporary China 6.14 (1997): 79-99.
• Lee, Haiyan, "Tears that Crumbled the Great Wall: The Archaeology of Feeling in the May Fourth Folklore Movement." Journal of Asian Studies 64.1 (2005): 35-65.
• Ping, Liu, "The Left Wing Drama Movement in China and Its Relationship to Japan." Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 14.2 (2006): 449-466.
• Wasserstrom, Jeffrey N., "Chinese Students and Anti-Japanese Protests, Past and Present" World Policy Journal 22.2 (2005): 59-65.

External links

• May 4Th 1919 Monument in Beijing Photos, Directions and Backgrounds to the May the 4th Monument and Avenue in Beijing, China, PRC. [1]

See also

• New Culture Movement
• Yan'an Rectification Movement
• History of the Republic of China
• Warlord era
• A Madman's Diary
• A Bitter Revolution, Rana Mitter
• The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919, Vera Schwarcz
• The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China, Chow Tse-tsung
• China in War and Revolution, 1895-1949, Peter Zarrow