User talk:Qp10qp/Sandbox3
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- Not clear on the strategy of the siege of Perpignan. The main article talks of an offensive. The lead talks of an attempted invasion of Spain, but this is not followed up.
- What were Francis's aimes in Piedmont. One presumes he was moving on Milan, but this is not spelt out. mention at the beginning of the section. This is a traditional area of conflict going back to Charles VIII. I'm surprised that Milan isn't mentioned in the lead: I don't agree with you that the war doesn't need a larger context. Th ea rticle doesn't mention Charles's appointment of his son Philip as duke of Milan in 1540, a provocative gesture that did as much as anything to destroy the detente established during Charles's visit to France.
- What were the terms opf the truce of Nice, which proved unsatisfactory?
- Who is Jeanne d'Albret?
- What was the Schmalkaldic League? Context of the Reformation. Charles's loos of authority in the empire, echoed by that of French kings after Cateau-Cambrésis. Important context.
- The League demurred. Why? I presume because of his treatment of French Protestants: they were highly influenced by their reforming theologians.
- by 1542, all of the potential French allies in northern Germany had reached their own understandings with the Emperor. Except that we have just been told that Wilhelm of Jülich-Cleves-Berg married Jeanne d'Albret.
- Francis's words "an injury so great..." etc. call out to be placed in the main text, since they are vivid and voice one of his stated reasons for going to war.
- By this point, relations between Francis and Henry VIII had collapsed. Henry—already angered by the French refusal to pay the various pensions, which were owed to him under the terms of past treaties—was now faced with the potential of French interference in Scotland, where he was entangled in the midst of his "Rough Wooing". If by this point, you mean when Francis was dealing with the La Rochelle revolt, this is not so. The "Rough wooing" started at the earliest in late 1543.
- We have nothing about the warfare itself: the fortification of St Dizier by Marini is touched on, but should this be linked to the changes in fortification styles (the Italian trace, and so forth) during this period which made it harder and harder for field armies to move freely and produce decisive results. In terms of the fighting, we have clues to the proportions of artillery to cavalry but not their significance to the evolution of warfare, which was increasingly prone to stalemates and inonclusivity in the second half of the sisteenth century. The increasing cost of warfare, particularly the expense of sieges, on the one hand, and fortification on the other, was surely a reason for Crépy.
- Châlons: didn't enter
- the French fleet soon returned to Boulogne. Were they blockading Boulogne?
- by the time any French aid was to be forthcoming.
- He was not, therefore, in a position to assist the German Protestants, who were now engaged in the Schmalkaldic War against the Emperor; by the time any French aid was to be forthcoming. he did he ever intend to assist them? Did not the secret part of Crépy include Francis's commitment to assist Charles against the German Protestants?
is this Vitry en Perthe
Perpignan: ceded by Charles VIII to Aragon?