Vietnamese phonology

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This article is a technical description the sound system of the Vietnamese language, including phonetics and phonology.

Contents 1 Consonants 1.1 Hanoi 1.1.1 Analysis of final ch, nh 1.1.2 Phonological processes 1.2 Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon) 1.2.1 Phonetics 1.3 Regional consonant variation 2 Vowels 2.1 Monophthongs 2.2 Diphthongs and triphthongs 2.3 Regional vowel variation 3 Tone 3.1 Six-tone analysis 3.1.1 Northern varieties 3.1.2 Southern varieties 3.1.3 North-central and Central varieties 3.2 Eight-tone analysis 4 Syllables and phonotactics 5 Notes 6 See also 7 References 8 Bibliography 9 Further reading 10 External links

[edit] Consonants

Two main varieties of Vietnamese, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, are described below.

[edit] Hanoi

The 21 consonants of the Hanoi variety:

		Bilabial	Labio- dental	Dental/ Alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Glottal
Nasal		m		n	ɲ	ŋ
Plosive	unaspirated	p		t	c	k	(ʔ)[1]
	aspirated			tʰ
	glottalized	ɓ		ɗ
Fricative			f  v	s̪  z̪		x  ɣ	h
Approximant				l	j	w

¹ Thompson^[1] posits a glottal stop phoneme in a more abstract analysis of Hanoi Vietnamese that would eliminate the phonemes /ɓ, ɗ, v/ by involving sequences of glottal stop + consonant (ʔC). Specifically, he proposes:

• /p/ → [p]
• /ʔp/ → [ʔɓ]
• /t/ → [t]
• /ʔt/ → [ʔɗ]
• /w/ → [v]
• /ʔw/ → [ʔw]

This analysis also simplifies the syllable description so that all syllables have obligatory onsets.

• /w/ is labial-velar and always preceded by a consonant or glottal stop (/ʔ/) (though [ʔ] does not occur before [w] in the southern varieties)
• /p/ occurs word-initially only in borrowed vocabulary derived from French. /p/ in Native Vietnamese words occurs only word-finally.
• The glottalized stops are preglottalized and voiced: [ʔɓ, ʔɗ] (i.e., the glottis is always closed before the oral closure). This glottal closure is often not released before the release of the oral closure, resulting in the characteristic implosive pronunciation. However, sometimes the glottal closure is released prior to the oral release in which case the stops are pronounced as [ʔb, ʔd]. Therefore, the primary characteristic is preglottalization with implosion being secondary.
• Among the coronals:
  • /tʰ, s, z, l/ are dental: [t̪ʰ, s̪, z̪, l̪].
  • /t, ɗ, n/ are alveolar: [t͇, ɗ͇, n͇].
  • /tʰ, l, t, ɗ, n/ are apical [t̺ʰ, l̺, t̺, ɗ̺, n̺] (i.e. with the tongue tip).
  • /s, z, c, ɲ/ are laminal [s̻, z̻, c̻, ɲ̻] (i.e. with the tongue blade).
  • HCMC /j/ is not present
• /c, ɲ/ are phonetically palatoalveolar [ṯ, ṉ] (i.e. the blade of the tongue makes contact behind the alveolar ridge).
• /c/ is often slightly affricated [ṯʃ], although much less than English [tʃʰ]. (Note that the English affricate is also aspirated and usually apical, unlike Vietnamese). This affrication, however, is not obligatory.

[edit] Analysis of final ch, nh

The analysis of syllable-final ch and nh in Hanoi Vietnamese has had different analyses. One analysis, that of Thompson (1965) has them as being phonemes /c, ɲ/, where /c/ contrasts with both syllable-final t /t/ and c /k/ and /ɲ/ contrasts with syllable-final n /n/ and ng /ŋ/. Final /c, ɲ/ is, then, identified with syllable-initial /c, ɲ/.

Another analysis has final ch and nh as representing predictable allophonic variants of the velar phonemes /k/ and /ŋ/ that occur after upper front vowels /i/ (orthographic i) and /e/ (orthographic ê).

Arguments for the second analysis include the limited distribution of final [c] and [ɲ], the gap in the distribution of [k] and [ŋ], which do not occur after [i] and [e], and the patterning of [k]/[c] and [ŋ]/[ɲ] in certain reduplicated words. Additionally, final [c] is not usually articulated as far forward as the initial [c]: [c] and [ɲ] are pre-velar [k̟, ŋ̟]. The preceding upper front vowels are co-articulated as well, resulting in centralized variants:

/ik/	→	ich	[ïk̟]
/iŋ/	→	inh	[ïŋ̟]
/ek/	→	êch	[ëk̟] or [əɪk̟]
/eŋ/	→	ênh	[ëŋ̟] or [əɪŋ̟]

Finally, this analysis interprets orthographic ach and anh as having a vowel nucleus with a front component. One interpretation considers the orthographic a in these sequences as underlyingly a diphthong /aj/ with a high front off-glide (thus equating it with orthographic ay) — in other words, [ac] is /ajk/ and [aɲ] is /ajŋ/. Another interpretation of the orthographic a is that it is underlyingly the vowel /ɛ/, which becomes phonetically centralized and diphthongized: /ɛk/ → [aɪk̟], [/ɛŋ/ → [aɪŋ̟].^[2]

The first analysis closely follows the surface pronunciation of a slightly different Hanoi dialect than the second. In this dialect, the [a] in [ac] and [aɲ] is not diphthongized but is actually articulated more forward, approaching a front vowel [æ]. This results in a three-way contrast between the rimes ăn [æ̈n] vs. anh [æ̈ŋ̟] vs. ăng [æ̈ŋ]. For this reason, a separate phonemic /ɲ/ is posited.

[edit] Phonological processes

• A glottal stop [ʔ] is inserted before words that begin with a vowel or the glide /w/:^[1]

ăn	'to eat'	/an/	→	[ʔan]
uỷ	'to delegate'	/wi/	→	[ʔwij]

• When stops /p, t, k/ occur at the end of words, they are unreleased and with accompanying glottal closure [ʔp̚, ʔt̚, ʔk̚]:

đáp	'to reply'	/ɗaːp/	→	[ʔɗaːʔp̚]
mát	'cool'	/maːt/	→	[maːʔt̚]
khác	'different'	/xaːk/	→	[xaːʔk̚]

• When the velar consonants /k, ŋ/ follow /u, w/, they are articulated with a simultaneous bilabial closure [k͡p, ŋ͡m] (i.e. doubly-articulated) or are strongly labialized [kʷ, ŋʷ].

đục	'muddy'	/ɗuk/	→	[ʔɗuʔk͡p̚]
độc	'poison'	/ɗɜwk/	→	[ʔɗɜwʔk͡p̚]
ung	'cancer'	/uŋ/	→	[ʔuŋ͡m]
ong	'bee'	/awŋ/	→	[ʔawŋ͡m]

[edit] Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon)

The 22 consonants of the Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) variety (a.k.a. Saigon variety):

		Bilabial	Labio- dental	Dental/ Alveolar	Post- alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Glottal
Nasal		m		n		ɲ	ŋ
Plosive and Affricate	unaspirated	p		t	ʈʂ	c	k	(ʔ)
	aspirated			t̺ʰ
	glottalized	ɓ		ɗ
Fricative			f (vʲ)	s	ʂ r		x ɣ	h
Approximant				l		j	w

[edit] Phonetics

The HCMC Vietnamese variety is essentially the same as the Hanoi with the following exceptions:

• /v/ is generally not present in HCMC. When it is pronounced, it is often a spelling pronunciation in which case it always occurs palatalized with a [j] following it: [vʲj]. In addition to this [vj], there is [bj, βj] that is present among other speakers. These pronunciations are remnants of a merger and sound change involving /v, z/ in southern speech (/v/ is generally still present in the northern and central regions).
• Hanoi /z/ is not present in HCMC.
• HCMC /l/ is generally slightly more palatalized than the Hanoi variety: [lʲ].
• In southern speech, the phoneme /r/ has a number of variant pronunciations that depend on the speaker. More than one pronunciation may even be found within a single speaker. It may occur as a retroflex fricative [ʐ], a postalveolar fricative [ʒ], a flap [ɾ], a trill [r], or a fricative flap/trill [ɾ̝, r̝]. This sound is generally represented in Vietnamese linguistics by the symbol < r >.
• Among the coronals:
  • /tʰ/ is dental: [t̪ʰ].
  • /t, ɗ, s, n, l/ are alveolar: [t͇, ɗ͇, s͇, n͇, l͇].
  • /t, tʰ, ɗ, s, n/ are apical: [t̺, t̺ʰ, ɗ̺, s̺, n̺] .
  • /l, c, ɲ/ are laminal: [l̻ʲ, c̻, ɲ̻].
• Unlike Hanoi, the glide /w/ in HCMC when at the beginning of a syllable is not preceded by a glottal stop.

[edit] Regional consonant variation

At the beginning of syllables, Hanoi /v, z/ appear as HCMC /j/. HCMC /r/ appears as Hanoi /z/, HCMC /c, ʈʂ/ appear as Hanoi /c/, and HCMC /s, ʂ/ appear as Hanoi /s/. The table below summarizes these sound correspondences:

Syllable onsets
Hanoi	HCMC	Example
		word	Hanoi	HCMC
/v/	/j/	vợ   "wife"	/vəː/	/(v)jəː/
/z/		da   "skin"	/zaː/	/jaː/
	/r/	ra   "to go out"	/zaː/	/raː/
/c/	/c/	chi   "what/why/how"	/ci/	/cɪ/
	/ʈʂ/	trắng   "white"	/caŋ/	/ʈʂaŋ/
/s/	/s/	xa   "far"	/saː/	/saː/
	/ʂ/	số   "number"	/so/	/ʂo/

There are also sound mergers involving syllable-final consonants among the different regional varieties. These correspondences differ from the initial consonant correspondences discussed above. Coronals /t, n/ in Hanoi appear as velars /k, ŋ/ in HCMC, except when the coronals occur after the higher front vocalics /i, e, j/, in which case HCMC /t, n/ remain the same as Hanoi /t, n/. Additionally, Hanoi /k, ŋ/ appear as HCMC /t, n/ when they occur after /i, e, j/ (otherwise they are /k, ŋ/):

Syllable codas
Hanoi	HCMC	Example
		word	Hanoi	HCMC
/t/	/k/	hát   "to sing"	/haːt/	/haːk/
/k/		thác   "waterfall"	/tʰaːk/	/tʰaːk/
/n/	/ŋ/	xuân   "spring"	/swɜn/	/swɨŋ/
/ŋ/		vâng   "to obey"	/vɜŋ/	/(v)jɜŋ/
/t/ after /i, e, j/	/t/	ít   "few, small in quantity"	/it/	/ɪt/
/k/ after /i, e, j/		ếch   "frog"	/ɜjk/	/ɜt/
/n/ after /i, e, j/	/n/	đến   "to arrive"	/ɗen/	/ɗɜn/
/ŋ/ after /i, e, j/		lính   "soldier"	/liŋ/	/lɨn/

As can be seen above, vowels also vary among different regions.

[edit] Vowels

[edit] Monophthongs

The IPA vowel chart of monophthongs (i.e., simple vowels) below is a composite of the phonetic descriptions of Nguyễn (1997), Thompson (1965), and Han (1966).^[2] This is a vowel description of Hanoi Vietnamese (i.e., other regions of Vietnam may have different inventories).

	Front	Central	Back
Close	i	ɨ	u
Close-mid	e	əː	o
Open-mid	ɛ	ɜ	ɔ
Open		a   aː

• All vowels are unrounded except for the three back rounded vowels: /u, o, ɔ/.
• /ɜ/ and /a/ are pronounced short — shorter than the other vowels.
  • /a/ vs. /aː/: Short /a/ (orthographic ă) and long /aː/ (orthographic a) are different phonemic vowels, differing in length only (and not quality). (The [ː] symbol indicates a long vowel.)
  • /ɜ/ vs. /əː/: Han (1966) suggests that short /ɜ/ and long /əː/ differ in both height and length, but that the difference in length is probably the primary distinction. Thompson (1965) seems to suggest that the distinction is due to height (as he does for all Vietnamese vowels), although he also notes the length difference.
• /ɨ/ is close central unrounded and backed and lowered: [ɨ̞̠]. Many descriptions, such as Thompson,^[3] Nguyễn (1970), Nguyễn (1997), consider this vowel to be close back unrounded: [ɯ]. However, Han's^[4] instrumental analysis indicates that it is more central than back. Brunelle (2003) and Pham (2003) also transcribe this vowel as central.
• The high and upper-mid vowels /i, ɨ, u, e, əː, o/ have phonetic offglides: [ɪj, ɨɰ, ʊw, ej, əːɰ, ow], particularly in open syllables:

chị	'elder sister'	/ci/	→	[cɪj]		quê	'countryside'	/kwe/	→	[kwej]
tư	'fourth'	/tɨ/	→	[tɨɰ]		mơ	'to dream'	/məː/	→	[məːɰ]
thu	'autumn'	/tʰu/	→	[tʰʊw]		cô	'paternal aunt'	/ko/	→	[kow]

[edit] Diphthongs and triphthongs

In addition to monophthongs, Vietnamese has many diphthongs and triphthongs. Most of these consist of a vowel followed by /j/ or /w/. Below is a chart^[5] listing the diphthongs & triphthongs of general northern speech.

/ɜ/ Diphthongs	/j/ Diphthongs/ Triphthongs	/w/ Diphthongs/ Triphthongs
/iɜ/	/əːj/	/iw/
/ɨɜ/	/ɜj/	/ew/
/uɜ/	/aːj/	/ɛw/
	/aj/	/əːw/
	/ɨj/	/ɜw/
	/uj/	/aːw/
	/oj/	/aw/
	/ɔj/	/ɨw/
	/ɨɜj/	/iɜw/
	/uɜj/	/ɨɜw/

• /j/ never follows front vowels /i, e, ɛ/.
• /w/ never follows rounded vowels /u, o, ɔ/.

[edit] Regional vowel variation

Thompson (1965) says that in Hanoi, words spelled with ưu and ươu are pronounced as /iw, iɜw/, respectively, whereas other dialects in the Tonkin delta pronounce them as /ɨw/ and /ɨɜw/. Hanoi speakers that do pronounce these words with /ɨw/ and /ɨɜw/ are using a spelling pronunciation.

Thompson (1965) also notes that in Hanoi the diphthongs, iê /iɜ/, ươ /ɨɜ/, uô /uɜ/, may be pronounced as /ie, ɨəː, uo/, respectively (as the spelling suggests), but before /k, ŋ/ and in open syllables these are always pronounced /iɜ, ɨɜ, uɜ/.

[edit] Tone

Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion.

Vietnamese vowels are all pronounced with an inherent tone. Tones differ in

• pitch
• length
• contour melody
• intensity
• phonation (with or without accompanying constricted vocal cords)

Unlike many Native American, African, and Chinese languages, Vietnamese tones do not rely solely on pitch contour. Vietnamese often uses instead a register complex (which is a combination of phonation type, pitch, length, vowel quality, etc.). So perhaps a better description would be that Vietnamese is a register language and not a "pure" tonal language.^[6]

In Vietnamese orthography, tone is indicated by diacritics written above or below the vowel.

[edit] Six-tone analysis

There is much variation among speakers concerning how tone is realized phonetically. There are differences between varieties of Vietnamese spoken in the major geographic areas (i.e. northern, central, southern) and smaller differences within the major areas (e.g. Hanoi vs. other northern varieties). In addition, there seems to be variation among individuals. More research is needed to determine the remaining details of tone realization and the variation among speakers.

[edit] Northern varieties

The six tones in the Hanoi and other northern varieties are:

Name	Description	Chao Tone Contour	Diacritic	Example
ngang "level"	mid level	˧ (33)	(no mark)	ba 'three'
huyền "hanging"	low falling (breathy)	˨˩ (21) or (31)	`	bà 'lady'
hỏi "asking"	mid falling(-rising), harsh	˧˩˧ (313) or (323) or (31)	̉	bả 'poison'
ngã "tumbling"	mid rising, glottalized	˧ˀ˥ (3ˀ5) or (4ˀ5)	˜	bã 'residue'
sắc "sharp"	mid rising, tense	˧ˀ˥ (3ˀ5)	´	bá 'governor'
nặng "heavy"	mid falling, glottalized, short	˧ˀ˨ʔ (3ˀ2ʔ) or ˧ˀ˩ʔ (3ˀ1ʔ)	̣	bạ 'at random'

Ngang tone:

• The ngang tone is level at around the mid level (33) and is produced with modal voice phonation (i.e. with "normal" phonation). Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "level"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "high (or mid) level".

Huyền tone:

• The huyền tone starts low-mid and falls (21). Some Hanoi speakers start at a somewhat higher point (31). It is sometimes accompanied by breathy voice (or lax) phonation in some speakers, but this is lacking in other speakers: bà = [ʔɓɐ̤ː˨˩] or [ʔɓaː˨˩].^[7] Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "grave-lowering"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "low falling".

Hỏi tone:

• The hỏi tone starts a mid level and falls. It starts with modal voice phonation, which moves increasingly toward tense voice with accompanying harsh voice (although the harsh voice seems to vary according to speaker). In Hanoi, the tone is mid falling (31). In other northern speakers, the tone is mid falling and then rises back to the mid level (313 or 323). This characteristic gives this tone its traditional description as "dipping". However, the falling-rising contour is most obvious in citation forms or when syllable-final; in other positions and when in fast speech, the rising contour is negligible. The hỏi also is relatively short compared with the other tones, but not as short as the nặng tone. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "smooth-rising"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "dipping-rising".

Ngã tone:

• The ngã tone is mid rising (35). Many speakers begin the vowel with modal voice, followed by strong creaky voice starting toward the middle of the vowel, which is then lessening as the end of the syllable is approached. Some speakers with more dramatic glottalization have a glottal stop closure in the middle of the vowel (i.e. as [VʔV]). In Hanoi Vietnamese, the tone starts at a higher pitch (45) than other northern speakers. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "chesty-raised"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "creaking-rising".

Sắc tone:

• The sắc tone starts as mid and then rises (35) in much the same way as the ngã tone. It is accompanied by tense voice phonation throughout the duration of the vowel. In some Hanoi speakers, the ngã tone is noticeably higher than the sắc tone, for example: sắc = ˧˦ (34); ngã = ˦ˀ˥ (45). Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "acute-angry"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "high (or mid) rising".

Nặng tone:

• The nặng tone starts mid or low-mid and rapidly falls in pitch (32 or 21). It starts with tense voice that becomes increasing tense until the vowel ends in a glottal stop closure. This tone is noticeably shorter than the other tones. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "chesty-heavy"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "constricted".

[edit] Southern varieties

Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion.

[edit] North-central and Central varieties

Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion.

North-central and Central Vietnamese varieties are fairly similar with respect to tone although within the North-central dialect region there is considerable internal variation.

[edit] Eight-tone analysis

Please help improve this section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page or at requests for expansion.

• See Pham (2003)

[edit] Syllables and phonotactics

According to Hannas (1997), Quốc Ngữ can represent 6,200 syllables (tones included), but only about 4,500 to 4,800 are used depending on dialect (Quốc Ngữ is designed to accommodate different dialects).^[8]

The Vietnamese syllable structure follows the scheme:

(C₁)(w)V(C₂)+T

where

C1 = initial consonant onset w = bilabial glide /w/ V = vowel nucleus

C2 = final consonant coda T = tone.

In other words, a syllable can optionally have one onset consisting of single consonant or a consonant and the glide /w/ and an optional coda. The vowel nucleus may have an additional glide element.

More explicitly, the syllable types are as follows:

Syllable	Example	Syllable	Example
V		wV
VC		wVC
VC		wVC
CV		CwV
CVC		CwVC
CVC		CwVC

C₁:

Any consonant may occur in as an onset with the following exceptions:

• /p/ does not occur in native Vietnamese words
• /j/ does not occur in Hanoi, but it does occur in HCMC and other varieties (due to sound change)

w:

• /w/ does not occur after labial consonants /ɓ, f, v, m, w/
• /w/ does not occur after /n/ in native Vietnamese words (it occurs in uncommon Sino-Vietnamese borrowings)
• the sequences /hw, kw/ appears in HCMC as [w], excepting spelling pronunciations

V:

The vowel nucleus V may be any of the following 14 monophthongs or diphthongs: /i, ɨ, u, e, əː, o, ɛ, ɜ, ɔ, a, aː, iɜ, ɨɜ, uɜ/.

G:

C₂:

The optional coda C₂ is restricted to labial, coronal, & velar stops /p, t, k/ and nasals /m, n, ŋ/.

T:

Syllables are spoken with an inherent tone contour. All tone contours are possible for open syllables (syllables without consonant codas). If the syllable is closed only 2 contours are possible, that is the sắc and the nặng tone.

[edit] Notes

² 

Below is a table comparing four linguists' different transcriptions of Vietnamese vowels as well as the orthographic representation. Notice that this article is mostly following Han (1966).

comparison of orthography & vowel descriptions

Orthography	Wikipedia	Thompson[9]	Han[10]	Nguyễn[11]	Đoàn[12]
i	i	iː	i	i	i
ê	e	eː	e	e	e
e	ɛ	ɛː	ɛ	a	ɛ
ư	ɨ	ɯː	ɨ	ɯ	ɯ
u	u	uː	u	u	u
ô	o	oː	o	o	o
o	ɔ	ɔː	ɔ	ɔ	ɔ
ơ	əː	ɤː	ɜː	əː	ɤː
â	ɜ	ʌ	ɜ	ə	ɤ
a	aː	æː	ɐː	ɐː	aː
ǎ	a	ɐ	ɐ	ɐ	a

Thompson (1965) says that the vowels [ʌ] (orthographic â) and [ɐ] (orthographic ă) are shorter than all of the other vowels, which is shown here with the length mark [ː] added to the other vowels. His vowels above are only the basic vowel phonemes. Thompson gives a very detailed description of each vowel's various allophonic realizations.

Han (1966) uses acoustic analysis, including spectrograms and format measuring & plotting, to describe the vowels. She states that the primary difference between orthographic ơ & â and a & ă is a difference of length (a ratio of 2:1). ơ = /ɜː/, â = /ɜ/; a = /ɐː/, ă = /ɐ/. Her format plots also seem show that /ɜː/ may be slightly higher than /ɜ/ in some contexts (but this would be secondary to the main difference of length).

Another thing to mention about Han's studies is that she uses a rather small number of participants and, additionally, although her participants are native speakers of the Hanoi variety, they all have lived outside of Hanoi for a significant period of their lives (i.e. in France or Ho Chi Minh City).

Nguyễn (1997) has a simpler, more symmetrical description. He says that his work is not a "complete grammar" but rather a "descriptive introduction." So, his chart above is more a phonological vowel chart rather than a phonetic one.

[edit] See also

• Vietnamese alphabet
• Vietnamese language
• List of phonetics topics

[edit] References

[edit] Bibliography

• Brunelle, Marc (2003), "Coarticulation effects in northern Vietnamese tones.", Proceedings of the 15th International Conference of Phonetic Sciences
• Đoàn, Thiện Thuật (1980), written at Hà Nội, Ngữ âm tiếng Việt, Đại học và Trung học Chuyên nghiệp
• Đoàn, Thiện Thuật; Nguyễn, Khánh Hà, Phạm, Như Quỳnh. (2003). A Concise Vietnamese Grammar (For Non-Native Speakers). Hà Nội: Thế Giới Publishers, 2001.
• Earle, M. A. (1975). An acoustic study of northern Vietnamese tones. Santa Barbara: Speech Communications Research Laboratory, Inc.
• Ferlus, Michel. (1997). Problemes de la formation du systeme vocalique du vietnamien. Asie Orientale, 26 (1), .
• Gregerson, Kenneth J. (1969). A study of Middle Vietnamese phonology. Bulletin de la Société des Etudes Indochinoises, 44, 135-193. (Published version of the author's MA thesis, University of Washington). (Reprinted 1981, Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics).
• Han, Mieko (1966), written at Los Angeles: Acoustic Phonetics Research Laboratory, Vietnamese vowels, vol. 4, University of Southern California
• Han, Mieko S. (1968). Complex syllable nuclei in Vietnamese. Studies in the phonology of Asian languages (Vol. 6); U.S. Office of Naval Research. Los Angeles: University of Southern California.
• Han, Mieko S. (1969). Vietnamese tones. Studies in the phonology of Asian languages (Vol. 8). Los Angeles: Acoustic Phonetics Research Laboratory, University of Southern California.
• Han, Mieko S.; & Kim, Kong-On. (1972). Intertonal influences in two-syllable utterances of Vietnamese. Studies in the phonology of Asian languages (Vol. 10). Los Angeles: Acoustic Phonetics Research Laboratory, University of Southern California.
• Han, Mieko S.; & Kim, Kong-On. (1974). Phonetic variation of Vietnamese tones in disyllabic utterances. Journal of Phonetics, 2, 223-232.
• Hannas, William (1997), Asia's Orthographic Dilemma, University of Hawaii Press
• Haudricourt, André-Georges. (1949). Origine des particularités de l'alphabet vietnamien. Dân Việt-Nam, 3, 61-68.
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• Michaud, Alexis. (2004). Final consonants and glottalization: New perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese. Phonetica 61(2-3) (2004) pp. 119-146. Preprint version
• Nguyễn, Đăng-Liêm (1970), written at Honolulu, Vietnamese pronunciation, University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 0-87022-462-X
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1955). Quốc-ngữ: The modern writing system in Vietnam. Washington, D. C.
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1959). Hòa's Vietnamese-English dictionary. Saigon. (Revised as Nguyễn 1966 & 1995).
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1966). Vietnamese-English dictionary. Rutland, VT: C.E. Tuttle Co. (Revised version of Nguyễn 1959).
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1992). Vietnamese phonology and graphemic borrowings from Chinese: The Book of 3,000 Characters revisited. Mon-Khmer Studies, 20, 163-182.
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1995). NTC's Vietnamese-English dictionary (rev. ed.). Lincolnwood, IL.: NTC Pub. Group. (Revised & expanded version of Nguyễn 1966).
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà. (1996). Vietnamese. In P. T. Daniels, & W. Bright (Eds.), The world's writing systems, (pp. 691-699). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-507993-0.
• Nguyễn, Đình-Hoà (1997), written at Amsterdam, Vietnamese: Tiếng Việt không son phấn, John Benjamins Publishing Company, ISBN 1-55619-733-0
• Nguyễn, Văn Lợi & Jerold A Edmondson (1998), "Tones and voice quality in modern northern Vietnamese: Instrumental case studies", Mon-Khmer Studies 28: 1-18
• Pham, Hoa. (2001). A phonetic study of Vietnamese tones: Reconsideration of the register flip-flop rule in reduplication. In C. Féry, A. D. Green, & R. van de Vijver (Eds.), Proceedings of HILP5 (pp. 140-158). Linguistics in Potsdam (No. 12). Potsdam: Universität Potsdam (5th conference of the Holland Institute of Linguistics-Phonology. ISBN 3-935024-27-4.
• Thompson, Laurence (1959), "Saigon phonemics", Language 35 (3): 454-476
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• Thurgood, Graham. (2002). Vietnamese and tonogenesis: Revising the model and the analysis. Diachronica, 19 (2), 333-363.

[edit] Further reading

• Thompson, Laurence (1967), "The history of Vietnamese final palatals", Language 43 (1): 362-371

[edit] External links

• Ngữ âm học

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