War hysteria preceding the Mountain Meadows massacre

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Backgrounds of the Fanchers and the Mormons
War hysteria  · Conspiracy and siege
Killings and aftermath  · Trials  · Remembrances
LDS public relations  · Media depictions
Precursors
Haun's Mill massacre  · Mormon pioneers
Paiutes  · Kingdom of God (LDS)  · Utah War
Blood atonement  · Plural marriage
Books
Juanita Brooks  · Blood of the Prophets
Burying The Past
Banner of Heaven  · September Dawn
An Illustration of the Mountain Meadows massacre, from a seminal 1873 history of the Mormons by T.B.H. Stenhouse.
An Illustration of the Mountain Meadows massacre, from a seminal 1873 history of the Mormons by T.B.H. Stenhouse.[1]

The Mountain Meadows massacre was caused in part by events relating to the Utah War, an 1858 invasion of the Utah Territory by the United States Army which ended up being peaceful. In the summer of 1857, however, Mormons expected an all-out invasion of apocalyptic significance. From July to September 1857, Mormon leaders prepared Mormons for a seven-year siege predicted by Brigham Young. Mormons were to stockpile grain, and were prevented from selling grain to emigrants for use as cattle feed. As far-off Mormon colonies retreated, Parowan and Cedar City became isolated and vulnerable outposts. Brigham Young sought to enlist the help of Indian tribes in fighting the "Americans", encouraging them to steal cattle from emigrant trains, and to join Mormons in fighting the approaching army.

In August 1857, Mormon apostle George A. Smith, of Parowan, set out on a tour of southern Utah, instructing Mormons to stockpile grain. He met with many of the eventual participants in the massacre, including W. H. Dame, Isaac Haight, and John D. Lee. He noted that the militia was organized and ready to fight, and that some of them were anxious to "fight and take vengeance for the cruelties that had been inflicted upon us in the States"[citation needed]. On his return trip to Salt Lake City, Smith camped near the Fancher party. Jacob Hamblin suggested the Fanchers stop and rest their cattle at Mountain Meadows. Some of Smith's party started rumors that the Fanchers had poisoned a well and a dead ox, in order to kill Indians, rumors that preceded the Fanchers to Cedar City.[citation needed]. Most witnesses said that the Fanchers were in general a peaceful party that behaved well along the trail.

Among Smith's party were a number of Paiute Indian chiefs from the Mountain Meadows area. When Smith returned to Salt Lake, Brigham Young met with these leaders on September 1, 1857 and encouraged them to fight against the "Americans". The Indian chiefs were reportedly reluctant. Some scholars theorize, however, that the leaders returned to Mountain Meadows and participated in the massacre. However, it is uncertain whether they would have had time to do so.

Contents

[edit] Background

Brigham YoungLDS Church president,governor andAmerican Indian superintendent ofUtah Territory,regent of pre-millennial "Kingdom of God"
Brigham Young
LDS Church president,
governor and
American Indian superintendent of
Utah Territory,
regent of pre-millennial "Kingdom of God"
Main article: Fancher party's and Mormons' backgrounds and the Mountain Meadows massacre

In early 1857, several groups of emigrants from the northwestern Arkansas region started their trek to California, joining up on the way and known as the Fancher-Baker party. This group was relatively wealthy, and planned to restock its supplies in Salt Lake City, as most wagon trains did at the time. The party reached Salt Lake City with about 120 members. In Salt Lake, there was an unsubstantiated rumor that the revered martyr Parley P. Pratt's widow recognized one of the party as being present at her husband's murder.[2]

For the decade prior to the Fanchers' arrival there, Utah Territory existed as a theocracy led by Brigham Young. As part of Young's vision of a pre-millennial "Kingdom of God", Young established colonies along the California and Old Spanish Trails, where Mormon officials governed by "lay[ing] the ax at the root of the tree of sin and iniquity", while preserving individual rights.[3] Two of the southern-most establishments were Parowan and Cedar City, led respectively by Stake Presidents William H. Dame and Isaac C. Haight. Haight and Dame were, in addition, the senior regional military leaders of the Mormon militia. During the period just before the massacre, known as the Mormon Reformation, Mormon teachings were dramatic and strident. The religion had undergone a period of intense persecution in the American midwest, and faithful Mormons made solemn oaths to pray for vengeance upon those who killed the "prophets" including founder Joseph Smith, Jr. and most recently apostle Parley P. Pratt, who was murdered in April 1857 in Arkansas.

[edit] Utah War

Main article: Utah War

In July 1857, while the Fancher-Baker party was en route to Utah Territory, Mormons began hearing rumors[4] that the United States had launched an expedition to invade the territory and depose its theocratic government. For almost a decade, relations between Utah and the federal government had deteriorated over the issue of polygamy and the role of Mormon institutions versus that of federal ones in the territory.[5] By July 1857, Young's replacement, Alfred Cumming, was appointed, and a fourth of the entire U.S. army, some 2,500 dragoons, were already on the march.

As news of the approaching army spread, the coming invasion took on apocalyptic significance. Mormons saw it as a threat to their existence.[6] Members of the First Presidency framed the confrontation as a battle between the Kingdom of God and minions of the Devil.[7] Some Mormons in southern Utah taught that the invasion was the beginning of the Millennium,[8] and the prevailing understanding there was that the U.S. Army intended to wipe out the Mormons as a people.[9] In preparation for a seven-year siege predicted by Brigham Young, Mormon leaders began accelerating an existing program for stockpiling grain.[10] Mormons were told to sell their clothing to buy as much grain as possible,[11] and not to use grain as animal feed nor sell it to emigrants for this purpose.[12]

Albert S. JohnstonGeneral commanding U.S. expeditionary force sent to subdue"Mormon Rebellion"
Albert S. Johnston
General commanding U.S. expeditionary force sent to subdue
"Mormon Rebellion"

Defiant against the United States, Brigham Young warned "mobocrats", particularly past Mormon persecutors and the "priests, editors, and politicians who have howled so long about us", to stay away from the territory, or "we will attend to their cases".[13] He stated that if such persons entered the territory, "they will find a 'Vigilance Committee'" and they will "find the Danites".[14] But Young denounced plans by Mormons to rob "innocent" emigrant trains, saying that such robbers themselves would "be overtaken by a 'Vigilance Committee'".[15] He wanted to ensure that "the good and honest may be able to pass from the Eastern States to California...in peace".[16]

Young ordered pioneer settlements furthest afield to pull up stakes–evacuating colonies in San Bernardino (now southern California), Las Vegas (southern Nevada), Carson Valley (western Nevada), and Fort Bridger (western Wyoming).[17] Thereafter, the farthest remaining outpost of Mormonism were the outlying Mormon colonies at Cedar City (led by Stake President-Major Isaac C. Haight) and Parowan (led by Stake President-Colonel William H. Dame), two infant fortress-villages near Mountain Meadows where the massacre took place. These settlements were nearly 300 miles from the Salt Lake City headquarters, and only reachable by a three days' journey on horseback,[citation needed] the messenger's changing mounts at various settlements along the way.[18] Mormons in the area were to be the first defense against a feared "southern invasion"[19] The word from Mormon headquarters was that the approaching U.S. Army had orders to murder every believing Mormon,[20] and that the troops were coming directly from Missouri,[21]

On August 5, 1857, Brigham Young declared martial law.[22] All borders were to be sealed to further travel through Utah by emigrants.[23] Young also made it illegal to travel through Utah without a permit,[24] but no safe conduct pass was made available to the Fancher-Baker train by Territorial or local officials.[citation needed] The party would not have been aware of Young's decree as it was only made public on September 15, 1857.[25]

Emigrant trains arriving from the east presented an opportunity for Mormons to trade or sell foodstuffs and other supplies, and until the Utah War, most were friendly and willing to help travelers pass through the Utah Territory.[26] The Fancher train encountered residents along the way who were obeying Young's recent order to stockpile supplies in expectations of all-out war with approaching U.S. troops.[27] The Mormons were directed not to sell any food to the enemy, as the emigrant train was labeled. [28]

[edit] George A. Smith's circuit through southern Utah

George A. SmithApostle who met Fancher-Baker party before touring Parowan and neighboring settlements prior to massacre
George A. Smith
Apostle who met Fancher-Baker party before touring Parowan and neighboring settlements prior to massacre
Colonel William H. Dame, Stake President of Parowan, and commander of the southern Utah military. Colonel William H. Dame, Stake President of Parowan, and commander of the southern Utah military.
Colonel William H. Dame, Stake President of Parowan, and commander of the southern Utah military.
Major Isaac C. Haight, Stake President of Cedar City, and second in military command under Dame.

On August 3, 1857, Mormon apostle George A. Smith[29] left Salt Lake City to visit the southern Utah communities.[30] He arrived at Parowan on August 8, 1857,[31] and on August 15, 1857, he set off on a tour of Stake President-Colonel W. H. Dame's military district.[32] During the tour, Smith gave military speeches[33] and counseled Mormons that they prepare to "touch fire to their homes, and hide themselves in the mountains, and to defend their country to the very last extremity."[34] Smith instructed Mormons to stockpile grain, and not to sell it to emigrants for animal feed.[35] John D. Lee accompanied Smith on part of this tour,[36] during which Smith addressed a group of Native Americans in Santa Clara, counseling them that "the Americans" were approaching with a large army, and were a threat to the Native Americans as well as the Mormons.[37] Riding in a wagon afterwards, Lee said he warned Smith that the Native Americans would likely attack emigrant trains, and that Mormons were anxious to avenge the blood of the prophets,[38] and according to Lee, Smith seemed pleased, and said "he had had a long talk with Major Haight on the same subject".[33]

Major Isaac C. Haight, the stake president of Cedar City, met with Smith again on August 21.[39] Haight told Smith he had heard reports that 600 troops were already approaching Cedar City from the East, and that if the rumors were true, Haight would have to act without waiting for instructions from Salt Lake City. Smith agreed, and "admired his grit".[33] Smith later said he was uncomfortable, perhaps "on account of my extreme timidity", because some of the militia members were eager that "their enemies might come and give them a chance to fight and take vengeance for the cruelties that had been inflicted upon us in the States", such as the Haun's Mill massacre.[33]

On the way back to Salt Lake City, Smith was accompanied by a party including Jacob Hamblin of Santa Clara, a newly appointed Mormon missionary to the Natives in the region who also ran a federally funded Indian farm next to Mountain Meadows.[40] Also traveling north with the Smith party were several Native chiefs of the southern Utah Territory[41] On August 25, 1857, Smith's group camped next to the Fancher-Baker party, headed the opposite direction, at Corn Creek (now Kanosh). Smith later said he had no knowledge of the Fancher-Baker party prior to meeting them on the trail.[42] When the Fancher-Baker party inquired about places to stop for water and grazing, Hamblin directed them to Mountain Meadows,[43] near the Indian farm there, a regular stopover on the Old Spanish Trail.

Some members of Smith's party later testified that during their encampment they saw the Fancher-Baker party poison a spring and a dead ox, with the expectation that Native Americans would be poisoned.[44] Silas S. Smith, the cousin of George A., testified that the Fancher-Baker party suspiciously asked whether the Native Americans would eat a dead ox.[45] Although the poisoning story supported the Mormon theory that Native Americans had been poisoned and therefore conducted a massacre on their own,[46] modern historians generally discount the testimony and rumors about the poisoned ox and spring as false.[47] Nevertheless, the poisoning story preceded the Fanchers on their trip southward.[48]

[edit] Interactions on road toward Mountain Meadows

Map of the California trail in southern Utah at the time of the massacre.
Map of the California trail in southern Utah at the time of the massacre.[49]

The Mormons considered the emigrants of an alien status because of Young's orders forbidding travel through Utah without a required pass—which the Fancher-Baker party did not have.[27] However, Captains Baker and Fancher may not have been aware of Young's martial law order since it was not made public until September 15, 1857.[50]

The Fancher and Duke parties (respectively from Arkansas and Missouri) having assisted each other on their western journeys, it was believed by some locals that the Fancher party was joined by eleven members of a Missouri militia calling itself the "Wildcats". (Yet there is debate on whether these miners and plainsmen stayed with the slow-moving Fancher party after leaving Salt Lake City,[51] or actually existed.)[52]

Meanwhile the Mormons that the Fancher train encountered along the way were obeying Young's order to stockpile supplies in expectations of all-out war with approaching U.S. troops and declined to trade with the Fanchers. This friction was added to by the "range war" that would be expected to erupt between local populations and any emigrants' leading vast herds of cattle—and indeed, both the Fancher and Duke parties' stock would compete with locals' for grazing and sometimes would break through the Mormon colonists' fences. With the murder and the expulsion of U.S. Government surveyors, there was no demarcation of the territorial lands claimed by Native Americans, Mormons, and those that the Americans purchased from Mexico (Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo).[53] Yet in the war panic, such mundane complaints escalated into more ominous charges.

For example, according to John D. Lee, "They swore and boasted openly... that Buchanan's whole army was coming right behind them, and would kill every God Damn Mormon in Utah.... They had two bulls which they called one "Heber" and the other "Brigham", and whipped 'em through every town, yelling and singing... and blaspheming oaths that would have made your hair stand on end."[54]

While Jacob Hamblin was in Salt Lake City he heard that the Fanchers had "behaved badly [...and had] robbed hen-roosts, and been guilty of other irregularities, and had used abusive language to those who had remonstrated with them. It was also reported that they threatened, when the army came into the north end of the Territory, to get a good outfit from the weaker settlements in the south."[55]

In his report of his investigation of the massacre, Superintendent for Indian Affairs in Utah Territory, Jacob Forney[56] said: "I [...made] strict inquiry relative to the general behavior and conduct of the company towards the people of this territory ..., and am justified in saying that they conducted themselves with propriety."

In Forney's interview with David Tullis who had been living with Jacob Hamblin, Tullis related that "[t]he company passed by the house...towards evening.... One of the men rode up to where I was working, and asked if there was water ahead. I said, yes. The person who rode up behaved civilly."[57]

In addition, William Rogers later related where Shirts related he "saw the emigrants when they entered the valley, and talked with several of the men belonging to it. They appeared perfectly civil and gentlemanly."[58]

[edit] Brigham Young's attempt to enlist Native Americans to fight "the Americans"

Dimick B. HuntingtonNative American interpreter, colonist of Provo, Utah Dimick B. HuntingtonNative American interpreter, colonist of Provo, Utah
Dimick B. Huntington
Native American interpreter, colonist of Provo, Utah
Jacob Hamblin
President of Latter-day Saints' mission to Indians

Brigham Young, as Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Utah Territory, built strong diplomatic ties with the area's Native American tribes. When it became clear there would be an invasion by U.S. troops, he sought to enlist them to join Mormons in fighting the "Americans". Young sent his trusted interpreter Dimick B. Huntington to various tribes with wagon loads of food. Huntington told Native Americans that the Utah War was a battle, prophesied in the Book of Mormon, between Mormons and Native Americans, on the one hand, and "gentiles" (non-Mormon whites) on the other.[59] Young's message for the tribes was that they should "be at peace with all men except the Americans".[60] Scholars disagree whether Young intended the Native American tribes to fight all non-Mormon Americans, including emigrants, or just the approaching U.S. Army.[61]

No disapproval was expressed by Huntington when told by Shoshones that cows, horses, and mules had been stolen from Californians.[62] Wilford Woodruff recorded Young's message to the Mormon apostles on August 26, 1857, "The Gentile emigrants [will] shoot the indians wharever they meet with them & the Indians now retaliate & will kill innocent People.",[63] On August 30, 1857, Huntington gave a group of northern tribes "all the beef cattle & horses that was on the road to Cal[i]fornia, the North rout[e]".

On September 1, 1857, frontiersman James Gemmell was in Young's office with Hamblin, who had accompanied the group of tribal leaders (including Ammon, Kanosh, Tutsegabit, and Youngwids), and George A. Smith on his return to Salt Lake, all of whom had camped near the Fancher-Baker party.

Map depicting Mountain Meadows and surrounding region in 1857, showing path ofOld Spanish Trail
Map depicting Mountain Meadows and surrounding region in 1857, showing path of
Old Spanish Trail

When Hamblin told Young that the Arkansas train was near Cedar City, Young said, according to Gemmell (whose statement derives from an 1896 posthumous source named Wheeler), that if he were in charge of the Nauvoo Legion he "would wipe them out."[64] These chiefs then met with Huntington and Brigham Young, where the Native American leaders were given "all the cattle that had gone to Cal. the south rout[e]." The Native American leaders questioned this, because previously, the Mormons had told them not to steal cattle. Young acknowledged this, but said, "now they have come to fight us & you, for when they kill us then they will kill you."[65] Modern scholars generally agree that Brigham Young was authorizing Native American leaders to steal emigrant cattle.[66] And there is evidence that a policy that Native Americans should steal emigrants' cattle was put into effect against emigrant groups other than the Fancher-Baker party.[67]

[edit] Fanchers' arrival at Cedar City

Cedar City was the last major settlement where emigrants could stop to buy grain and supplies before a long stretch of wilderness leading to California.[68] When they arrived there, however, they were turned a cold shoulder: important goods were not available in the town store, and the local miller charged an exorbitant price for grinding grain.[69] As tension between the Mormons and the emigrants mounted, a member of the Fancher-Baker party was said to have bragged he had the very gun that "shot the guts out of Old Joe Smith".[70] Other members of the party reportedly bragged about taking part in the Haun's Mill massacre some decades before in Missouri.[71] Others were reported by Mormons to have threatened to join the incoming federal troops, or join troops from California, and march against the Mormons.[72] According to a witness, Alexander Fancher, captain of the emigrant train, rebuked these men on the spot for their inflammatory language.[73]

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Stenhouse 1873, p. 425.
  2. ^ Stenhouse 1873, p. 431 (citing "Argus", an anonymous contributor to the Corinne Daily Reporter whom Stenhouse met and vouched for).
  3. ^ In 1856, Young said "the government of God, as administered here" may to some seem "despotic" because "[i]t lays the ax at the root of the tree of sin and iniquity; judgment is dealt out against the transgression of the law of God"; however, "does not [it] give every person his rights?" Young 1856, p. 256.
  4. ^ Church leaders mentioned such rumors in sermons as early as July 2 (Heber C. Kimball: JD 5:86) and July 5, 1857 Young 1857c, p. 5 (referring to rumors of the approaching troops and warning them to stay away).
  5. ^ In 1856, the newly formed Republican Party had campaigned against Mormon practices of polygamy as "relics of barbarism", and Democrat James Buchanan, assuming office in March 1857, was under political pressure to subdue the perceived Mormon rebellion.
  6. ^ George A. Smith, 2 August 1857, JD 5:101; Young 1875 (at the time of the massacre, the Mormon leadership believed reports that the troops had the "ostensible design for destroying the Latter-day Saints").
  7. ^ Young 1857d, p. 75 (teaching on July 26, 1857 that "God has commenced to set up his kingdom on the earth, and all hell and its devils are moving against it."); Heber C. Kimball, 2 August 1857, JD 5:129 ("The world is going to seek to destroy us from the earth. (Voice: 'They will destroy themselves.') They will destroy themselves, as the Lord liveth, and the day of their destruction has come. (Voices: 'Amen'.)").
  8. ^ Lee 1877, p. 251.
  9. ^ Hamblin 1876;Morrill 1876.
  10. ^ Huntington 1857, p. 2 (counseling Native Americans to stockpile all the berries and wheat they could glean in preparation for the seven-year siege predicted by Brigham Young); Heber C. Kimball, 23 August 1857, JD 5:171; Heber C. Kimball, 6 September 1857, JD 5:213 (predicting that imminently, "the people of the nations will come by hundreds and by thousands for food, and for raiment, and for protection" in the Utah Territory).
  11. ^ Heber C. Kimball, 6 September 1857, JD 5:213.
  12. ^ Young 1875; Smith 1875.
  13. ^ Young 1857c, p. 5–6.
  14. ^ Young 1857c, p. 6
  15. ^ Young 1857c, p. 6
  16. ^ Young 1857c, p. 6.
  17. ^ MacKinnon 2003.
  18. ^ Gibbs 1910, p. 13.
  19. ^ Briggs 2006, p. 318.
  20. ^ George A. Smith, 2 August 1857, JD 5:101; Young 1875 (at the time of the massacre, the Mormon leadership believed reports that the troops had the "ostensible design for destroying the Latter-day Saints"); Hamblin 1876 (saying this was the understanding among southern Utah Mormons).
  21. ^ Smith 1857
  22. ^ Young 1857a
  23. ^ Bagley 2002, p. 93 As a Mormon woman evacuating Carson Valley explained, "The last trains of this year would not get through, for they were to be cut off."
  24. ^ Young 1857; Bagley 2002; Denton 2005, pp. 114–115.
  25. ^ Young 1857a.
  26. ^ Stenhouse 1873, p. 428.
  27. ^ a b Shirts 1994.
  28. ^ Abanes 2002, p. 245, 566; Bagley 2002, p. 98.
  29. ^ Smith was a territorial legislator and a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. In the Nauvoo Legion, he was just a private (see George A. Smith [[[July 4]], 1852], JD 1:79; Smith 1875), although one Parowan resident understood that part of the purpose of Smith's trip was to organize the regiment, inspect the troops, and provide instructions (see Martineau 1857).
  30. ^ Smith 1857, p. 221 (saying he left the day after his last Salt Lake sermon, recorded at JD 5:101).
  31. ^ Martineau 1857.
  32. ^ Martineau 1857. In addition to Parowan, the tour included visits to Cedar City and Santa Clara, and the groups stopped at Mountain Meadows to eat dinner on August 20 (see Martineau 1857) with a group of missionaries who lived there (see Smith 1857, p. 222).
  33. ^ a b c d Smith 1857, p. 221-225
  34. ^ Smith 1857, p. 221; Smith 1857, p. 221 (Smith warned Cedar City residents "it might be necessary to set fire to our property, and hide in the mountains".
  35. ^ Smith 1875; Hamblin 1876 (Smith was sent to represent "Young's mind" that Mormons "save everything like breadstuff, and use it when we wanted it"); Lee 1877, pp. 221–22(quoting Smith as saying, "I have been sent down here by the old Boss, Brigham Young, to instruct the bretheren of the different settlements not to sell any of their grain to our enemies. And to tell them not to feed it to their animals, for it will all be needed by ourselves.").
  36. ^ (Lee 1877, pp. 221–22).
  37. ^ (Lee 1877, pp. 223).
  38. ^ (Lee 1877, pp. 223–225).
  39. ^ Martineau 1857.
  40. ^ In addition to Jacob Hamblin, the party included Philo T. Farnsworth and Elisha Hoops from Beaver, Silas S. Smith and Jesse N. Smith from Parowan (Smith 1875; "Case of the Defense", Salt Lake Tribune, 3 August 1875) and Thales Haskell from Santa Clara. Silas S. and Jesse N. Smith were cousins of George A. Smith (id.).
  41. ^ these chiefs included Ammon, Kanosh, Tutsegabit, and Youngwids (Brooks 1950, p. 27; Bagley 2002, p. 113).
  42. ^ Smith 1875.
  43. ^ Carleton 1859, p. 2-4
  44. ^ Testimonies of Elisha Hoops and Bishop Philo T. Farnsworth, "Case of the Defense", Salt Lake Tribune, 3 August 1875.
  45. ^ Briggs 2006, p. 320.
  46. ^ Brooks 1950, p. 185; George A. Smith in the Journal History of the Church reported allegations concerning the poisoning of several springs and that this action by members of the Fancher train gave the Native Americans "a determination to exterminate the emigrants."
  47. ^ Brooks 1950, p. 105 ("The poisoned meat story was unlikely, while the poisoned springs was quite clearly fabrication; to poison a running stream of any size would take a great amount of poison, and if several Saints had died, their names and homes and other details would have been given."); Bagley 2002, pp. 109–10; Turley 2007 ("Historical research shows that these stories are not accurate. While it is true that some of the emigrants’ cattle were dying along the trail, including near Fillmore, the deaths appear to be the result of a disease that affected cattle herds on the 1850s overland trails. Humans contracted the disease from infected animals through cuts or sores or through eating the contaminated meat. Without this modern understanding, people suspected the problem was caused by poisoning."); Forney 1859 ("I regard the poisoning affair as entitled to no consideration. In my opinion, bad men, for a bad purpose, have magnified a natural circumstance for the perpetration of a crime that has no parallel in American history for atrocity.")
  48. ^ Bagley 2002, pp. 110 (citing George Davis, of the Duke party that followed the Fanchers and camped at the same site in Corn Creek).
  49. ^ {{Harvnb|Bankroft|1889|p=550]].
  50. ^ Young 1857a.
  51. ^ Brooks 1950, p. xxi.
  52. ^ Bagley 2002, p. 280
  53. ^ Professional Surveyor Magazine
  54. ^ Death runs Riot - Mountain Meadows (HTML). PBS (2007). Retrieved on 2007-08-21. “They swore and boasted openly... that Buchanan's whole army was coming right behind them, and would kill every God Damn Mormon in Utah.... They had two bulls which they called one "Heber" and the other "Brigham", and whipped 'em through every town, yelling and singing... and blaspheming oaths that would have made your hair stand on end.”
  55. ^ Hamblin 1881, p. 42-43
  56. ^ Forney's report, given to U.S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, A.B. Greenwood, was printed in Senate Executive Document 42 of the 36th United States Congress in response to Senate requests for all the official documents relating to the Mountain Meadows massacre
  57. ^ Thompson 1860, p. 75-80
  58. ^ Conversation between Carl (possibly Carlts) Shirts, Forney and himself. Shirts had been employed by Hamlin making adobe bricks at the time. (See Rogers 1860.)
  59. ^ Huntington 1857, p. 11-12.
  60. ^ Huntington 1857, p. 3-13.
  61. ^ Sources arguing that Young sought to enlist Native Americans in a war against all "gentiles", including emigrants, include Brooks, pp. 40–42; Bagley 2002, pp. 113-114; Denton 2003, p. 158. Sources arguing that Native American leaders were only authorized to fight the Army and steal emigrant cattle, but not fight emigrants, include Crockett 2003 ("When Brigham Young told the Native American tribes he wanted assistance in fighting the Americans, he meant only the army.").
  62. ^ Huntington 1857, p. 4.
  63. ^ Bagley 2002, p. 114.
  64. ^ Bagley 2002, p. 114.
  65. ^ Huntington 1857, p. 7-13.
  66. ^ Brooks, pp. 40–42; Bagley 2002, pp. 113-114; Denton 2003, p. 158; Bigler 1998, pp. 167–68; Whitney 2007 (historian Glen Leonard argues that Young instituted "a new policy [to] allow the Indians to take the cattle, which will teach the government a lesson that [Mormons] can't control the Indians."); Crockett 2003 (arguing that Young "asked Indian tribal leaders to help scatter the cattle of the army and of all emigrants on the trail in front of the army in order to completely close the trail.")
  67. ^ However, scholars disagree whether the southern Native American tribal leaders could have returned to the Mountain Meadows area in time to participate in the siege of the Fancher-Baker party,[citation needed] especially given that two of these leaders, Tutsegabit and Youngwids, returned to Salt Lake some time between September 10 and 16, where Young ordained Tutsegubbets an Elder.[citation needed]
  68. ^ Turley 2007.
  69. ^ Turley 2007.
  70. ^ see Mountain Meadows Massacre Leader in Tietoa Mormonismista Suomeksi.)
  71. ^ Turley 2007.
  72. ^ Burns & Ives 1996, Episode 4; Salt Lake City Messenger #88; Mountain Meadows Massacre: An Aberration of Mormon Practice
  73. ^ Turley 2007.

[edit] References

  1. Abanes, Richard (2003), One Nation Under Gods: A History of the Mormon Church, New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, ISBN 1568582838.
  2. Bagley, Will (2002), Blood of the Prophets: Brigham Young and the Massacre at Mountain Meadows, Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, ISBN 0-8061-3426-7.
  3. Bancroft, Hubert Howe (1889), The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft: History of Utah, 1540–1886, vol. 26, San Francisco: History Company, LCC F826.B2 1889, LCCN 07018413 (Internet Archive versions).
  4. Beadle, John Hanson (1870), "Chapter VI. The Bloody Period.", Life in Utah, Philadelphia: National Publishing, LCC BX8645 .B4 1870, LCCN 30005377, at 177-195.
  5. Bigler, David (1998), Forgotten Kingdom: The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847–1896, Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, ISBN 0-87421-245-6.
  6. Briggs, Robert H. (2006), "The Mountain Meadows Massacre: An Analytical Narrative Based on Participant Confessions", Utah Historical Quarterly 74 (4): 313-333.
  7. Brooks, Juanita (1950), Mountain Meadows Massacre, Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, ISBN 0-8061-2318-4.
  8. Buerger, David John (2002), The Mysteries of Godliness: A History of Mormon Temple Worship (2nd ed.), Salt Lake City: Signature Books, ISBN 1560851767.
  9. Burns, Ken & Stephen Ives (1996), New Perspectives on the West (Documentary), Washington, D.C.: PBS.
  10. Cannon, Frank J. & George L. Knapp (1913), Brigham Young and His Mormon Empire, New York: Fleming H. Revell Co..
  11. Carleton, James Henry (1859), Special Report on the Mountain Meadows Massacre, Washington: Government Printing Office (published 1902).
  12. Carrington, Albert, ed. (April 6, 1859), "The Court & the Army", Deseret News 9 (5): 2.
  13. Carrington, Albert, ed. (1 December 1869), "Mountain Meadows Massacre", Deseret News 18 (43): 6–7.
  14. Christian, J. Ward (October 4, 1857), Letter to G.N. Whitman, at San Bernardino, in Hamilton, Henry, "Horrible Massacre of Arkansas and Missouri Emigrants", Los Angeles Star, October 10, 1857.
  15. Cradlebaugh, John (March 29, 1859), Anderson, Kirk, ed., "Discharge of the Grand Jury", Valley Tan 1 (22): 3.
  16. Cradlebaugh, John (February 7, 1863), Utah and the Mormons: a Speech on the Admission of Utah as a State, 37th United States Congress, 3rd Session.
  17. Crockett, Robert D. (2003), "A trial lawyer reviews Will Bagleys' Blood of the Prophets", FARMS Review 15 (2): 199-254.
  18. Cuch, Forrest S. (2000). History of Utah's American Indians. Salt Lake City: Utah State Division of Indian Affairs: Utah State Division of History: Distributed by Utah State University Press, pp.131-139. ISBN 0-913738-48-4. OCLC 45321868. Retrieved on 2007-07-08. .
  19. Denton, Sally (2003), American Massacre: The Tragedy at Mountain Meadows, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, ISBN 0-375-41208-5. Washington Post review and Letter to the editor in response to the review.
  20. Dunn, Jacob Piatt (1886), Massacres of the Mountains: A History of the Indian Wars of the Far West, New York: Harper & Brothers.
  21. Erickson, Dan (1996), "Joseph Smith's 1891 Millennial Prophecy: The Quest for Apocalyptic Deliverance", Journal of Mormon History 22 (2): 1–34.
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  28. Gibbs, Josiah F. (1910), The Mountain Meadows Massacre, Salt Lake City: Salt Lake Tribune, LCC F826 .G532 LCCN 37010372.
  29. Grant, Jedediah M. (March 12, 1854), "Discourse", Deseret News 4 (20): 1–2, July 27, 1854.
  30. Grant, Jedediah M. (April 2, 1854), "Fulfilment of Prophecy—Wars and Commotions", in Watt, G.D., Journal of Discourses by Brigham Young, President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, His Two Counsellors, the Twelve Apostles, and Others, vol. 2, Liverpool: F.D. & S.W. Richards, 1855, at 145–49.
  31. Hamblin, Jacob (September 1876), "Testimony of Jacob Hamblin", in Linder, Douglas, Mountain Meadows Massacre Trials (John D. Lee Trials) 1875–1876, University of Missouri-Kansas School of Law, 2006.
  32. Hamblin, Jacob (1881), "Jacob Hamblin: A Narrative of His Personal Experience", Faith Promoting Series, vol. 5.
  33. Hamilton, Henry, ed. (1857), "Horrible Massacre of Arkansas and Missouri Emigrants", Los Angeles Star (published October 10, 1857).
  34. Higbee, John M. (February 1894), "Statement", in Brooks, Juanita, Mountain Meadows Massacre, Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, ISBN 0-8061-2318-4, at 226–35.
  35. Huntington, Dimick B. (1857), Journal, LDS Archives, Ms d. 1419.
  36. Hurt, Garland (October 24, 1857), Letter from Garland Hurt, Utah Territorial Indian Agent, to Col. A.S. Johnston, U.S. Army.
  37. Kimball, Heber C. (January 11, 1857), "The Body of Christ-Parable of the Vine-A Wile Enthusiastic Spirit Not of God-The Saints Should Not Unwisely Expose Each Others' Follies", in Watt, G.D., Journal of Discourses by Brigham Young, President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, His Two Counsellors, and the Twelve Apostles, vol. 4, Liverpool: S.W. Richards, 1857, at 164–81.
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  40. Klingensmith, Philip (September 5, 1872), Affidavit, at Lincoln County, Nevada, in Toohy, Dennis J., "Mountain Meadows Massacre", Corinne Daily Reporter (Corinne, Utah) 5 (252): 1, September 24, 1872.
  41. Klingensmith, Philip (July 23–24, 1875), at Beaver City, Utah, Testimony, First trial of John D. Lee, Braintree, MA: Mountain Meadows Association.
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  43. Linn, William Alexander (1902), The Story of the Mormons: From the Date of their Origin to the Year 1901, New York: McMillan (scanned versions).
  44. Lynch, James (July 22, 1859), Affidavit of James Lynch Regarding the Mountain Meadows Massacre September 1857 Sworn Testimony; also included in Brooks (1991) Appendix XII.
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  47. Martineau, James H. (August 22, 1857), at Parowan, Utah Territory, "Correspondence: Trip to the Santa Clara", Deseret News 9 (5): 3, September 23, 1857.
  48. McMurtry, Larry (2005), Oh what a slaughter: massacres in the American West, 1846-1890, New York: Simon & Schuster, ISBN 074325077X. BookReporter.com review.
  49. Melville, J. Keith (1960), "Theory and Practice of Church and State During the Brigham Young Era", BYU Studies 3 (1): 33–55.
  50. Mitchell, William C. (April 26, 1860), List of the Mountain Meadows Massacre Victims, Letter to A. B. Greenwood, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C..
  51. Morrill, Laban (September 1876), "Laban Morrill Testimony—witness for the prosecution", in Linder, Douglas, Mountain Meadows Massacre Trials (John D. Lee Trials) 1875–1876, University of Missouri-Kansas School of Law, 2006.
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  55. Pratt, Parley P. (December 31, 1855), "Marriage and Morals in Utah", Deseret News 5 (45): 356–57, January 16, 1856.
  56. Pratt, Steven (1975), "Eleanor McLean and the Murder of Parley P. Pratt", BYU Studies 15 (2): 225–56.
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  64. Smart, Donna T. (1994), "Parley Parker Pratt", in Powell, Allen Kent, Utah History Encyclopedia, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
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Mountain Meadows massacre series