Race in Singapore

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The concept of 'race' in contemporary Singapore combines British colonial attitudes with the approach taken by leaders of local anti-colonial movements. The definition of 'race' in Singapore has changed little since the 1960s, despite the fact that it is somewhat out of step with both contemporary scientific thinking as well as the approach taken by many other countries.[citation needed] However, the Singapore approach to race does closely mirror the approach taken by its closest neighbour and historical hinterland, Malaysia.

Historically, the word race in Singapore was used to describe a great multiplicity of ethnic groups. These include 'Shanghainese', 'Japanese', 'Sikhs', 'Armenians', 'Arab' and 'Javanese', amongst others. Clearly, these were broad and sometimes overlapping groups, and they were drawn along various geographical, linguistic, religious and political lines. Often, these were the terms in which ordinary people identified themselves in relation to others, and would often have constituted their primary ethnic identity.

In early 20th century Singapore, the largely immigrant local Asian population was influenced by and caught up with the rise of modern ideological movements in their ancestral homelands. These included nationalist and anti-colonial independence movements, as well as cultural and religious reformist movements. These movements, especially in China, India and Malaysia, tended to emphasise wider 'national' identities, over more narrow traditional caste, clan or dialect identities. Thus, 'Chinese', 'Indian' and 'Malay' became important identities for Singapore residents, transcending older loyalties.

By the mid-20th century, the consolidation of Chinese and Indian identity was matched by the growing Malay nationalism, and its concomitant anxiety about the large Chinese and Indian immigrant communities in Malaya. Consequently, these three identities became of primary importance in political discourse and how people saw themselves. Government texts and statistics also began to match these new, more important identities, which continued to be called by the old name, 'races'.

Initially, some ethnic groups, usually more privileged minorities, which had historically maintained some distance between themselves and other similar groups, were resistant to the new 'racial' identities. The Peranakans, for example, were slightly hesitant about being absorbed into the 'Chinese' community, as were the Sri Lankan Tamils into the 'Indian' group. However, with time, this has happened, and many of these old communities have started to dissolve into the larger groups. Inter-marriage between sub-racial ethnic groups is, anecdotally, far more common than across racial lines. For example, it would be more common to find a Malayalee marrying a Tamil, or a Hokkien (Min Nan speaker) marrying a Cantonese, than to see a Chinese marrying a Malay or Indian, although inter-marriage does occur in some numbers as well.

In the case of the Chinese, allied or related 'racial' groups like the Japanese have always been counted as a separate racial category in Singapore, and they continue to be counted in the 'other' races category. Likewise, Thais and Filipinos are categorised as such, rather than as the, presumambly racially similar[citation needed], Malays. Only among the Indians, who ironically would appear to display greater internal racial diversity, have all the countries of South Asia been grouped under a collective 'Indian' racial category.

Race in Singapore is traced according to paternal ancestry. Furthermore, no allowance is made for contemporary mixed-race children, except for Eurasians, who existed as a fairly well established racial category prior to independence. Thus Eurasians and their descendants are classified as Eurasian, rather than as 'European'. This was a rule applied by the British, to discourage too much 'dilution' of the European race in Singapore, and to maintain distance from the Asian community.

In contrast, the child of a Chinese father and Malay mother is classified as Chinese. In reality, the father would most likely convert to Islam and adopt a new muslim name. He, and more significantly, his children, would now be part of the Malay-Muslim community, though he might residually still be seen as Chinese by the Chinese community. However, his children and their descendants would be more likely to marry other muslims, who would tend not to be Chinese, and therefore they would tend to become over time, culturally and ethnically, as well as 'racially', more Malay. However, according to the method of racial classification in Singapore, such people would continue to be classed as Chinese.[citation needed]

A similar anomaly can be seen in the case of Chinese baby girls who were adopted by Indian parents. This was a not uncommon phenomenon in early 20th century Singapore, and although the practice has stopped with growing affluence, many of these women are still resident in Singapore. In every linguistic, religious, cultural and ethnic identity sense, these women are Indian. However, despite this, they continue to be seen, officially, as Chinese, which can be a source of some unhappiness for some of them. Nonetheless, as the practice of such adoptions was generally limited to Chinese girls, and as most of these grown up women married Indian men, their children would be classified as Indian.