Post-Zionism
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Post-Zionism refers to the views of some Israeli and Diaspora Jews and others, particularly in academia, which has developed in Israel in the 1990s, which its main point is to undermine the Zionistic ideology as an ideology which is no more relevant nowadays. This attitude constitutes as part of the global phenomenon of Post-Nationalism, which is part of the process of the Globalization and Postmodernism.
Among the important minority threads within Zionism is one that holds Israelis to be a new nationality, not merely the representatives of world Jewry. The "Canaanite" or "Hebrew Renaissance" movement led by poet Yonatan Ratosh in the 1930s and 1940s was built on this idea. A modern movement based partly on the same idea is known as post-Zionism. There is no agreement as to how this movement should be defined, nor even of who belongs to it, but the most common idea is that Israel should leave behind the concept of a "state of the Jewish people" and instead strive to be a state of all its citizens according to pluralistic democratic values. Many Israeli historians consider "Canaanism" or "Pan-Semitism" to be an aberration beyond the bounds of Zionism. Self-identified post-Zionists differ on many important details, such as the status of the Law of Return. Critics tend to associate post-Zionism with anti-Zionism or postmodernism, both of which claims are strenuously denied by proponents.
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Characteristic of the perceptions of Post-Zionism
Post-Zionism is a term associated to a variety of perceptions and different positions which behind them stands criticism of the main core beliefs prevalent among the different Zionistic groups. Post-Zionists raise different questions which are related to Zionism and to the state of Israel, among them:
- Is the state of Israel indeed a safe shelter for the Jewish nation? Aren't there any other places in the world in which the Jews' conditions is better in a historical point of view? (For example North America)
- Is it really possible to have both a Jewish state and a democracy? Should Israel become a state of all its citizens?
- Is the whole Israeli-Palestinian conflict entirety black and white? Did Israel always maximize its efforts in order to obtain Peace? Should all the blame on the continuation of the conflict drop only on the Arab side?
All the aforementioned questions have also been raised by Zionists, but the post-Zionists mostly emphasize these points in their appeal of Zionism's most basic assumptions.
Post-Zionism in the sociological development framework
Transformations which took place in the in the Israel society in the 1980s and 1990s brought considerable changes to the values and political views which characterize an extensive part of this society. These changes have taken place in the economic field - liberalization of the Israeli economy and its opening to the global market, and also in the breakage of the cultural hegemony of the labor movement, which existed up to that time period. The prominent turning point occurred when the right-wing Likud party won for the first time the election of 1977, which by itself was a manifestation of the strengthening of the more extreme Zionistic positions.
Several changes occurred in this period in tandem, including a reaction to the strengthening of the Zionistic component in the government, still one should not conclude that the numerous changes occurred in tandem happened all because of one factor, and of course one should not relate them all to the phenomenon called "Post-Zionism".
The transformations in the Israeli society which accompany the phenomenon of Post-Zionism are characterized in a number of fields:
- Economic characteristics
- Just as there are no unique economic characteristics to Zionism, which encompasses the full range of economical ideologies, from Marxism, communism, Syndicalism, and until capitalism, there are no unique economic characteristics to Post-Zionism, which also encompasses extreme left-wing components in addition to components which maintain a capitalistic ideology. The capitalistic political view of Free market and the nurturing of individualism was acceptable by great parts of the Zionistic movement in Israel and outside of Israel and one cannot say that it only relates to the Post-Zionism movement only. Even in the Histadrut, the fort of the former socialism, there existed, in the period of the Yishuv, a liberal party, which was not socialist. Still, exists amongst Post-Zionist parties which obtain capitalistic objectives and political views, an undermining on the socialist political views which typified the agenda of the labor party which had a central place in the Zionistic movement. One might see the deprivation of the institutional collective and its historical foundations, as it is reflected from the writings of a considerable part of the "New" sociologists and historians the most radical manifestation of this idea. The position of these communities is expressed in the individualism which sees only the individual's material success as the economic objective of the person, and also in the economical globalization, which supports the opening of the economic system to the economic world system, in contrast with conserving an closed and planned on national economy.
- Cultured characteristics
- These years are characterized in the challenging of the existence of a cultural hegemony in Israel. Different groups undermined the perception of the Melting pot, by which only one Israeli culture existed, and that all of the cultures which joined it had to shed their previous identities, and they began fighting to keep the unique cultural identities of the different communities, Amongst which are Mizrahi Jews, the immigrants from the former Ussr, the Israeli Arabs and more.
- Political characteristics
- Mainly after the Oslo Accords, A new movement started amongst a large part of the left-wings Israelis which believes that the state of Israel should no longer declare itself as a Jewish democratic state, and should rather focus on the democratic aspects. This movement acts to generate a better Social equality in the Israeli society.
Firstly, it is important to point out that the groups in the Israeli society whom are going through those processes aren't necessarily Post-Zionistic. Actually, only a minor percentage of those groups define themselves as such. Secondly, there isn't necessarily an overlapping between the above three fields. Benjamin Netanyahu, for example, might be compatible to several post Zionists in the economical aspects, but is actually more Zionist in all other aspects.
Post Zionism as an intellectual movement
Modern post-Zionism is closely associated with the New Historians, a school of historical revisionism which examines the history of Israel and Zionism in light of declassified government documents, with an eye to uncovering events hitherto downplayed or suppressed by Zionist historians – especially those pertaining to the dispossession of the Palestinians, which the New Historians argue was central to the creation of the state of Israel.
The new proclaimed Post-Zionists - are intellectuals, and mainly academy people, whom consider themselves, or are considered by others to be Post-Zionists. The ones whom hold this political position undermine the Zionist Narrative, while confronting with other narratives, mainly the Palestinian narrative. By doing so, they request to point out the antithesis and contradictions which exist in the Zionist narrative, as they claim, like the impossible combination of having a Jewish and democratic and state, the antithesis between the Purity of Arms myth and the actual actions of the IDF, etc.
Although several intellectuals exist which consider themselves to be 'Post-Zionists', many other aren't willing to adopt this nickname. Actually, this nickname serves a lot as a derogatory nickname, to describe a person whom his extreme opinions removed him outside of the Zionistic movement. Therefore, there aren't many intellectuals whom are willing to officially refer to themselves as such.
In the beginning the 1990s there began to appear publicized articles by people of the Israeli academy which referred to themselves as Post-Zionists, and this was mostly in the aftermath of a considerable public discussion which took place for a long while on the issues surrounding the events of the War of Independence, under the caption "The New Historians". The public ambience in the aftermath of the Oslo Accords, which presumed that the Arab-Israeli conflict was in front of a conclusion, contributed even more to the development of this tendency. Since the start of the Second Intifada the ambience has changed tremendously, and since then as many perceive, the Post-Zionistic tendency has been in regression.
On the other hand, the Post Zionists historians were accused in adopting the Palestinian narrative without any doubts and in the demonization and de-legitimation of Israel and Zionism.
In contrast to the Jewish state being the aim of political Zionism, many Post-Zionists advocate the evolution of Israel into a non-ideological, secular, liberal democratic state which is officially neither Jewish nor Arab in character.
Post-Zionism as Anti-Zionism
Post-Zionism shows obvious affinity towards Anti-Zionism, as many of its aims are the same. Indeed, it has been criticized as being no more than a re-casting of Anti-Zionist objection, and has been thus labeled as deceiving terminology.[1]
See also
- Category:Post-Zionists, people who self-identify as proponents of Post-Zionism.
- Anti-Zionism - Neo-Zionism
- Historical revisionism
- Critical theory
- Deconstruction
References
External links
- Meyrav Wurmser: Post- Zionism and the Sephardi Question, Middle East Quarterly, some Jews from Arab countries have second thoughts.
- The Idea of Post-Zionism and its critique by Avishai Ehrich.
- Resources and articles on Post-Zionism from the World Zionist Organization, tends to be critical.
- Can Israel Survive Post-Zionism by Meyrav Wurmser
- Grappling with Post-Zionism by Paul J. White
- PLO Financed Academic Fraud at the University of Haifa, Dr. Aaron Lerner IMRA September 1, 2002
- Post-Zionism only rings once by Neri Livneh from Haaretz
