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[edit] Comments

[edit] ANTİK ÇAĞDA SURMENE VE ÇEVRESİ

A. Mican Zehiroğlu

azehiroglu@hotmail.com

[edit] AĞAÇ VE AHŞAP KÜLTÜRÜ VE YONTMA TAŞ DEVRİ

Karadeniz 'in doğu sahillerinde, bölgenin doğal yapısı gereği, tarih boyunca ağaç ve ahşap kültürünün ağırlıkta olması, en eski dönemlere ait kalıntıların günümüze ulaşmasını büyük ölçüde imkansız kılmıştır. Güneyindeki ve kuzeyindeki sıradağlar, bu sahillere kapalı bir havza özelliği vermiş ve bu durum, bölgede en eski çağlardan beri var olduğu bilinen insan topluluklarının izole bir kültürel gelişim sürecine sahip olmalarına zemin hazırlamıştır. Tamamen, bölgenin kendi doğası içinde gelişim gösteren bu özgün yerli kültüre ait bazı arkeolojik veriler, bu sahillerin eski Sovyet topraklarında kalan kısmında kısmen elde edilebilmiştir. Yontma taş el aletlerinden bronz baltalara kadar uzanan bu nadir bulgular, bölge kültürünün taş devrinden, tunç devrine kadar uzanan geçmişine dair arkeolojik verileri içermektedir.

[edit] BRONZ ÇAĞI VE MİTOLOJİLERDE YUNAN KOLONİSİ OLARAK SÜRMENE

Bölge yerli kültürünün, batı dünyasıyla ilk tanışmasına dair efsaneler, geç bronz çağı dönemine atfedilen ve mitolojik Yunan kahramanlarının bu gizemli sahillere gerçekleştirdikleri yolculukları anlatan öyküler üzerine kuruludur. Eski Yunan mitolojisinde önemli bir yer tutan bu öykülerde, Karadeniz'in Doğu sahilleri " Kolchis " adıyla, burada yaşayan insanlar ise " Kolchi " adıyla anılır. Eski Yunan denizcilerinin bu yolculuklarının, zamanla düzenli ticari faaliyetlere dönüştüğü ve daha sonra bu amaçla bölge sahillerinde pazar yerleri kurulduğu düşünülmektedir.

MÖ 500 lü yıllarla birlikte bu pazar yerleri, kolonici tüccarlara ait iskelelere dönüşmeye başlamış ve muhtemelen Trapezos da bir ticari koloni yerleşimi olarak bu dönemde kurulmuştur.

[edit] XENOPHON'UN ANABASİS KİTABINDA SÜRMENE

Doğu Karadeniz 'de Trapezos isimli bir Yunan koloni yerleşiminden bahseden ilk yazılı kaynak Anabasis 'tir ve aynı zamanda Doğu Karadeniz'e dair en eski, en sağlıklı gözlemleri aktaran bu eser Xenophon 'a aittir.

MÖ 400 yılında Doğu seferinden dönen bir Yunan ordusunun, Doğu Anadolu’yu güneyden kuzeye geçerek Karadeniz'e ulaşması ve Trapezos'daki Yunan kolonisinin yardımıyla Yunanistan’a geri dönmesi, bu sefere katılan Xenophon'un Anabasis isimli eserinde ayrıntılı olarak anlatılmıştır. Trapezos kentine ulaşmak için, Bayburt üzerinden Surmene yaylalarına varmaları ve Madur tepesinden denizi görmeleri, Xenophon'un heyecenla aktardığı sefer notları arasında yer alır ;

"...Beşinci gün Thekes isimli bir dağa vardılar. İlk askerler doruğa varır varmaz büyük bir çığlık yükseldi. Xenophon ile artçılar bunu işitince cephenin saldırıya uğradığını sandılar. Çünkü kendilerini, yakmış oldukları bölgenin halkı izliyordu. Ama çok geçmeden askerlerin thalessa thalessa yani“Deniz, deniz” diye haykırdıkları duyuldu. Tüm askerler doruğa varınca, komutanlar gözleri yaşararak birbirlerini kutladılar..” (Anabasis - 4.7)

Bugünkü Madur Tepesini aştıktan sonra, daha sonraki çağlara ait tarihsel kayıtlarda Tzani adıyla anılacak olan Doğu Karadeniz dağlı yerlileri ile karşılaşan Yunanlılar, onlarla bir tercüman aracılığıyla iletişim kurarak, amaçlarının istilâ değil, denize ulaşmak olduğunu söylemişler ve onların geleneklerine göre mızraklarını karşılıklı değiştirerek, tanrıların tanıklığında barış yapmışlardı. Onlar da kendilerine yol açarak sahile ulaşmalarına yardım etmişlerdi. Ancak daha aşağıda, sahile yakın kesimlerde yaşayan yerli halk, Yunanlılara onlar kadar dostca davranmamışlardı. Xenophon ’un Kolşi adıyla bahsettiği bu insanlar, Yunanlıları tuzağa düşürmüşler ve terk ettikleri köylerinde bol miktarda deli bal bırakarak, Yunanlıların kitle halinde komaya girmelerine neden olmuşlardı. Yunanlılar, ölümcül olmayan bu balın etkisinden ancak üç dört gün sonra kurtulup yollarına devam edebilmişlerdi.

Daha sonra iki günlük bir yürüyüşle Trapezus’a ulaşan Yunan Ordusunun, burada erzak sıkıntısına düşmesi ve bu nedenle yerli halka saldırarak köylerini yağmalaması da, Anabasis’de ayrıntılı şekilde anlatılmıştır ;

"...Karadeniz kıyısındaki Trapezus , Sinope ’nin [[Kolşi Kolchis Ülkesi]]ndeki kolonisidir. Yunanlılar orada otuz gün kadar Kolşi köylerinde kaldılar. Bu köyleri üs olarak kullanıp Kolşilerin memleketini talan ettiler..." (Anabasis 4.VIII.23)

Xenophon, eserinin sonraki bölümlerinde de Kolşi adıyla bahsettiği Trapezos civarındaki yerli halkın, Yunanlı askerlerle ilişkilerine değinir ve kendi askerlerine hitaben bir konuşma yaparak "yağma faaliyetlerini daha düzenli bir şekilde yapmaları gerektiğini" anlatır ;

"...pazar ihtiyaçlarımıza yetmiyor ve birkaç kişi dışında yiyecek satın alacak paramız yok. Oysa düşman ülkede olduğumuzdan, yiyecek sağlamaya tedbirsizce gidersek çok adam kaybetmemizden korkarım. Bence yiyecek aramaya mangalar halinde gitmeli, sağ salim geri dönmek istiyorsanız kırlarda rastgele dolaşacağınıza bu akınların tertiplenmesini bize bırakmalısınız..." (Anabasis 5.I.5)

Xenophon'un bu uyarısını dikkate almayan Yunan askerleri, Trapezos civarındaki yerleşim bölgelerine yönelik yağmalama faaliyetlerine devam ederler ve bu saldırılardan birinde komutanlarıyla birlikte iki bölük askerin tamamı yerliler tarafından imha edilir. Yerli Kolşilerle Bak:Kolchi Yunanlılar arasındaki bu çatışmalar, Yunanlılar bölgeden ayrılıncaya kadar devam eder. Xenophon eserinin bir başka yerinde de "taşlanarak öldürülen yerli Kolşi elçilerinden ve muhafızlarından bahsederek" , kendi askerleriyle ilgili özeleştirilerde bulunur.

[edit] STRABON'UN COĞRAFYA KİTABINDA SÜRMENE

Xenophon, bugünkü Trabzon civarındaki yerli halk olarak bahsettiği Kolşilerin yaşam biçimlerine dair ayrıntılı bilgiler vermemiştir. Ancak, ondan asırlar sonra çağının en önemli coğrafya kitabını yazan Strabon 'un, daha doğuda, Phasis nehri civarında yaşayan Kolşilerle ilgili verdiği bilgiler bize bu konuda bazı ipuçları vermektedir ;

"Gerektiğinde teknelerini süratle bir araya toplayarak, korsan filoları oluştururlar; ticari gemilere, ülkelere ve sahil kentlerine saldırılar düzenlerler, bu şekilde denizdeki hakimiyeti ellerinde tutarlar.(...) Memleketlerine döndüklerinde ise, teknelerini sahilde bırakmayarak omuzlarında karaya çıkarırlar ve onları ormanların arasında yer alan barınaklarına kadar götürürler. Yeni bir sefere çıkacaklarında da , teknelerini tekrar sahile indirirler. Ve bu sahillerde yerleşik kabilelerin tümü, her zaman bu tür korsanlıklarla geçinirler...” (Strabon 11.2.12)

"Bu ülke, hem ürünleriyle, hem de gemi inşasına yönelik her konuda mükemmel düzeydedir; -balları hariç, zira balları oldukça serttir- üretilen keresteler nehirlerin üzerinde aşağılara taşınır ve halk başta keten olmak üzere, kendir, balmumu ve zift üretimi ile uğraşır. Eski zamanlardan beri dış ülkelere kendir ihraç ettiklerinden, kendir kumaşı imalatında yaygın bir ün kazanmışlardır.” (Strabon 11.2.17)

[edit] Pseudo-Scylax'IN COĞRAFYA KİTABINDA SÜRMENE

MÖ 335 yılına doğru derlendiği tahmin edilen Pseudo-Scylax ' ın coğrafya kitabında, bölgeye ve yerel kültürüne ilişkin bilgilerin ötesinde, özel olarak bugünkü Surmene civarı ile ilişkilendirilebilecek en eski kayıt yer alır. Pseudo-Scylax 'ın bu eserinde Trapezos kentinin doğusunda, Psoron isimli bir limandan bahsedilmektedir. Daha sonraki çağlarda Surmene'nin ilk kuruluş yeri olacak olan, bugünkü Karadere nehri ağzının gemiler için uygun korunaklı yapısı dikkate alındığında, Psoron limanının burası olabileceği düşünülmektedir. Bu dönemde kendi parasını basan Yunan koloni kenti Trapezos, uzunca bir süre serbest bir ticaret kenti statüsünde varlığını devam ettirmiş ve bölgenin yerli halkıyla, batı dünyası arasındaki ticari ilişkilerde köprü görevi üstlenmiştir.

[edit] TARİHÇİ POLYBIOUS VE SÜRMENE

MÖ 144 yılına kadar olan gelişmeleri yazan tarihçi Polybius , eserinin bir yerinde Yunanistan ile Karadeniz memleketleri arasındaki ticari ilişkilerden bahsederken, buralardan temin edilen malları; büyük baş hayvan, köle, bal, balmumu ve tuzlanmış balık olarak sıralar. Aynı bölgeye ihraç edilen başlıca ürünler ise zeytinyağı ve şaraptır.

[edit] SÜRMENE DE İRAN KİSRASI MİTHRİDAT DÖNEMİ

MÖ 114 yılından itibaren Karadeniz Kapadokyası nı merkez alarak, Anadolu'da Romalılara karşı egemenlik mücadelesine girişen, İran menşeli Mithridat VI, bir süre sonra Trapezos kentini ve çevresini de hakimiyeti altına alır. Bir sonraki yüzyılda bu hanedanın egemenliğine son veren Romalılar, Trapezos ve çevresi de dahil olmak üzere tüm Doğu Karadeniz sahillerinde hakimiyet kurarlar. Ancak tüm bu gelişmelerden, Trapezos kenti dışındaki yerli halkın fazlaca etkilenmediği, sonraki asırlara ait kayıtlardan anlaşılmaktadır.

[edit] AMASYA POLEMONIA KRALLIĞINA BAĞLI OLARAK SÜRMENE

İzleyen yıllarda Trapezos kenti ve çevresi, Amasya'da Roma imparatorluğuna bağlı olarak kurulan Karadeniz Polemonia kralığının topraklarına dahil edilmiştir.

[edit] ROMA YOL KLAVUZLARINDA HYSSILIME (SÜRMENE) VE OPIONTE (OF)

MS 100. ait bir haritadan geliştirildiği düşünülen Tabula Peutingeriana isimli bir Roma yol kılavuzu, muhtemelen, günümüzdeki Surmene ile ilişkili gibi görünen yerleşime dair en eski bilgiyi içermektedir. Orta çağa ait bir kopyası günümüze ulaşan bu çalışmanın bir çok kısmı yüzyıllar içinde güncellenerek genişletilmiştir. Ancak, diğer verilerden açık ve net bir şekilde anlaşılmaktadır ki, Doğu Karadeniz ile ilgili kısımlarında, MS.1 yüzyıla ait bilgiler, orjinal şekilleriyle kalmışlardır. Bu nedenle, bu belgede geçen Hyssilime adının, bugünkü Surmene kasabası ile ilgili en eski yazılı kayıt niteliğini taşıdığı söylenebilir. Bu belgeye göre Trapezunte 'den sonra Hyssilime, daha sonra da Opiunte gelmektedir ve Hyssilime; sahilde Trapezunte ile Opiunte arasında bir Roma askeri istasyonu olarak görünmektedir.

[edit] SÜRMENE'DE AYAKLANMA

MS69 yılının sonlarına doğru bugünkü Surmene çevresinin de dahil olduğu sahiller, büyük bir ayaklanmaya sahne olur. Tacitus' un aktardığı bilgilere göre, Aniketus isimli yerli bir denizcinin önderliğinde Romalılara karşı ayaklanan yerli halk, tekneleriyle Trapezus kentini kuşatarak limandaki Roma gemilerini yakarlar ve kentteki kolonicilerin mallarını mülklerini yağmalarlar. Tacitus’ a göre, isyancı yerlilerin kullandığı tekneler ; çift pruvalı, her iki yöne hareket edebilecek şekilde ve metal bağlantı elemanları kullanılmadan, tamamen ahşaptan yapılmıştı. Fırtına ve büyük dalgalara karşı üst kısımları tamamen kapanabiliyor ve böylece dalgalar arasında yuvarlansalar bile batmıyorlardı.

[edit] ROMA İMPARATORU VESPASIANUS 'UN DENİZ FİLOSUYLA İSYANI BASTIRMASI

Roma imparatoru Vespasianus, bölgeye bir ordu ile bir deniz filosu göndererek bu ayaklanmayı bastırır. Bu ayaklanma, tarih boyunca Doğu Karadeniz halkının egemen devletlerin otoritelerine karşı gerçekleştirdikleri sayısız isyanlardan biri olarak tarih sayfalarındaki yerini almıştır.

[edit] KAPADOKYA VALİSİ ARRIANUS 'UN KARADENİZ SEYAHATINDAN SONRA İMPARATOR HADRIANUS 'A YAZDIĞI RAPORDA SÜRMENE

MS130' lu yılların başında Roma imparatorluğunun Kapadokya Valisi olan Arrianus, gerçekleştirdiği Karadeniz seyahati ile ilgili olarak, imparator Hadrianus ’a hitaben bir rapor yazmış ve bu raporun bir bölümünde de Trapezus’dan itibaren sahil boyunca, doğuya doğru gerçekleştirdiği bir deniz yolculuğunun notlarını aktarmıştır. Buna göre, Trapezus'dan ayrıldıktan sonra, önce küçük bir Roma askeri birliğinin konuşlandırılmış olduğu Hyssu limanına uğramış, oradan sonra da Ophis deresine ulaşmıştır. Arrianus’a göre bu Ophis deresi, Kolşi bölgesi ile Thiannika (Tzanika) arasındaki sınırı oluşturmaktadır.

[edit] Vali Arrianus 'un mezar taşında

MS 2. yüzyıla ait bir Karadeniz teknesi.

[edit] PTOLEMEUS 'UN COĞRAFYA ATLASINDA SÜRMENE

MS150 yılına doğru yayınlandığı düşünülen coğrafya atlasında Ptolemeus, başta çağdaşı Marinus olmak üzere, diğer eski coğrafyacıların eserlerinden yararlanmıştır. Hazırladığı bu atlasta, derlediği coğrafi bilgileri kendi geliştirdiği bir koordinat sistemine aktarmıştır. Bu çalışmanın günümüze ulaşan oldukça geç tarihli bir kopyasında, önceki ve sonraki tüm kaynaklarda Trapezus'un doğusunda gösterilen Hyssi limanı muhtemelen bir hata sonucu Trapezus'un batısında işaretlenmiştir. Ptolemeus'un haritasına göre, Trapezos ve bugünkü Surmenenin bulunduğu bölge Roma imparatorluğunun "Karadeniz Kapadokyası" eyaletine bağlıdır.

[edit] Bie Roma Askeri Raporu olan Notitia Dignitatum'da Sürmene

MS407 yılına tarihlendirilen bir Roma askeri raporu Notitia Dignitatum'da da, uzunca bir süre tarihsel kayıtlarda adı pek geçmeyen Hyssi Limanından tekrar bahsedilir. Bu belgede, Ysi Porto olarak geçen askeri garnizon Trapezus'un 30 km kadar doğusunda gösterilmiştir.

[edit] Antakya 'lı Johannese göre Sürmene

MS470 li yıllara ait bir başka bilgi de, Antakya 'lı Johannes tarafından aktarılır. Buna göre, Trapezus çevresinde yaşayan yerli Tzani halkının Romalılara büyük zararlar verdikleri, İmparator Leo'nun da bunun üzerine bölgeye destek kuvvet gönderdiği belirtilmektedir. [[BİZANS-İRAN HARBİ VE VE TARİHÇİ PROKOPIOUS]] MS540 lı yıllarda Bizans ile İran arasındaki savaşlar sırasında bölgeye dair bir kayıt da tarihçi Prokopius'a aittir. Buna göre, Trapezus çevresinde yaşayan Tzani halkından bin kişilik bir kuvvet de Bizanslıların yanında İranlılara karşı savaşa katılmıştır. MS550 li yılların başında gemiyle Trapezus'dan doğuya doğru seyahat eden Prokopius, bu sahillerle ilgili gözlemlerini ve bilgilerini de seyahat notlarına ekler ;

“…Buradan, [[Trapezunt]] bölgesinden Susurmena köyüne ve Rize denilen yere varılır(…) Trapezunt civarındaki tüm yerlerde üretilen ballar, oldukça serttir(…) Bu bölgenin sağ tarafında, yukarıda, Tzanika’nın dağları yükselir, ve onların arkasında da Ermeniler yer alır, ki bunlar Bizanslılara bağlıdırlar…” ( Prokopius VIII. ii. 3-5 )

Prokopius, Tzanika memleketi olarak adlandırdığı bölgenin yüksek kesimleri ile ilgili gözlemlerini de daha sonraki yıllarda imparator adına gerçekleştirdiği bir teftiş gezisi sırasında aktarmıştır. Onun bu gözlemleri ve seyahat notları, bugünkü Trabzon çevresinin dağlık kesimine ve yerli halkına dair oldukça sağlam bir tarihsel tanıklık niteliği taşır. Asırlar önce Xenophon'un izlediği güzergahı kullanarak Bayburt tarafından bugünkü Soğanlı dağlarını aşan Prokopius, Surmene ve Of yaylalarının bulunduğu yerleri geçerek Trapezus'a ulaşmıştır. Bu yolculuğu sırasında, bugünkü Surmene, Of yaylaları ile ilgili gözlemleri ve orada karşılaştığı dağlı yerlilerin yaşam biçimleri ile ilgili aktardığı bilgiler, bölgenin bugünkü kültürel dokusunun kökleriyle ilgili önemli ipuçları içerir ;

“Tzaniler, kadim zamanlardan beri, herhangi bir hükümdara bağlı olmayan bağımsız bir halk olarak yaşamışlardır. Vahşice bir yaşam biçimi sürdürerek, ağaçlara, kuşlara ve çeşitli mahluklara tanrıları gibi hürmet ederler ve onlara taparlar. Ömürlerinin tamamını gökyüzüne doğru uzanan ve ormanlarla kaplı olan bu dağlarda yaşayarak geçirirler, ama hayatlarını, ziraat ile değil, haydutlukla ve eşkiyalıkla kazanırlar. Zira, toprağı işleme konusunda usta değillerdir ve memleketleri, sarp dağların en az olduğu yerlerde bile oldukça engebelidir. Bu yaylalar, engebeli olmanın ötesinde, son derece taşlık, işlenmesi zor ve hiç bir mahsule uygun olmayan bir toprak yapısına sahiptir. Onlar tarım yapacak olsalar bile, ürün yetiştirmek için yeterli toprak bulamazlar. Burada, ne araziyi sulamak, ne de tahıl yetiştirmek mümkün değildir; çünkü bu bölgede düz bir arazi bulunmaz ve hatta buralarda ağaç da yetiştiği halde, bunlar meyve vermeyen ağaçlardır. Zira bu bölge; bitmek bilmeyen kışın etkisiyle, uzun süre kar altında kaldığından, ilkbaharın başlangıç dönemi son derece belirsiz ve düzensizdir. Bu nedenlerden dolayı Tzaniler eski çağlarda bağımsız bir yaşam sürmüşlerdir, ama şimdiki imparator Justinianus’un saltanatı sırasında, general Tzittas’ın komutasındaki bir Roma ordusu tarafından bozguna uğratıldılar ve hepsi kısa sürede mücadeleden vazgeçerek boyun eğdiler. Böylece, tehlikeli bir özgürlüğün yerine, sıkıntısı daha az olan esareti tercih etmiş oldular. Ve onlar hemen Tanrıya itaat ederek, Hristiyanlığı kabul ettiler. Böylece, her tür haydutluktan vazgeçerek yaşam biçimlerini huzurlu bir yola sokmuş oldular ve -daha sonra- düşmana karşı sefere çıkıldığında, her zaman Romalıların yanında yer aldılar. Ve imparator Justinianus, Tzani’lerin bir zaman sonra yaşam biçimlerini tekrar değiştirerek, daha ilkel olan eski geleneklerine dönebilecekleri endişesiyle, aşağıdaki önlemleri tasarladı: Tzanika ulaşılması zor bir memleketti, özellikle de atlılar için bu kesinlikle mümkün değildi, zira belirtmiş olduğum gibi her taraf uçurumlarla çevrili ve ormanlarla kaplıydı. Bu nedenle Tzanilerin komşuları ile ilişki kurmaları mümkün olmuyordu ve yabani hayvanlar misali, kendi aralarında izole bir yaşam sürüyorlardı. Bu durumu değiştirmek için, imparatorun emri ile ulaşıma engel olan ormanlarda ağaçlar kesilerek yollar açıldı ve engebeli yerler düzeltilerek, atların ilerleyebilmesi için uygun hale getirildi. Bu şekilde onların komşularıyla ilişki kurmaya yönelmeleri ve normal insanlar gibi diğer toplumlarla biraraya gelmeleri sağlanmış oldu. Daha sonra imparator, Skhamalinişi adıyla bilinen bir yerde onlar için bir kilise inşa ettirdi ve böylece onlara, ayinlerini gerçekleştirmeleri, kutsanmış ekmeği bölüşmeleri, dualarla tanrıya sığınmaları ve diğer dini vecibeleri yerine getirebilmeleri için imkan sağlamış oldu. Bu sayede, artık onlar da insan olduklarını bileceklerdi. Ve memleketin her tarafına kaleler inşa etti, Roma ordusunun bu güçlü garnizonlarında onlara görevler vererek, diğer toplumlarla ilişki kurmalarını kolaylaştırdı. Şimdi Tzanika’da inşa edilen bu kalelerin yerlerini sayacağım...” (Prokopius,Yapılar,III.vi.1-14)

Prokopius'un bahsettiği Hristiyanlaştırma çalışmaları, bölge yerli halkının Hristiyanlıkla gerçek anlamda tanışmasının, Justinianus döneminde gerçekleştiğini göstermektedir. Bölgede devlet hakimiyetini kurmak için önemli bir araç olarak kullanılan Hristiyanlık, sonraki yıllarda da bölge kırsal kesiminin Rumlaşması ve bölgede Bizans egemenliğinin kökleşmesi açısından önemli bir rol üstlenecektir. Bugün hala bölgede aynı şekilde devam ettirilen yaylacılık geleneği de Prokopius'un söz ettiği bir başka ilginç ayrıntı olarak dikkat çekmektedir ;

“...Ve buradan biraz doğu tarafına gidildiğinde, kuzeye doğru uzanan sarp bir vadi vardır; -imparator- burada da Barkhon isimli büyük bir yeni kale inşa ettirdi. Söylediklerine göre, bu kalenin ötesinde, dağların aşağı tarafları Okeniti Tzanilerinin sığırlarını barındırdıkları köylerin bulunduğu yerlerdir. Onlar bu sığırları, toprağı sürüp işlemek için değil, sürekli bir süt kaynağına sahip olmak ve etleriyle beslenmek için yetiştirirler.” (Prokopius,Yapılar,III.vi.20-21)

[edit] Kaynakça :

Blockley, R.C.

“The Fragmentary classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, vol.II”, Wiltshire, 1983

Church, A.J. ve Brodribb, W.J. “The Complete Works of Tacitus”, 1942 Dewing, H.B.

  “Procopius : The Persian Wars, Vol I”, LOEB, 1914
  “Procopius : The Gothic War, Vol.V”, LOEB, 1928
  “Procopius : On Buildings, Vol VII”, LOEB, 1940

Glombiowski, K.

  “The Campaign of Cyrus the Younger and the Retreat of the Ten Thousand: The Chronology” , Pomoerium 1, 1994

Gökçöl, T.

  “Ksenophon : Anabasis, Onbinlerin Dönüşü”  İstanbul, 1974

Grumbles, G.

  “C. Ptolemy and Geography”, Austin, 1995

Janssens, E.

  “Trébizonde en Colchide” , Bruxelles, 1969

Jones, H.L.

  “The Geography of Strabo” LOEB, 1917

Koshelenko, G. A. ve Kuznetsov, V.D.

  “Colchis and Bosporus: Two models of Colonisation?” , New studies on the Black Sea Littoral, 1996

Müller, K.

  “Geographi Graeci Minores”, Paris, 1855

Paton, W.R.

  “The Histories of Polybius, Vol. II”,  London, 1922
  “The Histories of Polybius, Vol. III”, London, 1926

Seeck, O.

  “ Notitia Dignitatum ”, Berlin, 1876

Silver, M.

  “ Ancient Economies: The Argonaut Epos and Bronze Age Economic History”, Newyork, 1999

Stevenson, E.L.

  “ Claudius Ptolemy: The Geography”, Newyork, 1932

Zuckerman, C.

  “The Early Byzantine Strongholds in Eastern Pontus”, Travaux et mémories, 11, 1991

[edit] Sürmene and Anabasis part is added. Some part of it should be in the main article.

VII

After this they marched into the country of the Taochians five 1 stages--thirty parasangs--and provisions failed; for the Taochians lived in strong places, into which they had carried up all their stores. Now when the army arrived before one of these strong places--a mere fortress, without city or houses, into which a motley crowd of men and women and numerous flocks and herds were gathered--Cheirisophus attacked at once. When the first regiment fell back tired, a second advanced, and again a third, for it was impossible to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by a river. Presently Xenophon came up with the rearguard, consisting of both light and heavy infantry, whereupon Cheirisophus halted him with the words: "In the nick of time you have come; we must take this place, for the troops have no provisions, unless we take it." Thereupon they consulted together, and to Xenophon's inquiry, "What it was which hindered their simply walking in?" Cheirisophus replied, "There is just this one narrow approach which you see, but when we attempt to pass it by they roll down volleys of stones from yonder overhanging crag," pointing up, "and this is the state in which you find yourself, if you chance to be caught;" and he pointed to some poor fellows with their legs or ribs crushed to bits. "But when they have expended their ammunition," said Xenophon, "there is nothing else, is there, to hinder our passing? Certainly, except yonder handful of fellows, there is no one in front of us that we can see; and of them, only two or three apparently are armed, and the distance to be traversed under fire is, as your eyes will tell you, about one hundred and fifty feet as near as can be, and of this space the first hundred is thickly covered with great pines at intervals; under cover of these, what harm can come to our men from a pelt of stones, flying 6 or rolling? So then, there is only fifty feet left to cross, during a lull of stones." "Ay," said Cheirisophus, "but with our first attempt to approach the bush a galling fire of stones commences." "The very thing we want," said the other, "for they will use up their ammunition all the quicker; but let us select a point from which we shall have only a brief space to run across, if we can, and from which it will be easier to get back, if we wish."

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Callimachus the Parrhasian, the captain in command of the officers of the rearguard that day; the rest of the captains remained out of danger. That done, the next step was for a party of about seventy men to get away under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, every one using his best precaution; and Agasis the Stymphalian, and Aristonymous the Methydrian, who were also officers of the rearguard, were posted as supports outside the trees; for it was not possible for more than a single company to stand safely within the trees. Here Callimachus hit upon a pretty contrivance--he ran forward from the tree under which he was posted two or three paces, and as soon as the stones came whizzing, he retired easily, but at each excursion more than ten wagon-loads of rocks were expended. Agasias, seeing how Callimachus was amusing himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was seized with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first to run the gauntlet of the enemy's fire and get into the place. So, without a word of summons to his neighbour, Aristonymous, or to Eurylochus of Lusia, both comrades of his, or to any one else, off he set on his own account, and passed the whole detachment. But Callimachus, seeing him tearing past, caught hold of his shield by the rim, and in the meantime Aristonymous the Methydrian ran past both, and after him Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were one and all aspirants to valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager rival of the rest. So in this strife of honour, the three of them took the fortress, and when they had once rushed in, not a stone more was hurled from overhead.

And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women first cast their infants down the cliff, and then they cast themselves after 13 their fallen little ones, and the men likewise. In such a scene, Aeneas the Stymphalian, an officer, caught sight of a man with a fine dress about to throw himself over, and seized hold of him to stop him; but the other caught him to his arms, and both were gone in an instant headlong down the crags, and were killed. Out of this place the merest handful of human beings were taken prisoners, but cattle and asses in abundance and flocks of sheep.

From this place they marched through the Chalybes[1] seven stages, fifty parasangs. These were the bravest men whom they encountered on the whole march, coming cheerily to close quarters with them. They wore linen cuirasses reaching to the groin, and instead of the ordinary "wings" or basques, a thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They were also provided with greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short sabre, about as long as the Laconian dagger, with which they cut the throats of those they mastered, and after severing the head from the trunk they would march along carrying it, singing and dancing, when they drew within their enemy's field of view. They carried also a spear fifteen cubits long, lanced at one end[2]. This folk stayed in regular townships, and whenever the Hellenes passed by they invariably hung close on their heels fighting. They had dwelling-places in their fortresses, and into them they had carried up their supplies, sot hat the Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported themselves on the flocks and herds they had taken from the Taochians. After this the Hellenes reached the river Harpasus, which was four hundred feet broad. Hence they marched through the Scythenians four stages--twenty parasangs--through a long level country to more villages, among which they halted three days, and got in supplies.

[1] These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in

  contradistinction to another mountain tribe in Pontus so named,
  who were famous for their forging, and from whom steel received
  its Greek name {khalups}. With these latter we shall make
  acquaintance later on.

[2] I.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having

  a spike at the butt end also.

Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, they 19 reached a large and prosperous well-populated city, which went by the name of Gymnias[3], from which the governor of the country sent them a guide to lead them through a district hostile to his own. This guide told them that within five days he would lead them to a place from which they would see the sea, "and," he added, "if I fail of my word, you are free to take my life." Accordingly he put himself at their head; but he no sooner set foot in the country hostile to himself than he fell to encouraging them to burn and harry the land; indeed his exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it was for this he had come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes.

[3] Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 161)

  to be the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana--perhaps
  "at no great distance from Baibut," Tozer, "Turkish Armenia," p.
  432. Others have identified it with Erzeroum, others with Ispir.

On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of which was Theches[4]. No sooner had the men in front ascended it and caught sight of the sea than a great cry arose, and Xenophon, in the rearguard, catching the sound of it, conjectured that another set of enemies must surely be attacking in front; for they were followed by the inhabitants of the country, which was all aflame; indeed the rearguard had killed some and captured others alive by laying an ambuscade; they had taken also about twenty wicker shields, covered with the raw hides of shaggy oxen.

[4] Some MSS. give "the sacred mountain." The height in question has

  been identified with "the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of
  Gumisch-Kana, nearer to the sea than that place" (Grote, ib. p.
  162), but the exact place from which they caught sight of the sea
  has not been identified as yet, and other mountain ranges have
  been suggested.

But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who from time to time came up, began racing at the top of their speed towards the shouters, and the shouting continually recommenced with yet greater volume as the numbers increased, Xenophon settled in his mind that something extraordinary must have happened, so he mounted his horse, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue. Presently they could hear the soldiers shouting and passing on the joyful word, "The sea! the sea!"

Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the baggage 24 animals and horses came galloping up. But when they had reached the summit, then indeed they fell to embracing one another--generals and officers and all--and the tears trickled down their cheeks. And on a sudden, some one, whoever it was, having passed down the order, the soldiers began bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon they dedicated a host of untanned skins, and staves, and captured wicker shields, and with his own hand the guide hacked the shields to pieces, inviting the rest to follow his example. After this the Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised from the common store, to wit, a horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, and ten darics; but what he most begged to have were their rings, and of these he got several from the soldiers. So, after pointing out to them a village where they would find quarters, and the road by which they would proceed towards the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he turned his back upon them in the night and was gone.

VIII

From this point the Hellenes marched through the country of the 1 Macrones three stages--ten parasangs, and on the first day they reached the river, which formed the boundary between the land of the Macrones and the land of the Scythenians. Above them, on their right, they had a country of the sternest and ruggedest character, and on their left another river, into which the frontier river discharges itself, and which they must cross. This was thickly fringed with trees which, though not of any great bulk, were closely packed. As soon as they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to cut them down in their haste to get out of the place as soon as possible. But the Macrones, armed with wicker shields and lances and hair tunics, were already drawn up to receive them opposite the crossing. They were cheering one another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the river, though they failed to reach the other side or do any harm.

At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xenophon; he had been, he said, a slave at Athens, and he wished to tell him that he recognised the speech of these people. "I think," said he, "that this must be my native country, and if there is no objection I will have a talk with them." "No objection at all," replied Xenophon, "pray talk 5 to them, and ask them first, who they are." In answer to this question they said, "they were Macrones." "Well, then," said he, "ask them why they are drawn up in battle and want to fight with us." They answered, "Because you are invading our country." The generals bade him say: "If so, it is with not intention certainly of doing it or you any harm: but we have been at war with the king, and are now returning to Hellas, and all we want is to reach the sea." The others asked, "Were they willing to give them pledges to that effect?" They replied: "Yes, they were ready to give and receive pledges to that effect." Then the Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the Hellenes a Hellenic lance to them: "for these," they said, "would serve as pledges," and both sides called upon the gods to witness.

After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to vigorously hewing down trees and constructing a road to help them across, mingling freely with the Hellenes and fraternising in their midst, and they afforded them as good as market as they could, and for three days conducted them on their march, until they had brought them safely to the confines of the Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a great mountain chain, which however was accessible, and on it the Colchians were drawn up for battle. In the first instance, the Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle, as though they were minded to assault the hill in that order; but afterwards the generals determined to hold a council of war, and consider how to make the fairest fight.

Accordingly Xenophon said: "I am not for advancing in line, but advise to form companies by columns. To begin with, the line," he urged, "would be scattered and thrown into disorder at once; for we shall find the mountain full of inequalities, it will be pathless here and easy to traverse there. The mere fact of first having formed in line, and then seeing the line thrown into disorder, must exercise a disheartening effect. Again, if we advance several deep, the enemy will none the less overlap us, and turn their superfluous numbers to account as best they like; while, if we march in shallow order, we may fully expect our line to be cut through and through by the thick rain 11 of missiles and rush of men, and if this happen anywhere along the line, the whole line will equally suffer. No; my notion is to form columns by companies, covering ground sufficient with spaces between the companies to allow the last companies of each flank to be outside the enemy's flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be outside the enemy's line, and the best men at the head of their columns will lead the attack, and every company will pick its way where the ground is easy; also it will be difficult for the enemy to force his way into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on both sides; nor will it be easy for him to cut in twain any individual company marching in column. If, too, any particular company should be pressed, the neighbouring company will come to the rescue, or if at any point any single company succeed in reaching the height, from that moment not one man of the enemy will stand his ground."

This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns by companies[1]. Then Xenophon, returning from the right wing to the left, addressed the soldiers. "Men," he said, "these men whom you see in front of you are the sole obstacles still interposed between us and the haven of our hopes so long deferred. We will swallow them up whole, without cooking[2], if we can."

[1] For this formation, see "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a

  military study for all time," by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan,
  C.B.

[2] Or, "we will gobble them up raw." He is thinking of the Homeric

  line ("Iliad", iv. 35) "Perchance wert thou to enter within the
  gates and long walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam's sons and
  all the Trojans, then mightest thou assuage thine anger."--Leaf.

The several divisions fell into position, the companies were formed into columns, and the result was a total of something like eighty companies of heavy infantry, each company consisting on an average of a hundred men. The light infantry and bowmen were arranged in three divisions--two outside to support the left and the right respectively, and the third in the centre--each division consisting of about six hundred men[3].

[3] This suggests 1800 as the total of the peltasts, 8000 as the total

  of the hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to
  100, and under "peltasts" were probably included other light
  troops.

Before starting, the generals passed the order to offer prayer; and 16 with the prayer and battle hymn rising from their lips they commenced their advance. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the light infantry with them, advanced outside the enemy's line to right and left, and the enemy, seeing their advance, made an effort to keep parallel and confront them, but in order to do so, as he extended partly to right and partly to left, he was pulled to pieces, and there was a large space or hollow left in the centre of his line. Seeing them separate thus, the light infantry attached to the Arcadian battalion, under command of Aeschines, an Arcarnanian, mistook the movement for flight, and with a loud shout rushed on, and these were the first to scale the mountain summit; but they were closely followed up by the Arcadian heavy infantry, under command of Cleanor of Orchomenus.

When they began running in that way, the enemy stood their ground no longer, but betook themselves to flight, one in one direction, one in another, and the Hellenes scaled the hill and found quarters in numerous villages which contained supplies in abundance. Here, generally speaking, there was nothing to excite their wonderment, but the numbers of bee-hives were indeed astonishing, and so were certain properties of the honey[4]. The effect upon the soldiers who tasted the combs was, that they all went for the nonce quite off their heads, and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with a total inability to stand steady on their legs. A small dose produced a condition not unlike violent drunkenness, a large one an attack very like a fit of madness, and some dropped down, apparently at death's door. So they lay, hundreds of them, as if there had been a great defeat, a prey to the cruellest despondency. But the next day, none had died; and almost at the same hour of the day at which they had eaten they recovered their senses, and on the third or fourth day got on their legs again like convalescents after a severe course of medical treatment.

[4] "Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of

  honey intoxicating and poisonous. . . . They point out the Azalea
  Pontica as the flower from which the bees imbibe this peculiar
  quality."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 155.

From this place they marched on two stages--seven parasangs--and 22 reached the sea at Trapezus[5], a populous Hellenic city on the Euxine Sea, a colony of the Sinopeans, in the territory of the Colchians. Here they halted about thirty days in the villages of the Colchians, which they used as a base of operations to ravage the whole territory of Colchis. The men of Trapezus supplied the army with a market, entertained them, and gave them, as gifts of hospitality, oxen and wheat and wine. Further, they negotiated with them in behalf of their neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the most part, and from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in the shape of cattle. And now the Hellenes made preparation for the sacrifice which they had vowed, and a sufficient number of cattle came in for them to offer thank-offerings for safe guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to Heracles[6], and to the other gods, according to their vows. They instituted also a gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where they were quartered, and chose Dracontius, a Spartan (who had been banished from home when a lad, having unintentionally slain another boy with a blow of his dagger), to superintend the course, and be president of the games

[5] Trebizond.

[6] Or, "to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles

  thank-offerings for safe guidance," Heracles "the conductor"
  having special sympathy with wanderers.

As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the hides of the beasts to Dracontius, and bade him lead the way to his racecourse. He merely waved his hand and pointed to where they were standing, and said, "There, this ridge is just the place for running, anywhere, everywhere." "But how," it was asked, "will they manage to wrestle on the hard scrubby ground?" "Oh! worse knocks for those who are thrown," the president replied. There was a mile race for boys, the majority being captive lads; and for the long race more than sixty Cretans competed; there was wrestling, boxing, and the pankration[7]. Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle. There was a large number of entries, and the emulation, with their companions, male and female, 27 standing as spectators, was immense. There was horse-racing also; the riders had to gallop down a steep incline to the sea, and then turn and come up again to the altar, and on the descent more than half rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling up the tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud were the shouts, the laughter, and the cheers.

[7] The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing.

BOOK V

[In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account is given of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell them on their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus, where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a friendly soil.]

After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the 1 march. The first speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said: "For my part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together and packing up for a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing battle. The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains, and for the future, since here we have the sea before us, to sail on and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like Odysseus, and so to find myself in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the soldiers showed their approval with loud cries of "well said," and then another spoke to the same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then Cheirisophus got up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap will have it, is now high admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me to him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men-of-war and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will be back ere long." The soldiers were delighted at these words, and 4 voted that Cheirisophus should set sail on his mission without delay.

After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him. Let me tell you what, in my opinion, it is reasonable to do while we are waiting. First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if there were, have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of purchase. Now, the district is hostile, so that if you set off in search of provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we should organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, for the rest, not roam about the country at random. The organisation of the matter should be left to us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to another proposal;" he continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going out to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should in each case before starting inform us of his intent, and in what direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of those who are out and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able to help in preparing and starting the expedition where necessary; and in case of aid or reinforcements being called for, we shall know in what direction to proceed; or, again, if the attempt is to be undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of our experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the strength of those whom they design to attack." This proposal was also carried. "Here is another point," he continued, "to which I would draw your attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us: nor is it unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have appropriated what is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the watch. I propose then that we should have regular outposts round the camp. If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook duty, the enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for your observation; supposing we knew for certain that Cheirisophus must return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need of 10 the remark, but as that is still problematical, I propose that we should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we need, that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually, so we have only to ask the loan of some war-ships from the men of Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them with their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry us. By this course I think we shall not fail of finding the means of transport requisite." That resolution was also passed. He proceeded: "Consider whether you think it equitable to support by means of a general fund the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying kindnesses in kind." That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in case, after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with success, and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the duty of constructing and putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire to be rid of us."

This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did not put the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion, "If you get your roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone." They further got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci[1]. This man altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but slunk off himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. Later on, however, he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was put to death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley, the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and 16 that officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he could lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they used the ships themselves for transport service on the coast. While matters stood at this point, the Hellenes used to make forays with varying success; sometimes they captured prey and sometimes they failed. On one occasion Cleanetus led his own and another company against a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of his party.

[1] A native of the country parts of Laconia.

The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions, 1 going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this, Xenophon took some guides from the Trapezuntines and led half the army out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights above; on the other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to places where it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drilae, from whom they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up into mountainous and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the most warlike people of any in the Pontus.

But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to all their fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and beat a retreat; and except here and there a stray pig or bullock or other animal which had escaped the fire there was nothing to capture; but there was one fastness which served as their metropolis: into this the different streams of people collected; round it ran a tremendously deep ravine, and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the light infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities of sheep and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels followed a number of those who had set out on the foray armed with spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to more than two thousand. But, finding that they could not take the place by 5 a coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up some breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a close-packed row of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back, but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress into the ravine only admitted of moving in single file. Under the circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy infantry. The messenger came and delivered his message: "There is a fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it, it is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and deliver battle, and the return is difficult."

On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position, while he himself with the officers crossed over to determine whether it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring over the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be taken. In favour of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat must cost many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think, they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on the victims, for the seers had announced, that there would be a battle, but that the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to bring the heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn off all the light infantry and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood, these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he--the general--was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the light infantry and archers respectively to march with the javelin on its thong and the arrow to the string, ready at the word "shoot" to discharge their missiles, while the light troops were to have their wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly, he despatched his 12 adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.

And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants and all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their several places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the crescent-like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the notes of the battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a thrilling cry in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the heavy infantry at full speed under cover of a storm of missiles, lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled from the hand with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought firebrands to bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying aside their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken, as they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and began snatching what each man could. Xenophon the while, posted at the gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after a lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running back, some still clutching what they had seized; and presently here and there a wounded man; and mighty was the jostling about the portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel within and enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and beating the fellows inside.

At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all who are minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and the counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed over the stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel everything was sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy infantry took up their position, some about the stockades, others 19 along the road leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers meantime considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so, their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very difficult to get away. As the result of their deliberations they agreed that the place was impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the palisading which faced themselves; further, they sent away all who were useless or who had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind men whom they could severally depend on.

But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this side and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to make off were alike dangerous, and night approaching was full of terrors. But in the midst of their fighting and their despair some god gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a house on the right hand, and as this gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the right took to their heels and fled.

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly, with the result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The men immediately at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their descent. Here then the word was passed for all who were out of range to bring up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them on fire; they also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, so as to occupy the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty, and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and the 27 enemy; and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading, and everything belonging to it except the citadel.

Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions; but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the name of his nation (Mysus)[1], took ten of the Cretans and halted in some thick brushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields, which were of brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly making its descent; and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the signal was given to the Mysian to flee as fast as he could, and he, springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the party, that is the Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race," left the road and plunged into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were saved. The Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety.

[1] Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by

  name."

III

Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was 1 insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they resolved to depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and all the baggage which the solders were not absolutely forced to take for their own use. The two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put in charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed their march, for the road was now completely constructed. Continuing their march that day and the next, on the third they reached Cerasus, a Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there was a review and numbering of the troops under arms, when there were found to be eight 3 thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest had perished at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease.

At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the Ephesians was divided between the generals, each of whom took a portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Asinaean[1] taking on behalf of Cheirisophus.

[1] I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93

  situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo,
  however, speaks of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means
  Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's "Dict. Geog.
  (s.v.)"

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among the treasures of the Athenians at Delphi[2]. It was inscribed with his own name and that of Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The gift for Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by him in Asia at the time when he left that part of the world himself with Agesilaus on the march into Boeotia[3]. He left it behind in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event of his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him the deposit; but should any evil happen to him, then he was to cause to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis, whatsoever thing he thought would be pleasing to the goddess.

[2] Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at

  Delphi.

[3] I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus

  was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the
  battle of Coronea, are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of
  the "Hellenica."

In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus[4], a place which lies on 7 the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia as a spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit. Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at a point indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had its own Selinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and mussels are to be found. On the estate at Scillus there is hunting and shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are.

[4] Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the

  Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C.
  392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.C. 400,
  "Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to renounce their
  supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and
  eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens.
  Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is
  said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of
  Leuctra, in B.C. 371.--"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place,
  and of Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood
  of the modern village of Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To
  reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must cross the
  Alpheus.

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbours, men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess herself provided for the banqueters meat and loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with portions of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of those which were slain in the chase; for Xenophon's own lads, with the lads of the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against the festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join. The game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from Pholoe[5], pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from the temple of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the pilgrims passing to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made, not of gold, but of cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column bearing this inscription:-- THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE WHO HOLDS IT AND ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE 13 PRODUCE. AND FROM THE RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF ANY MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL LOOK TO IT THAT THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.

[5] Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of

  Erymanthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating
  the waters of the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus
  --"Dict. Geog." (Elis).

From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops 1 being conveyed by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When they had reached the frontiers of the Mossynoecians[1] they sent to him Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos[2] of the Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their territory as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds, replied that they would not give them passage. It was then that Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians on the farther side of the country were hostile to these members of the tribe; and it was resolved to invite the former to make an alliance, if they wished it. So Timesitheus was sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their arrival there was a conference of the Mossynoecian chiefs and the generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech which Timesitheus interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our desire is to reach Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must needs go by foot, but these people who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon you, and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us about our business, consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will you ever again obtain so strong a force to help you?" To this the chief of the Mossynoecians made answer:--that the proposal was in accordance with their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good," said Xenophon, "but to what use do you propose to put us, if we become your allies? And what will you in turn be able to do to assist our passage?" They replied: "We can make an incursion into this country hostile to yourselves and us, from the opposite side, and also send 10 you ships and men to this place, who will aid you in fighting and conduct you on the road."

[1] I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94;

  vii. 78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41.

[2] Or, "consul."

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next day they returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of a single trunk. There were three men in each, two of whom disembarked and fell into rank, whilst the third remained. Then the one set took the boats and sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who remained marshalled themselves in the following way. They stood in rows of about a hundred each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus, standing vis-a-vis to one another, and all bearing wicker shields, made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, with a lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end of the shaft.

Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees and in texture closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on their heads they wore leathern helmets just like the Paphlagonian helmet, with a tuft of hair in the middle, as like a tiara in shape as possible. They carried moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them gave, as it were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up the strain and the step, followed singing and marking time. Passing through the various corps and heavy armed battalions of the Hellenes, they marched straight against the enemy, to what appeared the most assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in front of the city, or mother city, as it is called, which latter contains the high citadel of the Mossynoecians. This citadel was the real bone of contention, the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no right to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had seized what was really common property.

Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the orders of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced, the enemy for a while kept quiet; but as they got near the place, they 16 made a sortie and routed them, killing several of the barbarians as well as some of the Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued them until they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they turned round and made off, first cutting off the heads of the dead men and flaunting them in the face of the Hellenes and of their own private foes, dancing the while and singing in a measured strain. But the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their foes had only been rendered bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed part of the expedition had turned tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a thing which had not happened previously during the whole expedition. So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows: "Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be sure that good no less than evil will be the result; for to begin with, you now know certainly that those who are going to guide us are in very deed hostile to those with whom necessity drives us to quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our own body, these Hellenes who have made so light of orderly array and conjoint action with ourselves, as though they must needs achieve in the company of barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty and been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to leave our ranks. But you must be prepared to show these friendly barbarians that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like yourselves another."

Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they sacrificed and finding the victims favourable, they breakfasted, formed the companies into columns, and with their barbarians arranged in similar order on their left, began their march. Between the companies were the archers only slightly retired behind the front of the heavy infantry, on account of the enemy's active light troops, who ran down and kept up volleys of stones. These were held in check by the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by step the mass marched on, first to the position from which the barbarians and those with them had been driven two days back, and where the enemy were now drawn 23 up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the barbarians first grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle until the heavy infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the heavy troops in unbroken order followed. As soon as they were up at the houses of the capital, there and then the enemy, collecting all together in one strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their javelins, or else clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy for a man to wield, and did their best to ward off the attack at close quarters.

But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in his wooden tower or mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits and there they maintain him, all at the common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come forth, as did also those in the fortress first taken, and so were burnt to a cinder where they were, their mossyns, themselves, and all. The Hellenes, pillaging and ransacking these places, discovered in the different houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile, "the ancestral stores," as the Mossynoecians told them; but the new corn was laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, and this was for the most part spelt. Slices of dolphin were another discovery, in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and pickled; and there was blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the Mossynoecians used precisely as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large stores of nuts on the upper floor, the broad kind without a division[3]. This was also a chief article of food with them--boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.

[3] I.e. "chestnuts."

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march, having first delivered the stronghold to their allies among the Mossynoecians. As for the other strongholds belonging to tribes allied with their foes, which they passed en route, the most accessible were either deserted by their inhabitants or gave in their adhesion 30 voluntarily. The following description will apply to the majority of them: the cities were on an average ten miles apart, some more, some less; but so elevated is the country and intersected by such deep clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their cries would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their march, they came upon a friendly population, these would entertain them with exhibitions of fatted children belonging to the wealthy classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts until they were as white as white can be, of skin plump and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they were long, with their backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with patterns of all sorts of flowers. They sought after the women in the Hellenic army, and would fain have laid with them openly in broad daylight, for that was their custom. The whole community, male and female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned.

It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people that they had passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest removed from the Hellenic customs, doing in a crowd precisely what other people would prefer to do in solitude, and when alone behaving exactly as others would behave in company, talking to themselves and laughing at their own expense, standing still and then again capering about, wherever they might chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as if their sole business were to show off to the rest of the world.

Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the 1 Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These were a people few in number, and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their livelihood was for the most part derived from mining and forging iron.

Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians was far more level, and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were less strong, whether by art or nature. The generals wanted to attack these places, so that the army might get some pickings, and they would not accept the gifts of hospitality which came in from the 2 Tibarenians, but bidding them wait till they had taken counsel, they proceeded to offer sacrifice. After several abortive attempts, the seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in no wise countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and marching through what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit situated in the territory of the Tibarenians[1].

[1] The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted

  on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field
  near Babylon down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and
  twenty-two stages--that is to say, six hundred and twenty
  parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an
  eight months' march." The words are probably the note of some
  editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author
  himself may have gone through such calculations and even have
  inserted them as a note to his text.

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all sacrificed to the gods, and instituted processions, each set of the Hellenes according to their several tribes, with gymnastic contests. Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from Paphlagonia, partly from the estates of the Cotyorites, for the latter would neither provide them a market nor receive their sick within their walls.

Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought in tribute, but also for the territory which, as they had heard, was being pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp and made a speech. Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us to offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your victories over the barbarians; and next, to express our joyful satisfaction that you have surmounted all those terrible sufferings of which we have heard, and have reached this place in safety. As Hellenes we claim to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes, kindness and not harm. We have certainly not ourselves set you an example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the Cotyorites are our colonists. It was we who gave them this country to dwell in, having 10 taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they, with the men of Cerasus and Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that, whatever mischief you inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of Sinope takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear that you have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are quartered in the houses, besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite estates whatever you need, by hook and by crook. Now against these things we enter protest. If you mean to go on so doing, you will drive us to make friends with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, or any one else we can find."

To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and said: "As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well content to have saved our bodies and our arms. Indeed it was impossible at one and the same moment to keep our enemies at bay and to despoil them of their goods and chattels. And now, since we have reached Hellenic cities, how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they gave us a market, and we paid for our provisions at a fair market price. In return for the honour they did us, and the gifts of hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour. Where the barbarian was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury; or under their escort, we did damage to their enemies to the utmost of our power. Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are here, some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and the state of Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to act as our guides.

"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of insolence but from necessity. There have been tribes like the Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they were not subject to the great king, yet were no less formidable than independent. These we had to bring over by our arms. The necessity of getting provisions forced us; since they refused to offer us a market. Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of their being barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because they did provide us with the best market in their power, and we took no single 18 thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you claim to be your people, if we have taken aught from them, they have themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but shut their gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within nor furnish us with a market without. The only justification they alleged was that your governor[2] had authorised this conduct.

[2] Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the

  islands and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during
  their supremacy, came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek
  communities under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives
  a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies
  here mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr.
  G. A. Macmillan), p. 63.

"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did. We requested them to receive our sick and wounded under cover; and when they refused to open their gates, we walked in where the place itself invited us. All the violence we have committed amounts to this, that our sick folk are quartered under cover, paying for their expenses, and we keep a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and wounded may not lie at the mercy of your governor, but we may have it in our power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us, you observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular rank and file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kindness, but to repel evil vigorously. And as for your threat," he said, once again turning to the spokesman, "that you will, if it suits you, make alliance with Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we have no objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have already fought others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if it suits us,' as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend (report says that he has a hankering after your city and some other places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of our friendship by helping to win for him what he covets."

Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his remarks, and one of them stept forward to explain that their intention in coming was not at all to raise a war, but on the contrary to demonstrate their friendliness. 24 "And if you come to Sinope itself," the speaker continued, "we will welcome you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can; for we can see that every word of what you say is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites sent gifts of hospitality, and the generals of the Hellenes entertained the ambassadors of the Sinopeans. Many and friendly were the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on things in general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries and satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the march.