Silvio Berlusconi

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Onorevole  Silvio Berlusconi
Prime Minister of Italy
Incumbent
Assumed office  8 May 2008
President	Giorgio Napolitano
Preceded by	Romano Prodi
In office 11 June 2001 – 17 May 2006
President	Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
Deputy	Giulio Tremonti Gianfranco Fini Marco Follini
Preceded by	Giuliano Amato
Succeeded by	Romano Prodi
In office 27 April 1994 – 17 January 1995
President	Oscar Luigi Scalfaro
Deputy	Giuseppe Tatarella Roberto Maroni
Preceded by	Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
Succeeded by	Lamberto Dini
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy Acting
In office 6 January 2002 – 14 November 2002
Preceded by	Renato Ruggiero
Succeeded by	Franco Frattini
Minister of Economy and Finance of Italy Acting
In office 3 July 2004 – 16 July 2004
Preceded by	Giulio Tremonti
Succeeded by	Domenico Siniscalco
Minister of Health of Italy Acting
In office 10 March 2006 – 17 May 2006
Preceded by	Francesco Storace
Succeeded by	Livia Turco
Member of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy
Incumbent
Assumed office  21 April 1994
Constituency	XIX - Campania I
Born	29 September 1936 (1936-09-29) (age 71) Milan, Italy
Political party	Forza Italia (People of Freedom)
Spouse	Carla Dall'Oglio (1965) Veronica Lario (1985)
Children	Marina Berlusconi Pier Silvio Berlusconi Barbara Berlusconi Eleonora Berlusconi Luigi Berlusconi
Residence	Arcore, Italy
Alma mater	University of Milan
Profession	Politician Businessman
Net Worth	$9.4 billion USD [1]
Religion	Roman Catholic

Silvio Berlusconi (help·info) (born 29 September 1936) is an Italian politician, entrepreneur, media proprietor, and Prime Minister of Italy (President of the Council of Ministers of Italy), a position he has held three times; 1994-1995, 2001-2006 and since 2008.^[2] He is the leader of the Forza Italia political movement, a centre-right party he founded in 1993. Before the 2008 Italian general election he announced his intention to establish a new political party, People of Freedom, to be constituted by the merging of Forza Italia with the National Alliance party, and several other conservative parties later in 2008. His victory in the 2008 general election paved the way for the fourth term as prime minister.

Berlusconi is the founder and main shareholder of Fininvest, among the ten largest Italian privately-owned companies,^[3] operating in media and finance including three national TV channels. Together these account for nearly half the Italian TV market. He owns three (out of seven) national television channels as well as some of the country's most important newspapers. Under his presidency it has won a number of national and international trophies. According to Forbes magazine, Berlusconi is Italy's third richest person, with personal assets worth $9.4 billion (USD) in 2008.^[4] preceded only by Michele Ferrero and Leonardo Del Vecchio.

His rise in the political arena was rapid and surrounded by controversy. He was elected President of the Council of Ministers following the March 1994 elections, when Forza Italia gained a relative majority a mere three months after having been officially launched. He formed the first right-wing administration in 34 years. However, his cabinet collapsed after seven months, due to internal disagreements in the centre-right coalition. In the 1996 elections, he ran for Prime Minister again but was defeated by centre-left candidate Romano Prodi. From 1996 to 2001 he was the leader of the parliamentary opposition. In the 2001 elections, he was again the centre-right candidate for Prime Minister and won against the centre-left candidate Francesco Rutelli. Berlusconi then formed his second and third governments, which together lasted five years.

Berlusconi was leader of the centre-right coalition in the May 2006 election, which he lost by a very narrow margin, his counterpart being again Romano Prodi. On 17 May 2006 he was formally succeeded by Prodi. He was re-elected with a large majority in the April 2008 parliamentary election and sworn in again as prime minister on 8 May 2008.

Contents 1 Family background and private life 2 Business career 2.1 Milano 2 2.2 Telemilano 2.3 Fininvest 2.4 Current assets 3 Political career 3.1 "Entering the field" 3.2 The debate about motives 3.3 1994 electoral victory 3.4 Fall of the Berlusconi I cabinet 3.5 Electoral victory of 2001 3.6 The Berlusconi II cabinet 3.7 Subsequent elections 3.8 The Berlusconi III Cabinet 3.9 The 2006 elections 3.10 The 2008 elections 4 Policies 5 Legislative actions 5.1 The Economist 5.2 Influence on the media 5.3 Conflicts of interest 5.4 Jokes and blunders 6 Legal investigations about Berlusconi 6.1 Delaying tactics 6.2 Membership in the "Propaganda Due" (P2) masonic lodge 6.3 Bettino Craxi 6.4 Alleged links to the Mafia 6.5 "Jowellgate" 6.6 Trials 7 References 8 Non-English language references 9 Documentaries 10 Feature films 11 See also 12 External links

[edit] Family background and private life

Berlusconi was raised in an upper middle-class family in Milan. His father Luigi (1908 - 1989) worked with increasing responsibilities at Banca Rasini, a bank long suspected by magistrates to be linked to the Sicilian Mafia.^[5] His mother was Rosa Bossi (1911 - 2008). Silvio was the first of three children; his siblings are Maria Francesca Antonietta Berlusconi (born 1943) and Paolo Berlusconi (born 1949), now both entrepreneurs.

After completing his secondary school education at a Salesian college, he studied law at the Università Statale in Milan, graduating cum laude with a thesis on the legal aspects of advertising in 1961. As the first-born child in his family,^[6] Berlusconi was not required to serve the standard one-year stint in the Italian army which was compulsory at the time.

In 1965 he married Carla Elvira Dall'Oglio, and they had two children: Maria Elvira, better known as Marina (born 1966) and Pier Silvio (b. 1968). By 1980, Berlusconi had established a relationship with the actress Veronica Lario (born Miriam Bartolini), with whom he subsequently had three children: Barbara (b. 1984), Eleonora (b. 1986) and Luigi (b. 1988). He was divorced from Dall'Oglio in 1985, and married Lario in 1990. At this time, Berlusconi was a well-known entrepreneur, and his wedding was a notable social event. One of his best men was former Prime Minister and leader of Italian Socialist Party Bettino Craxi.

[edit] Business career

[edit] Milano 2

Berlusconi's business career began in the building construction business in the 1960s. In the late 1960s, he had the idea of developing Milano 2, a garden city of around 3,500 flats. It was built at Segrate on the eastern outskirts of Milan beneath the flight path of aircraft taking off from nearby Linate airport. Flights were diverted to a new airport, greatly increasing the value of his investment. How Berlusconi managed to finance the project remains a mystery. From the outset, in September 1968. his name disappears from all relevant legal documents, replaced by nominal proprietors of humble means, and only resurfaces in 1975. The financing is lost in a series of offshore company transactions and financial Chinese boxes investigating magistrates and historians have never managed to untangle, though The Economist estimates that some 93.9 billion lira of unknown origin poured into the 22 companies that made up Berlusconi's holding.^[7]

[edit] Telemilano

He first entered the media world in 1973 by setting up a small cable television Telemilano to service units built on his Segrate properties. It began transmitting in September the following year, and, after buying two further channels, Berlusconi relocated the station to central Milan in 1977, and began broadcasting over the airwaves.^[8]

[edit] Fininvest

In 1978 Berlusconi formed his first media group, Fininvest, which in the five years leading up to 1983 earned 113,000,000,000 lire (the equivalent of about 260,000,000 euro at 1997 values). The funding sources are still unknown because of the complex system of holding companies that makes them impossible to trace, despite investigations conducted by various state attorneys. Among the banks involved in this transfer of funds was Banca Rasini, identified by Michele Sindona as the mafia's bank in Milan.^[9][10]

Fininvest expanded into a country-wide network of local TV stations which had similar programming, forming, in effect, a single national network. This was seen as breaching the public broadcaster RAI's statutory monopoly on creating a national network which was later abolished. In 1980 Berlusconi founded Italy's first private national network Canale 5, followed shortly thereafter by Italia 1 which was bought from the Rusconi family in 1982, and Rete 4 which was bought from Mondadori in 1984. By this time, judges in Turin, Pescara and Rome, enforcing a law which then restricted nation-wide broadcasting to RAI, ordered these private networks to cease transmitting. Berlusconi was assisted in his successful effort to create the first and only Italian commercial TV empire by his connections to Bettino Craxi, secretary-general of the Italian Socialist Party and also prime minister of Italy at that time, who passed an emergency decree legalizing the nation-wide broadcasting transmissions made by Berlusconi's television stations. After some political turmoil in 1985 the decree was approved definitively. But for some years, Berlusconi's three channels remained in a legal limbo, and were not therefore allowed, for instance, to broadcast news and political commentary. They were fully elevated to national TV channels in 1990 with the so-called Mammì law.

In 1995, Berlusconi sold a portion of his media holdings, first to the German media group Kirch (now bankrupt) and then by public offer. In 1999 Berlusconi expanded again in the media business in a partnership with Kirch called the Epsilon MediaGroup.^[11]

[edit] Current assets

Berlusconi's main company Mediaset, comprises three national television channels, which hold approximately half the national viewing audience, and Publitalia, the leading Italian advertising and publicity agency. He also owns Arnoldo Mondadori, the largest Italian publishing house, whose publications include Panorama, one of the most popular news magazine in Italy. He has interests in cinema and home video distribution firms (Medusa and Penta), insurance and banking (Mediolanum) and a variety of other activities. His brother, Paolo Berlusconi, owns and operates Il Giornale, a centre-right newspaper which provides a strong pro-Berlusconi slant on Italy and its politics.

Berlusconi also owned the nationally and internationally successful football club AC Milan and has made an important contribution to his continuing political success. "Forza Italia" meaning "Go Italy!" was before the party of the same name was founded had been most associated with football supporters of the Italian national football team.^[12]

[edit] Political career

[edit] "Entering the field"

In the early 1990s, the two dominant governing parties, Christian Democracy (Democrazia Cristiana) and the Italian Socialist Party, lost much of their electoral strength almost overnight due to a large number of judicial investigations concerning the financial corruption of many of their foremost members (see the Mani Pulite affair). This led to a general expectation that upcoming elections would be won by the Democratic Party of the Left, the heirs to the former Italian Communist Party, and their Alliance of Progressives coalition unless there was a strong alternative. Berlusconi publicly announced on 26 January 1994 his decision to enter politics ("entering the field", in his own words) on a platform focused on defeating the Communists. The timing of his announcement raised some questions, however. Shortly before he decided to enter into politics, investigators into the Mani Pulite affair were said to be close to issuing warrants not only for his arrest but also for the chief executives of his business group.

[edit] The debate about motives

According to journalist Marco Travaglio, Berlusconi entered politics to save his companies from bankruptcy and himself from convictions.^[13] From the very beginning he said it clearly to his associates. Berlusconi's supporters hailed him as the "new man", an outsider who was going to bring a new efficiency to the public bureaucracy and reform the state from top to bottom.

While investigating these matters, three journalists²³ noted the following facts:

• Mediobanca's annual report about the 10 biggest Italian companies showed that, in 1992, Berlusconi's media and finance group Fininvest had about 7,140 billion lire of debts, 8,193 billion lire of assets (with 35% of liquidity) and a net worth (that is, assets minus debts) of 1,053 billion lire. The asset-debt ratio represented a patrimonial situation bordering on bankruptcy.
• Between 1992 and 1993, Fininvest was investigated several times prosecutors in Milan, Turin and Rome. The investigations regarded: alleged bribes (to political parties and public officials with the aim of getting contracts), alleged fake invoicing by Publitalia, the financing of political congresses and abuse of television frequencies.

The Economist, an influential London-based financial weekly magazinenewspaper has published several lengthy articles about Berlusconi's business activities. (see below).

[edit] 1994 electoral victory

Berlusconi founded Forza Italia only two months before the 1994 elections. He formed two separate electoral alliances: Pole of Freedoms (Polo delle Libertà) with the Northern League (Lega Nord) in northern Italian districts, and another, the Pole of Good Government (Polo del Buon Governo), with the post-fascist^[14] National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale; heir to the Italian Social Movement) in central and southern regions. In a shrewd pragmatic move, he did not ally with the latter in the North because the League disliked them. As a result, Forza Italia was allied with two parties that were not allied with each other.

Berlusconi launched a massive campaign of electoral advertisements on his three TV networks. He subsequently won the elections, with Forza Italia raking in 21% of the popular vote, the highest percentage of any single party. One of the most significant promises that he made in order to secure victory was that his government would create "one million more jobs". He was appointed Prime Minister in 1994, but his term in office was short because of the inherent contradictions in his coalition: the League, a regional party with a strong electoral base in northern Italy, was at that time oscillating between federalist and separatist positions, and the National Alliance was a nationalist party that had yet to renounce neo-fascism at the time.

[edit] Fall of the Berlusconi I cabinet

In December 1994, following the communication of a new investigation from Milan magistrates that was leaked to the press, Umberto Bossi, leader of the Lega Nord, left the coalition claiming that the electoral pact had not been respected, forcing Berlusconi to resign from office and shifting the majority's weight to the centre-left side. Lega Nord also resented the fact that many of its MPs had switched to Forza Italia, allegedly lured by promises of more prestigious portfolios.

Berlusconi remained as caretaker prime minister for a little over a month until his replacement by a technocratic government headed by Lamberto Dini. Dini had been a key minister in the Berlusconi cabinet, and Berlusconi said the only way he would support a technocratic government would be if Dini headed it. In the end, however, Dini was only supported by most opposition parties but not by Forza Italia and Lega Nord. In 1996, this coalition was replaced, after a new election, by a centre-left government lead by Romano Prodi.^[15]

[edit] Electoral victory of 2001

In 2001 Berlusconi again ran as leader of the centre-right coalition House of Freedoms (Casa delle Libertà), which included the National Alliance, United Christian Democrats, Northern League and other parties. Berlusconi's success in this election led to him becoming Prime Minister once more, with the coalition receiving 45.4% of the vote for the Chamber of Deputies and 42.5% for the Senate.

In a TV show during the electoral campaign, Berlusconi created a powerful impression on the public by undertaking to sign a so-called Contratto con gli Italiani (contract with the Italian people), an idea copied outright by his advisor Luigi Crespi from Newt Gingrich's 1994 manifesto in the United States in 1994^[16] which was widely considered to be a creative masterstroke in his campaign bid for office. In this solemn agreement, Berlusconi claimed he could improve several aspects of the Italian economy and life. Firstly, he undertook to simplify the complex tax system by introducing just two tax rates (33% for those earning over 100,000 euros, and 23 for the anyone earning less than that figure: anyone earning less than 11,000 euros a year would not be taxed); secondly, he promised to half the unemployment rate; thirdly, he undertook to finance and develop a massive new public works program. Fourthly, he promised to raise the minimum monthly pension rate to 516 euros; and fifthly, he would suppress the crime wave by introducing policemen to patrol all local zones and areas in Italy's major cities.^[17] Berlusconi undertook to refrain from putting himself up for re-election in 2006, were he to fail to honour at least 4 of these 5 promises.

[edit] The Berlusconi II cabinet

Opposition parties claim Berlusconi was not able to achieve the goals he promised in his Contratto con gli Italiani. His partners in government, the National Alliance and the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats have admitted the Government fell short of the promises made in the agreement, attributing the failure to an unforeseeable downturn in global economic conditions. Italian GDP grew very slowly, almost not at all, during Berlusconi's Government, while public debt rose quickly. Berlusconi himself has consistently asserted that he achieved all the goals of the agreement, and said his Government provided un miracolo continuo (a continuous miracle) that made all 'earlier governments pale' (by comparison). He attributed the widespread failure to recognize these achievements to a campaign of mystification and vilification in the printed media, asserting that 85% of newspapers were opposed to him.^[18] An independent analyst, towards the end of the 2001-2006 legislature, held that Berlusconi had managed to maintain only one promise out of five, the one concerning minimum pension levels. The other four promises would in all likelihood not, in Luca Ricolfi’s view, be honoured. In particular, the undertakings on the tax simplification and the reduction of crime could not be kept by the end of Berlusconi’s premiership. Ricolfi thus concluded: ‘Therefore, if Berlusconi really does want to honour the contract with the Italians, he should at the least renounce the idea of recandidating himself in the forthcoming political elections’.^[19]

[edit] Subsequent elections

House of Freedoms did not do as well in the 2003 local elections as it did in the 2001 national elections. In common with many other European governing groups, in the 2004 elections of the European Parliament, gaining 43.37% support. Forza Italia's support was also reduced from 29.5% to 21.0% (in the 1999 European elections Forza Italia had 25.2%). As an outcome of these results the other coalition parties, whose electoral results were more satisfactory, asked Berlusconi and Forza Italia for greater influence in the government's political line.

[edit] The Berlusconi III Cabinet

In the 2005 Local Elections (3 April/4 April 2005), the candidates backed by the The Union coalition (successor of The Olive Tree) won in 12 out of 14 regions where control of local governments and governorships were at stake. Berlusconi's coalition kept only two of the regional bodies (Lombardy and Veneto) up for re-election. Two parties, Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) and New Italian Socialist Party, threatened to withdraw from the Berlusconi government. Berlusconi, after some hesitation, then presented to the President of the Republic a request for the dissolution of his government on 20 April 2005. On 23 April he formed a new government with the same allies, reshuffling ministers and amending the government program. A key point required by the UDC (and to a minor extent by National Alliance) for their continued support was that the strong focus on tax reduction central to the government's ambitions be changed.

[edit] The 2006 elections

Operating under a new electoral law written unilaterally by the government over strong opposition from the parties in the minority, the 2006 elections were held. The results of the 2006 Parliamentary Elections handed Prodi's bloc (Berlusconi's opposition) the majority (49.8% against 49.7% for the ruling centre-right in the Lower House and a two-senator lead in the Senate, 158 vs 156). This situation gave Prodi the chance to form a new cabinet, because of the recent modification to electoral rules introduced by Berlusconi's cabinet.

The centre-left coalition The Union, with a margin of 25,224 votes (out of over 38 million voters), nevertheless won 348 seats (versus 281 for House of Freedoms) as a result of a majority premium given to whichever party totalled more votes. Ironically, the same electoral law that Berlusconi had forced through shortly before the election, and for which he had been accused of changing the law so that he would win anyway, caused his defeat. The Court of Cassation has validated the voting procedures and determined that the election process was constitutional.

Centrist parties like UDC immediately conceded The Union's victory, while more right-wing elements, like Berlusconi's Forza Italia and the Northern League, refused to accept its validity, right up until 2 May 2006, when Berlusconi submitted his resignation to President Ciampi.^[20]

[edit] The 2008 elections

Berlusconi scored strong victories in both houses of the Italian Parliament, despite a strong final sprint by his main rival, Walter Veltroni, in the general election held on 13/14 April 2008.

In the 315-member Senate of the Republic, Berlusconi was projected to control 174 seats to Veltroni's 134. In the Chamber of Deputies, Berlusconi's conservative bloc was leading by a margin of 9%, or 46.5% percent of the vote to 37.5%. Berlusconi capitalized on discontent over the nation's stagnating economy and the unpopularity of Prodi's government. His declared top priorities are the cleaning of piles of trash in the streets of Naples and the improvement of the Italian economy which underperformed the rest of the Eurozone for years. He also asserted to be open to work with the opposition, and pledged to fight tax evasion, reform justice and reduce public debt. He intended to reduce the number of Cabinet ministers to 12.^[21] Berlusconi and his ministers (Berlusconi IV Cabinet) were sworn in on 8 May 2008.^[22]

[edit] Policies

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As he founded his Forza Italia party and entered politics, Berlusconi expressed support for "freedom, the individual, family, enterprise, Italian tradition, Christian tradition and love for weaker people".^[23] Forza Italia officially joined the European People's Party in 1999. Forza Italia has never held a formal party congress to formulate its rules, procedures, and democratic ballotting for candidates and issues. There are no known dissenting factions. At present three party conventions have been held, all of them resolved to support Berlusconi, and his re-election by acclamation. Some allies of Berlusconi, especially the Lega Nord, push for controls on immigration. Berlusconi himself has shown some reluctance to pursue such policies as strongly as his allies might like.^[24] A number of measures have been taken, with controversial results. The government, after introducing a controversial immigration law (the "Bossi-Fini", from the names of Lega Nord and National Alliance leaders) is searching for the cooperation of both European and other Mediterranean countries to face the emergency of the large number of immigrants trying to reach Italian coasts on old and overloaded ferries and fishing boats, risking (and, often, losing) their lives.

The Berlusconi governments have had a strong tendency to support American foreign policies despite the policy divide between the U.S. and many other founding members of European Union (Germany, France, Belgium), a break from the traditional Italian foreign policy. Italy, with Berlusconi in office, became a substantial ally to the United States due to his support of the 2003 Invasion of Iraq.

Berlusconi, in his meetings with United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and U.S. President George W. Bush, said that he pushed for "a clear turnaround in the Iraqi situation" and for a quick hand-over of sovereignty to the government chosen by the U.N. Italy had some 3,200 troops deployed in Southern Iraq, the third largest contingent there after the American and British forces. Italian troops were gradually withdrawn from Iraq in the second half of 2006 with the last soldiers leaving the country in December of the same year.

A key point in Berlusconi's government program was a planned reform of the Italian Constitution, which Berlusconi considered to be 'inspired by [the] Soviets',^[25] an issue the coalition parties themselves initially had significantly different opinions about. The Lega Nord insisted on a federalist reform (devolution of more power to the Regions) as the condition itself for remaining in the coalition. Alleanza Nazionale pushed for the so-called 'strong premiership' (more powers to the executive), intended as a counterweight to any federalist reform, in order to preserve the integrity of the State. The UDC asked for a proportional electoral law that would not damage small parties and was generally more willing to discuss compromises with the moderate wing of the opposition.

Difficulties in arranging a mediation caused some internal unrest in the Berlusconi government in 2003, but then they were mostly overcome and the law (comprising power devolution to the regions, Federal Senate and "strong premiership") was passed by the Senate in April 2004; it was slightly modified by the Chamber of Deputies in October 2004, and again on October 2005 and finally approved by the Senate on 16 November 2005. The opposition Union coalition collected more than 500,000 signatures in order to call a referendum, which was held on the 25th and 26 July 2006 and resulted in the rejection of the constitutional reform, refused by 61.3% of the voters.

[edit] Legislative actions

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Berlusconi's government passed many pieces of legislation, among which:

• The reform of the labour system, with the so called "legge 30" or "legge Biagi", promoting labour flexibility for new workers. It is widespread opinion among Berlusconi's supporters that this law has been the best success of Berlusconi's government, leading to a record-low unemployment level, while critics blame the Biagi law as one of the cause of the "uncertain job" problem affecting many young employees.^{[citation needed]}
• The reform of the school system, called "riforma Moratti" that was quickly put under revision by the centre-left government who followed in charge Berlusconi's government
• The law on large public works (MOSE project saving city of Venice; high speed railways Turin-Milan-Florence-Rome-Naples and Turin-Verona-Venice; bridge between Sicily and mainland Italy; underground in Rome, Parma, Naples, Turin, Milan; modernisation of highways and water structures in southern Italy; "Highways on the sea" project, et al), however most of the projects remained only on paper.^{[citation needed]}
• Abolition of donation and inheritance taxes (these taxes had previously been abolished only for low-income and medium-income taxpayers) - now reinstated for all Italians, regardless of income.^{[citation needed]}
• The abolition of compulsory military service for all male Italians (the armed forces are now composed only of volunteers since 2004, anticipating the deadline set in a law passed by the previous government).
• The Urbani decree, named after the Ministro per i beni e le attività culturali Giuliano Urbani, punishing whoever circulates, even via file sharing software, a film or other copyrighted material or part of it, or enjoys it with the same technology, with a 1,500 € fine, the confiscation of the instruments and the material, and the publication of the measure on a national daily paper and a periodical about shows. The decree was later modified by the parliament to include only copyright violation for the purpose of profit, where "profit" also includes the savings due to not buying the software^{[citation needed]}. The Court of Cassation, however, sentenced that "profit" only means an actual "significant monetary profit".

Other legislation by Berlusconi's governments include:

• The reform of rules regarding drivers' licenses, led to a 14.5% decrease in car accidents, and an 18.5% decrease of lethal car accidents, according to the Italian police department. Detractors state this law was actually a small modification to a law previously examined by parliament.^{[citation needed]}
• The increase in taxation on blank data storage devices — this was required by a European Union directive, but the fee in Italy is much higher than in most other EU countries, so that many people now buy them abroad.^{[citation needed]}
• The banning of smoking in offices, pubs, restaurants and all closed public places, which came into effect in January 2005. This was not the first law prohibiting smoking in some public places,^{[citation needed]} but it was the first to be actually enforced in practice in the overwhelming majority of public places.
• The law regulating artificial insemination, banning research on embryonic stem cells, pre-implant diagnosis and insemination by donors other than the husband, forcing women to being implanted after the embryo creation even in case of genetic diseases, recognising the embryo as a human rights bearer. The abrogation of the most controversial items has been the object of an unsuccessful popular referendum called in June 2005 by former allies such as the Italian Radicals, together with some (but not all) parties of L'Unione.
• In a controversial move, the Berlusconi government also passed a new media reform legislation. Among other things, such legislation increased the maximum limit on an individual's share of the media market, allowing Berlusconi to retain control of his three national TV channels (one of which was still using a frequency which by law should have gone to another channel). The legislation also enabled the roll-out of digital television and internet based publishing, and hence his government claimed it resolved the problem of conflict of interest and his media monopoly "by opening up more channels". The law was initially vetoed by the President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, on charges of being anti-constitutional, but it was then forced into law by the Parliament.^{[citation needed]}
• The "Article 41-bis prison regime" for Mafia leaders was legally made a permanent provision. Under previous law, it had to be confirmed every two years. The new pensions' law, issued on July 2004, raised the minimum age for retirement and added incentives for delayed retirement.

Berlusconi has forced through the Parliament reforms designed to strengthen the power of the Prime Minister. In January 2006, the reform was approved by the Parliament, but the popular referendum on June 2006 stopped this reform into becoming law.^{[citation needed]} In October 2005, Berlusconi forced a "reform" of electoral law through Parliament.^{[citation needed]} The First Past the Post system, which had been approved by popular vote in a 1993 referendum was abandoned, returning to the proportional representation system.

Other pieces of legislation included:

• the decriminalization of false account statements;
• the suspension of trials against the highest officers of the state during their terms (this law was later declared unconstitutional);
• a much shorter statute of limitation for white-collar crimes, coupled with an increase in sanctions for repeated offenders. The opposition argued that this law was designed to save a close friend of Berlusconi, Cesare Previti, from corruption charges; however, after modifications in parliament, Previti was excluded from the benefits of this law. However, the Constitutional Court had to abolish this exclusion, on ground of equality of all citizens before the law, so at last Previti did benefit from this law.

In the last few days of his term, Berlusconi's parliamentary majority approved many controversial laws, sometimes combining some into unrelated ones. For example, a bill about the Winter Olympics also included controversial provisions tightening penalties for drugs use and peddling.^{[citation needed]}

One of the last bills was a penal code reform forbidding prosecutors to appeal against acquittals (defendants could still appeal, though). This law was not signed by President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi for being clearly anti-constitutional, since the constitution of Italy provides for equal rights for prosecutors and defendants. The law will have to go through both houses of parliament again. The law was since enacted and declared unconstitutional by Italy's Constitutional Court.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] The Economist

One of Berlusconi's strongest critics in the media outside Italy is the British weekly The Economist (nicknamed by Berlusconi "The Ecommunist"), which in its issue of the 26 April 2001 carried a title on its front cover, 'Why Silvio Berlusconi is unfit to lead Italy'.^[26] The war of words between Berlusconi and The Economist has gained notoriety, with Berlusconi taking the publication to court in Rome and The Economist publishing letters against him.^[27] The newspaper claims that the documentation contained in its articles proves that Berlusconi is 'unfit' for office because of his numerous conflicts of interest.

According to The Economist, Berlusconi, while Prime Minister of Italy, retained effective control of 90% of all national television broadcasting.^[28] This figure included stations he owns directly as well as those over which he had indirect control by dint of his position as Prime Minister and his ability to influence the choice of the management bodies of these stations. The Economist has also alleged that Berlusconi is corrupt and self-serving. A key journalist for The Economist, David Lane, has set out many of these accusations in his book Berlusconi's Shadow.^[29]

Lane points out that Berlusconi has not defended himself in court against the main charges, but has relied upon political and legal manipulations, most notably by changing the statute of limitation to prevent charges being completed in the first place. In order to publicly prove the truth of the documented accusations contained in their articles, the newspaper has publicly challenged Berlusconi to sue The Economist for libel.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Influence on the media

Berlusconi's extensive control over the media has been widely criticised by both analysts^[30] and press freedom organisations, who allege Italy's media has limited freedom of expression. The Freedom of the Press 2004 Global Survey, an annual study issued by the American organization Freedom House, downgraded Italy's ranking from 'Free' to 'Partly Free' ^[31] due to Berlusconi's influence over RAI, a ranking which, in "Western Europe" was shared only with Turkey (2005). Reporters Without Borders states that in 2004, "The conflict of interests involving prime minister Silvio Berlusconi and his vast media empire was still not resolved and continued to threaten news diversity". ^[32] In April 2004, the International Federation of Journalists joined the criticism, objecting to the passage of a law vetoed by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi in 2003, which critics believe is designed to protect Berlusconi's reported 90% control of the Italian national media.^[33]

Berlusconi's influence over RAI became evident when in Sofia, Bulgaria he expressed his views on journalists Enzo Biagi and Michele Santoro ^[34], and comedian Daniele Luttazzi. Berlusconi said that they "use television as a criminal mean of communication". They lost their jobs as a result. ^[35] The TV broadcasting of a satirical program called Raiot was censored in November 2003 after the comedienne Sabina Guzzanti, made outspoken criticism of the Berlusconi media empire.^[36] Mediaset, one of Berlusconi's companies, sued RAI over Guzzanti's program, demanding 20 million euros for "damages"; in November 2003 the show was cancelled by the president of RAI, Lucia Annunziata. The details of the event were made into a Michael Moore-style documentary called Viva Zapatero!, which was produced by Guzzanti.

Mediaset, Berlusconi's television group, has stated that it uses the same criteria as the public (state-owned) television RAI in assigning a proper visibility to all the most important political parties and movements (the so-called 'Par Condicio') - which has been since often disproved.^{[citation needed]} However, the majority of national press, which includes the three largest Italian printed dailies, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della Sera and La Stampa, tend to be either independent of Berlusconi, or, as in the case of La Repubblica, to be actively critical of him.^{[citation needed]} In March 2006, on the Rai Tre, in a television interview with Lucia Annunziata, he stormed out of the studio because of a disagreement with the host journalist regarding the economic consequences of his government.^[37]

[edit] Conflicts of interest

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To understand the controversies over a conflict of interest between Berlusconi's personal business empire and his political functions, one must examine the structure of governmental control over the state media. The law allowed the two presidents of the Lower and Upper Houses to nominate the president of RAI and its board of directors. In practice, the decision is a political one, which generally results in some opposition representatives becoming directors, while appointments are made by the government to secure a majority by allocating top managerial posts to people sympathetic to the existing government. It was normal to have two directors and the president for the parliamentary majority, and two directors for the opposition. A parliamentary supervisory commission also exists, whose president, by tradition, is a member of the opposition. During the Baldassarre presidency of RAI, the two opposition directors and the one closer to the UDC left over internal disagreements that mainly regarded issues of censorship. RAI continued to be run by a two-man team (mockingly nicknamed by the opposition the Japanese after the Japanese soldiers who kept fighting on in the Pacific Ocean after the end of World War II).

The former Italian Left coalition under Prodi had been often criticized for not approving a law to regulate the potential conflict of interest that might arise between media ownership and the holding of political office, despite having governed Italy for an entire legislature. In the early 1990s, Berlusconi's Media Group was close to bankruptcy, partly due to competition from the public broadcaster RAI. Berlusconi said that the only way out was to make a deal with RAI to end competition (essentially, to make a cartel), lower both costs and the quality of programs, and fix audience share to about 45% each. In 2002, Luciano Violante, a prominent member of the Left, said the following in a speech in Parliament:

Honourable Anedda, I invite you to ask the honourable Berlusconi, because he certainly knows that he received a full guarantee in 1994, when the government changed — that TV stations would not be touched. He knows it and the Honourable Letta knows it^[38]

The authors of the book Inciucio²⁶ cite this sentence as evidence for the idea that the Left made a deal with Berlusconi in 1994, in which a promise was made not to honour a law in the Constitutional Court of Italy that would have required Berlusconi to give up one of his three TV channels in order to uphold pluralism and competition. According to the authors, this would be an explanation of why the Left, despite having won the 1996 elections, didn't pass a law to solve the conflicts of interest between media ownership and politics.

Controversy concerning Berlusconi's conflicts of interest are normally centered around the use of his media and marketing power for political gain. However, there is also controversy regarding his financial gains. When RAI was being run by a two-man team appointed by the presidents of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate (both in Berlusconi's coalition), the state broadcaster increased its viewers, but lost a significant share of its advertising revenue to the rival Mediaset group, owned and run by the Berlusconi family, which has led to large personal gain. Berlusconi has many financial interests, and much of his legislation had a direct financial impact on his fortune.^{[citation needed]}

His government has passed some laws that have shortened statutory terms for tax fraud. Berlusconi responded to critics by saying that he would not take advantage of these himself, but later did.^{[citation needed]} Romano Prodi, who defeated Berlusconi in 2006, claimed that these were ad personam laws, meant to solve Berlusconi's problems and defend his interests.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Jokes and blunders

Berlusconi is notorious for his questionable sense of humor. In February of 2002, at a European Union summit of foreign ministers, Berlusconi, present since the replacement of his previous foreign minister, Renato Ruggiero, had not yet been appointed, made a vulgar gesture (the "corna") behind the head of the Spanish foreign minister, Josep Piqué, intimating he was a cuckold during an official photoshoot. This is a common joke among Italian children, but many felt it was utterly out of place in an international meeting. He later explained that he 'was just kidding', and was trying to create a relaxed atmosphere, that this sort of meeting was meant to 'create friendship, cordiality, fondness and kind relationships' between the participants, and that he wanted to amuse a small group of Boy Scout bystanders.^[39]

On 2 July 2003, one day after taking over the rotating presidency of the EU Council of Ministers, he was heavily criticised by the German SPD Member of the European Parliament Martin Schulz because of his domestic policy and his alleged links to the Mafia. Berlusconi responded: 'Mr Schulz, I know a movie producer in Italy who is making a movie about Nazi concentration camps. I suggest you play the role of a Kapo. You are perfect for the part!'. Berlusconi insisted that he was only joking, but soon after accused Martin Schulz and others leftish MEPs to be "bad-willing tourists of democracy". His comparisons with the Nazis caused a brief cooling of Italy's relationship with Germany.^{[citation needed]}

In 2003, during an interview with Nicholas Farrell and Boris Johnson, then editor of The Spectator magazine, Berlusconi claimed that Mussolini "had been a benign dictator who did not murder opponents but sent them “on holiday”.^[40]

In mid-May 2005, while opening the European Food Safety Authority in Parma (preferred over a Finnish location, after Berlusconi made an assertion of Finns "not knowing what prosciutto is"), Berlusconi claimed that he had to "dust off my playboy skills" with the Finnish president, Tarja Halonen, to convince her to locate the EFSA in Parma. This caused criticism from both Italy and Finland, with the Italian ambassador in Finland being summoned by the Finnish foreign minister.^[41] Berlusconi later 'retracted' the comment by saying that "anyone who had seen a picture of Halonen must have been aware that he had been joking".^{[citation needed]} Before that, speaking to a group of Wall Street traders, he listed a series of reasons to invest in Italy. The first of them was that "we have the most beautiful secretaries in the world". This resulted in uproar in Italy, where, for a day, female deputies in Parliament took part in a cross-party protest.^{[citation needed]}

In March 2006, Berlusconi defended accusations he made that the "Chinese Communists used to eat children", by responding with claims that "... read the Black Book of Communism and you will discover that in the China of Mao, they did not eat children, but had them boiled to fertilise the fields". He later admitted, "[I]t was questionable irony ... because this joke is questionable. But I did not know how to restrain myself." His political opponent, Romano Prodi, told the press, "The damage caused to Italy by an insult to 1.3 billion people is by all means a considerable one", and that Berlusconi's comments were "unthinkable". ^[42]

On 4 April 2006, less than a week before the upcoming political elections in Italy, during a speech given at the National Chamber for Trade, Berlusconi stated that he holds "too high esteem of the Italians' intelligence to think that there are so many coglioni [literally "testicles", a vulgar term often used about people considered stupid] around voting against their interest". He later apologized for the "rude but effective language". ^[43]

At an awards dinner in January 2007, Berlusconi was quoted as saying, "If I wasn't already married, I would marry you right away," and "With you, I'd go anywhere" to Mara Carfagna, a representative of Forza Italia and former showgirl. These flirtatious comments prompted his wife Veronica to demand an apology in a front-page letter to the Italian newspaper La Repubblica, one of Berlusconi's rival publications. In a statement released through his political party, he begged for forgiveness and stated that he would "always protect [Veronica's] dignity."^[44] Mara Carfagna is now serving under him as minister for Equal Opportunities.

In the run up to the 2008 Italian general election, Berlusconi claimed that right-wing female politicians were better looking than their left-wing counterparts. Berlusconi was quoted as telling local media that the left had "no taste" in women. His remarks provoked an angry reaction from Italian centre-left parties, which accused him of being sexist. He promised to name at least four women in his cabinet if he was elected as prime minister for a third time. Berlusconi was quoted as saying that when he looked round parliament, he found that female politicians from the right were "more beautiful" and that "The left has no taste, even when it comes to women".^[45]

Since the 2008 general election, Berlusconi has already begun to court controversy on the European level. He has publicly criticized the current composition of the Council of Ministers of the Government of the Kingdom of Spain as being too "pink" by virtue of the fact that it has (once the President of the Council, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, is counted) an equal number of men and women. He also stated that he doubted that such a composition would be possible in Italy given the "prevalence of men" in Italian politics. ^[46]

[edit] Legal investigations about Berlusconi

[edit] Delaying tactics

Silvio Berlusconi has an extensive record of indictments, as various criminal charges have been made against him and his companies over the years (see also the following subsection on Berlusconi's trials), including mafia collusion, false accounting, tax fraud, corruption and bribery of police officers and judges. Some of Berlusconi's close collaborators, friends and firm managers have been found guilty of related crimes, notably his brother, Paolo, who in 2002 agreed to pay 52,000,000 euros as a plea bargain for various charges including corruption. Silvio Berlusconi has never been convicted in any trial. The Italian legal system allows the statute of limitations to continue to run during the course of the criminal trial. Consequently, the delaying tactics adopted by Berlusconi's attorneys (including repeated motions for change of venue) served to nullify a pending charge in one case.

[edit] Membership in the "Propaganda Due" (P2) masonic lodge

In 1981, a scandal arose after the police discovery of Licio Gelli's secret freemasonry lodge Propaganda Due (P2), which aimed to change the Italian political system to a more authoritarian regime to oppose communism. The list of people involved in P2 included members of the secret services and some prominent characters from political arena, business, military and media. Silvio Berlusconi, who was then just starting to gain popularity as the founder and owner of "Canale 5" TV network, was listed as a member of P2.^[47][48] The P2 lodge was dissolved by the Italian parliament in December 1981 and a law was passed declaring similar organizations illegal, but no specific crimes were alleged against individual members of the P2 lodge.^{[citation needed]}.

Berlusconi later (in 1989) sued three journalists for libel for writing articles hinting at his involvement in financial crimes. In court, he declared that he had joined the P2 lodge "only for a very short time before the scandal broke" and "he had not even paid the entry fee". Such statements conflicted with the findings of the parliamentary inquiry commission appointed to investigate the lodge's activity, with material evidence, and even with previous testimony of Berlusconi, all of which showing that he had actually been a member of P2 since 1978 and had indeed paid a 100,000 Italian liras entry fee. Because of this a court of appeal condemned him for perjury in 1990, but this conviction was expunged by the 1989 amnesty^[49].

Some critics claim that Berlusconi's electoral programme followed the P2 plan^[50].

[edit] Bettino Craxi

Berlusconi's career as an entrepreneur is also often questioned by his detractors. The allegations made against him generally include suspicions about the extremely fast increase of his activity as a construction entrepreneur in years 1961-63, hinting at the possibility that in those years he received money from unknown and possibly illegal sources. These accusations are regarded by Berlusconi and his supporters as empty slander, trying to undermine Berlusconi's reputation of a self-made man. Frequently cited by opponents are also events dating to the 1980s, including supposed "favor exchanges" between Berlusconi and the former Socialist prime minister Bettino Craxi, indicted in 1992-94 for various corruption charges. Berlusconi acknowledges a personal friendship to Craxi.

On some occasions, which raised a strong upheaval in the Italian political opposition, laws passed by the Berlusconi administration have effectively delayed ongoing trials on him, allowing the statute of limitations to expire, or stopped them entirely. Relevant examples are the law reducing punishment for all cases of false accounting; the new law on international rogatories, which made his Swiss bank records unusable in court against him ⁶; the law on legitimate suspicion, which allowed defendants to request their cases to be moved to another court if they believe that the local judges are biased against them ^7,8; and most importantly the lodo Maccanico law, passed in June 2003, which granted the highest five state officers, including the Prime Minister, immunity from prosecution while in office². This law froze Berlusconi's position in the SME-Ariosto trial in which he was accused of having corrupted judges in previous legal rulings regarding his participation in the public auction of the state-owned food company SME in the 1980s.

The trial was not frozen for other defendants, and former Italian defence minister Cesare Previti was sentenced to 5 years although the crime was reduced from corruption of judges to simple corruption ^9,10. In January 2004 the Lodo Maccanico was nullified by the Constitutional court as it was ruled to be in conflict with the Italian constitution. Subsequently Berlusconi declared his intent to re-introduce the law using the correct procedure for constitutional modification. Because of these legislative acts, political opponents accuse Berlusconi of passing ad personam laws, to protect himself from legal charges; Berlusconi and his allies, on the other hand, maintain that such laws are consistent with everyone's right to a rapid and just trial, and with the principle of presumption of innocence (garantismo); furthermore, they claim that Berlusconi is being subjected to a political "witch hunt", orchestrated by certain (allegedly left-wing) judges ¹¹.

For such reasons, Berlusconi and his government have an ongoing quarrel with the Italian judiciary, which reached its peak in 2003 when Berlusconi commented to a foreign journalist that judges are "mentally disturbed" and "anthropologically different from the rest of the human race", remarks that he later claimed he meant to be directed to specific judges only, and of a humorous nature¹². More seriously, the Berlusconi administration has long been planning a judiciary reform intended to limit the flexibility currently enjoyed by judges and magistrates in their decision-making, but which, according to its critics, will instead limit the magistrature's independence, by de facto subjecting the judiciary to the executive's control. This reform has met almost unanimous dissent from the Italian judges ^13,14 and, after three years of debate and struggle, was passed by the Italian parliament in December 2004, but was immediately vetoed by the Italian President, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi ¹⁵, who said some of the passed laws were "clearly unconstitutional". Presently (February 2005) the law is in process of being re-examined by the parliament, taking into account the President's objections on its constitutionality.

Berlusconi has also been indicted in Spain for charges of tax fraud and violation of anti-trust laws regarding the private TV network Telecinco, but his status as a member of the European Parliament allowed him to gain immunity from prosecution ¹⁶.

[edit] Alleged links to the Mafia

Several Mafia turncoats have alleged Berlusconi had connections with the Sicilian Mafia. The accusations arise mostly from the hiring of Vittorio Mangano, charged for Mafia association, as a gardner and stable man at Berlusconi's Villa San Martino in Arcore, a small town near Milan. It was Berlusconi's friend Marcello Dell'Utri (convicted of extortion in association with Cosa Nostra in 2004) who introduced Mangano to Berlusconi in 1973. Mangano's real job is alleged to have been to deter kidnappers from targeting the tycoon's children.^[51][52] Berlusconi denied any ties to the Mafia.

Heated debate on this issue emerged again in 2004 when Dell'Utri, the manager of Berlusconi's publishing company Publitalia 80 and a Forza Italia senator was sentenced to nine years by a Palermo court on charge of "external association to the Mafia",^[52][53] a sentence describing Dell'Utri as a mediator between the economical interests of Berlusconi and members of the criminal organization. Berlusconi refused to comment the sentence.

In 1996, a Mafia supergrass, Salvatore Cancemi, declared that Berlusconi and Dell'Utri were in direct contact with Salvatore Riina, head of the Sicilian Mafia in the 1980s and 90s. Cancemi disclosed that Fininvest, through Marcello Dell'Utri and mafioso Vittorio Mangano, had paid Cosa Nostra 200 million lire (100 000 euro) annually. The alleged contacts, according to Cancemi, were to lead to legislation favourable to Cosa Nostra, in particular the harsh 41-bis prison regime. The underlying premise was that Cosa Nostra would support Berlusconi's Forza Italia party in return for political favours. ^[54] After a two-year investigation, magistrates closed the inquiry without charges. They did not find evidence to corroborate Cancemi’s allegations. Similarly, a two-year investigation, also launched on evidence from Cancemi, into Berlusconi’s alleged association with the Mafia was closed in 1996.^[51]

According to yet another mafia turncoat, Antonino Giuffrè – arrested on 16 April 2002 – the Mafia turned to Berlusconi's Forza Italia party to look after the Mafia's interests, after the decline in the early 1990s of the ruling party Christian Democracy, whose leaders in Sicily looked after the Mafia's interests in Rome. The Mafia's fall out with the Christian Democrats became clear when Salvo Lima was killed in March 1992. "The Lima murder marked the end of an era," Giuffrè told the court. "A new era opened with a new political force on the horizon which provided the guarantees that the Christian Democrats were no longer able to deliver. To be clear, that party was Forza Italia." ^[55]

Dell'Utri was the go-between on a range of legislative efforts to ease pressure on mafiosi in exchange for electoral support, according to Giuffrè. "Dell'Utri was very close to Cosa Nostra and a very good contact point for Berlusconi," he said.^[56] Mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano told Giuffrè that they "were in good hands" with Dell'Utri, who was a "serious and trustworthy person". Provenzano stated that the Mafia's judicial problems would be resolved within 10 years after 1992, thanks to the undertakings given by Forza Italia.^[52][55]

Giuffrè said that Berlusconi himself used to be in touch with Stefano Bontade, a top Mafia boss, in the mid 1970s. At the time Berlusconi still was just a wealthy real estate developer and started his private television empire. Bontade visited Berlusconi's villa in Arcore through his contact Vittorio Mangano.^[57] Berlusconi's lawyer dismissed Giuffrè's testimony as "false" and an attempt to discredit the Prime Minister and his party. Giuffrè said that other Mafia representatives who were in contact with Berlusconi included the Palermo Mafia bosses Filippo Graviano and Giuseppe Graviano.^[58] The Graviano brothers allegedly treated directly with Berlusconi through the business-man Gianni Ienna, somewhere between September/October 1993. The alleged pact with the Mafia fell apart in 2002. Cosa Nostra had achieved nothing. There were no revisions of Mafia trials, no changes in the law of asset seizures and no changes in the harsh Article 41-bis prison regime.^[59]

Dell'Utri's lawyer, Enrico Trantino, dismissed Giuffrè’s allegations as an "anthology of hearsay". He said Giuffrè had perpetuated the trend that every new turncoat would attack Dell'Utri and the former Christian Democrat prime minister Giulio Andreotti in order to earn money and judicial privileges. ^[60]

[edit] "Jowellgate"

Main article: Tessa Jowell financial allegations

Berlusconi describes the work of prosecutors pursuing him and his associates as a politically-motivated vendetta and attributes their current attentions to the 2008 elections. Over the years, there have been many such accusations but none seem to have made a lasting mark on him. Consequently, the link between him and the difficulties of British Culture Secretary, Tessa Jowell, has attracted less media attention in Italy than in the United Kingdom, where the media has sensed a whiff of something scandalous (or at least hypocritical and embarrassing) for the government. David Mills, lawyer husband of the British cabinet minister in the Blair government, had acted for Berlusconi in the early 1990s and has been accused by Italian prosecutors of money laundering and of accepting a gift from Berlusconi in return for friendly evidence given as a prosecution witness against Berlusconi. However, Mills has asserted that the money in question did not come from Berlusconi but from another client. No formal indictment has yet been issued but on 10 March 2006 it was reported that prosecuting magistrates in Italy had submitted evidence to a judge, seeking an indictment for bribery against Berlusconi and Mills²⁷: all parties vehemently deny wrong-doing and Berlusconi commented that the timing showed that the prosecution is political. Berlusconi denied meeting Mills. The British media have not yet unearthed anything to warrant Jowell's resignation or which proves the guilt of Mills, Berlusconi or their intermediaries. Mills separated from his wife around this time.

[edit] Trials

Main article: Trials involving Silvio Berlusconi

[edit] References

• "Italy immunity law provokes fury", BBC news, 25 June 2003, Retrieved 2004/12/24
• "Berlusconi in EU 'Nazi' slur", BBC news, 2 July 2003, Retrieved 2004/12/24
• "Berlusconi accused of Mafia links", BBC news, 8 January 2003, Retrieved 2005/1/22
• "Italy's left attacks Berlusconi", BBC news, 11 December 2004, Retrieved 2005/1/22
• "Berlusconi plans to get off the hook", The Observer, 7 October 2001, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Italian Senate passes disputed bill", BBC News, 2 August 2002, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Berlusconi scores double victory", BBC News, 5 November 2002, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Berlusconi ally jailed for bribery", BBC News, 29 April 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Berlusconi ally partially cleared", BBC News, 22 November 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Berlusconi warns 'subversive' judges", BBC News, 8 August 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Berlusconi stuns Italian judges", BBC News, 5 September 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Italian judges fight reforms", BBC News, 20 June 2002, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Italian magistrates go on strike", BBC News, 25 May 2004, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Italian president blocks reforms", BBC News, 16 December 2004, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• Q&A: "Berlusconi's battle with the courts", BBC News, 24 January 2002, Retrieved 2005/2/1
• "Italian premier's brother wants plea bargain in corruption case", Financial Times, 22 April 2002, Retrieved 2005/2/1, reported on the la Margherita (the Daisy) opposition party website.
• "New storm over Berlusconi remarks", BBC News, 11 September 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/2
• "Jewish communities split over Berlusconi", BBC News, 26 September 2003, Retrieved 2005/2/2
• "Berlusconi's life [chronology", paper spread July 2, 2003 among the European parliamentarians by member Gianni Vattimo, written by journalists Marco Travaglio and Peter Gomez.
• "Berlusconi and his mysteries" paper spread July 2, 2003 among the European parliamentarians by member Gianni Vattimo, written by journalists Marco Travaglio and Peter Gomez.
• New York Times journalist Nick Tosches interviewes with Michele Sindona, while imprisoned in the United States:
  • (English) Power On Earth, 1986, Arbor House Pub Co, USA, ISBN 0-87795-796-7

[edit] Non-English language references

• (Italian) Il mistero Sindona
• (German) Geschäfte mit dem Vatikan. Die Affäre Sindona. München 1987. ISBN 3-426-03970-2
• L'odore dei soldi. Origini e misteri delle fortune di Silvio Berlusconi (Elio Veltri and Marco Travaglio, 2001, Editori Riuniti, ISBN 88-359-5007-4 ).
• [1], [2] Journalists Marco Travaglio (interviewed by Daniele Luttazzi in his show Satyricon)
• (Italian) Berlusconi bankruptcy risks and legal investigation before entering politics: Mani pulite. La vera storia. Da Mario Chiesa a Silvio Berlusconi (Gianni Barbacetto, Peter Gomez and Marco Travaglio, 2002, Editori Riuniti, ISBN 88-359-5241-7)
• (Italian) L'amico degli amici. (Marco Travaglio and Peter Gomez, 2005, BUR Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, ISBN 88-17-00707-2)
• (Italian) Article Forza Bahamas, in the column Bananas by Marco Travaglio (17 April 2005, L'Unità). This article has been also published in book Berluscomiche (Marco Travaglio, 2005, Garzanti Libri, ISBN 88-11-59765-X), pp. 431-433. It can be found at: [3] [4]
• (Italian) Inciucio. (Peter Gomez and Marco Travaglio, 2005, BUR Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, ISBN 88-17-01020-0 ).
• "Italy bid for PM corruption trial", BBC News, 10 March 2006
• "Berlusconi hands in resignation", BBC News, 2 May 2006
• "Berlusconi: Left has uglier women"

[edit] Documentaries

• "Citizen Berlusconi - The Prime Minister and the Press", 2003
• Viva Zapatero!, directed by Sabina Guzzanti, 2005
• "Quando c'era Silvio"

[edit] Feature films

• "Bye Bye Berlusconi!/Buonanotte Topolino"
• Il Caimano (directed by Nanni Moretti, 2006)

[edit] See also

• List of national leaders
• List of billionaires

[edit] External links

• "Silvio Berlusconi and the 2008 election campaign "

• (English) (Italian) ACMilan.it, AC Milan official website
• (English) Profile: Silvio Berlusconi, BBC
• (English) (Italian) Forza Italia, Berlusconi's political movement; click on International for an English version.
• (English) (Italian) (French) (Spanish) (German) A popular paper spread among the members of the European Parliament about Berlusconi's life chronology, mysteries and trials. By Marco Travaglio and Peter Gomez.
• (English) A chronology of Berlusconi's life from Ketupa.net
• (English) Berlusconi cuts stake in television company, IFEX
• (English) Forbes.com: Forbes World's Richest People
• (English) BBC News Europe: Berlusconi in his own words
• (English) - RussiaToday

Political offices
Preceded by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi	Prime Minister of Italy 1994 – 1995	Succeeded by Lamberto Dini
Preceded by Giuliano Amato	Prime Minister of Italy 2001 – 2006	Succeeded by Romano Prodi
Preceded by Renato Ruggiero	Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy Acting 2002	Succeeded by Franco Frattini
Preceded by Giulio Tremonti	Minister of Economy and Finance of Italy Acting 2004	Succeeded by Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa
Preceded by Francesco Storace	Minister of Health of Italy Acting 2006	Succeeded by Livia Turco
Preceded by Mario Baccini	Minister of Public Function of Italy Acting 2006	Succeeded by Luigi Nicolais
Preceded by Romano Prodi	Prime Minister of Italy 2008 – present	Incumbent
Party political offices
New political party	President of Forza Italia 1994 – present	Incumbent
Honorary titles
Preceded by Morihiro Hosokawa Japan	Chair of the G8 1994	Succeeded by Jean Chrétien Canada
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Order of precedence
Preceded by Gianfranco Fini President of the Chamber of Deputies	Italian order of precedence Prime Minister	Succeeded by Franco Bile President of the Constitutional Court

Silvio Berlusconi
v • d • e Prime ministers of Italy Kingdom of Italy Cavour · Ricasoli · Rattazzi · Farini · Minghetti · La Marmora · Ricasoli · Rattazzi · Menabrea · Lanza · Minghetti · Depretis · Cairoli · Depretis · Cairoli · Depretis · Crispi · Starrabba · Giolitti · Crispi · Starrabba · Pelloux · Saracco · Zanardelli · Giolitti · Tittoni · Fortis · Sonnino · Giolitti · Sonnino · Luzzatti · Giolitti · Salandra · Boselli · Orlando · Nitti · Giolitti · Bonomi · Facta · Mussolini · Badoglio · Bonomi · Parri · De Gasperi Italian Republic De Gasperi · Pella · Fanfani · Scelba · Segni · Zoli · Fanfani · Segni · Tambroni · Fanfani · Leone · Moro · Leone · Rumor · Colombo · Andreotti · Rumor · Moro · Andreotti · Cossiga · Forlani · Spadolini · Fanfani · Craxi · Fanfani · Goria · De Mita · Andreotti · Amato · Ciampi · Berlusconi · Dini · Prodi · D'Alema · Amato · Berlusconi · Prodi  · Berlusconi v • d • e Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Kingdom of Italy Cavour · Ricasoli · Rattazzi · Pasolini · Visconti-Venosta · La Marmora · Visconti-Venosta · Campello · Menabrea · Visconti-Venosta · Melefari · Depretis · Corti · Cairoli · Depretis · Cairoli · Mancini · Depretis · Robilant · Depretis · Crispi · Starabba di Rudinì · Brin · De Blanc · Caetani · Capelli · Canevaro · Visconti-Venosta · Prinetti · Tittoni · Paternò-Castello · Guicciardini · Tittoni · Guicciardini · Paternò-Castello · Barone Sidney Sonnino · Tittoni · Scialoja · Sforza · Tommasi della Torretta · Schanzer · Mussolini · Grandi · Mussolini · Ciano · Mussolini · Guariglia · Badoglio · Bonomi · De Gasperi Italian Republic De Gasperi · Nenni · Sforza · De Gasperi · Pella · Piccioni · Martino · Pella · Fanfani · Pella · Segni · Fanfani · Piccioni · Saragat · Moro · Fanfani · Moro · Fanfani · Medici · Nenni · Moro · Medici · Moro · Rumor · Forlani · Malfatti · Ruffini · Colombo · Andreotti · De Michelis · Scotti · Amato · Colombo · Andreatta · Elia · Martino · Agnelli · Dini · Amato · Ruggiero · Berlusconi · Frattini · Fini · D'Alema v • d • e European Council President: Janša (SI) · Gusenbauer (AT) · Leterme (BE) · Stanishev (BG) · Topolánek (CZ) · Christofias (CY) · Merkel (DE) · Rasmussen (DK) · Ansip (ET) · Vanhanen (FI) · Sarkozy (FR) · Karamanlis (GR) · Gyurcsány (HU) · Cowen (IE) · Berlusconi (IT) · Godmanis (LV) · Kirkilas (LT) · Juncker (LU) · Gonzi (MT) · Balkenende (NL) · Tusk (PL) · Sócrates (PT) · Popescu-Tăriceanu (RO) · Fico (SK) · Zapatero (ES) · Reinfeldt (SE) · Brown (UK) · Barroso (EC) v • d • e G8 Leaders Stephen Harper · Nicolas Sarkozy · Angela Merkel · Silvio Berlusconi · Yasuo Fukuda · Dmitry Medvedev · Gordon Brown · George W. Bush v • d • e Berlusconi I Cabinet (1994 – 1995) Berlusconi | Tatarella | Maroni | Comino | Guidi | Urbani | Berlinguer | Ferrara | Speroni | Martino | Biondi | Pagliarini | Tremonti | Dini | Previti | D'Onofrio | Radice | Poli Bertone | Fiori | Tatarella | Gnutti | Costa | Bernini | Mastella | Fisichella | Matteoli | Podestà  v • d • e Berlusconi II Cabinet (2001 – 2005) Berlusconi | Fini | Follini | La Loggia | Pisanu | Scajola | Frattini | Mazzella | Baccini | Stanca | Tremaglia | Prestigiacomo | Buttiglione | Bossi | Calderoli | Giovanardi | Ruggiero | Castelli | Tremonti | Siniscalco | Marzano | Moratti | Maroni | Martino | Alemanno | Lunardi | Sirchia | Urbani | Gasparri | Matteoli  v • d • e Berlusconi III Cabinet (2005 – 2006) Berlusconi | Fini | Tremonti | La Loggia | Caldoro | Baccini | Stanca | Tremaglia | Prestigiacomo | La Malfa | Calderoli | Giovanardi | Miccichè | Pisanu | Castelli | Siniscalco | Scajola | Moratti | Maroni | Martino | Alemanno | Matteoli | Lunardi | Storace | Buttiglione | Landolfi  v • d • e Berlusconi IV Cabinet (2008 – present) Berlusconi | Tremonti | Maroni | Alfano | Frattini | Sacconi | Gelmini | La Russa | Scajola | Zaia | Prestigiacomo | Matteoli | Bondi | Bossi | Ronchi | Vito | Brunetta | Calderoli | Fitto | Meloni | Carfagna | Rotondi  v • d • e President of Forza Italia Silvio Berlusconi

Persondata
NAME	Berlusconi, Silvio
ALTERNATIVE NAMES
SHORT DESCRIPTION	Italian politician, entrepreneur, and media proprietor
DATE OF BIRTH	29 September 1936
PLACE OF BIRTH	Milan, Italy
DATE OF DEATH
PLACE OF DEATH