Politics and Government of Somaliland
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The Politics and Government of Somaliland take place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, with the President as head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in two chambers of parliament, the House of Representatives and the House of Elders.
The three major clans of Somaliland come from the Isaaq, the Dir (Gadabuursi and Ciise) and Harti/Darood (Warsangeli and Dulbahante) clan. Although comprised of multiple clans, Somaliland has managed to transcend clan differences by uniting through its independent and self-determining political culture, as well as collective fear of domination by the south. Lack of international recognition has meant that Somaliland has not had access to forms of government support for peace-building and reconstruction, although international aid organizations have done much to help restore essential services and infrastructure, clear land mines, reintegrate displaced populations, promote indigenous welfare organizations, and, more recently, to strengthen government bodies. As a result, Somaliland has performed much of its political reconstruction indigenously.
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[edit] Background
Somaliland has formed a hybrid system of governance combining traditional and western institutions. In a series of inter-clan conferences, culminating in the Borama Conference in 1993, a qabil (clan or community) system of government was constructed, which consisted of an Executive, with a President, Vice President, and Council of Ministers; a bicameral Legislature; and an independent judiciary. The traditional Somali council of elders (guurti) was incorporated into the governance structure and formed the upper house, responsible for selecting a President as well as managing internal conflicts. Government became in essence a "power-sharing coalition of Somaliland's main clans," with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to a pre-determined formula. In 2002, after several extensions of this interim government, Somaliland finally made the transition to multi-party democracy, with district council elections contested by six parties, considered the "most peaceful in Africa for twenty years."
The district elections also determined which parties were allowed to contest the parliamentary and presidential elections, where a party was required to demonstrate at least twenty percent of the popular vote from four out of the six regions. This important caveat insured that parties would focus on consensus building and would not organize around ethnic lines. Subsequently, three parties were selected to submit presidential candidates: the United Democratic Peoples’ Party (UDUB), Kulmiye, and the Party for Justice and Welfare (UCID). On April 14, 2003, 488,543 voters participated in the presidential elections, which ran more or less smoothly. The result was a slim eighty vote controversial victory for UDUB over the Kulmiye, complicated by allegations of ballot stuffing against the incumbent UDUB. Despite calls for the Kulmiye to form a rival government, the party’s leadership did not do so, instead choosing to abide by the Supreme Court ruling that declared UDUB’s victory. Despite minor demonstrations, the transition to the presidency of Daahir Rayaale Kaahin proceeded peacefully. This transition, combined with the fact that Kaahin was not a member of the dominant Isaaq clan, speaks volumes about the inter-clan commitment to peace-building and the rule of law. It could be, according to Steve Kibble, "the first indigenous modern African form of government." Without a doubt, the Somaliland government holds legitimacy in the eyes of its own people.
Somaliland boasts a constitution, a functional parliament and government ministries, an army, a police force, judiciary, and many of the signs of statehood, including a flag, currency, and passports. Nonetheless, it faces some significant problems to its continued survival. Like other Somali governments, it lacks a consistent taxation base and receives most of its support from private actors. Corruption remains a problem, women are virtually unrepresented in government, and there are growing concerns about voting patterns based on ethnic lines as well as the majority that UDUB has gained over both the regional councils and presidency as well as the parliament. Moreover, the large part of Somalilanders still harbor vivid memories of a predatory and extractive central state and are therefore wary of the construction of any strong central authority; this is evident in the importance placed on the role of the regional councils in dealing with local problems.
Somaliland was a British Protectorate for over 80 years during the colonial period. In 1960, it gained independence but formed a hasty union with former Italian Somaliland to create the Somali Republic. In 1969 Mohamed Siad Barre’s military coup brought Somalia’s flirtation with democracy to an end and planted the seeds of a secessionist struggle in Somaliland. This struggle culminated in a brutal three-year civil war in which 50,000 people were killed and half a million refugees fled. Between 1988 and 1991, Barre’s forces massacred civilians, laid over two million mines and reduced cities to rubble.
In 1991, the overthrow of Barre’s regime plunged Somalia into a state of chaos from which it is yet to emerge. On the other hand Somaliland, despite setbacks in 1994 and 1996, since its declaration as an independent state has managed to prosper and, as I.M. Lewis observes, assisted in no small part by its trade in livestock with Saudi Arabia "normal social life was returning to a capital widely reported to be the safest in Africa,"[1] Lewis reports the opening of a successful weddings bureau, that Hargeisa enjoys functioning traffic lights, the creation of two universities "of approximately the same standard as the old university institute founded by the Italians in Mogadishu" and the impressive Edna Adan maternity hospital. This state of affairs led Lewis to comment on
- The ironic paradox in the summer of 2002 was that, while a government did not actually exist in Mogadishu, it was recognized and disingenuously promoted by the U.N.; in contrast, the functioning and democratically elected Somaliland government, that owed virtually everything to its own efforts remained unrecognized.[2]
What is most remarkable about this progress is that it has been achieved with virtually no external help. Whilst economic development has been heavily supported by Somalilanders in the Diaspora, lack of international recognition has meant that Somaliland does not qualify for bilateral aid or support from international financial institutions. This international isolation has not, however, resulted in isolationism. Lack of access to external aid has forced this country of 3.5-million people to become more self-reliant than many other African states. This self-reliance is reflected in what is perhaps the most significant of Somaliland’s achievements: its system of government.
Rather than having a Western democratic model of governance imposed on them from outside, Somaliland has managed to fuse Western-style institutions of government with its own traditional forms of social and political organization. Its bicameral parliament reflects this fusion of traditional and modern, with the senate consisting of traditional elders, and the House of Representatives consisting of elected representatives.
However, with its history of ‘tribalism’ and internecine fighting, the key challenge for Somaliland’s new parliament is to try and replace clan-based politics with party politics. For its first twelve years, Somaliland had no political parties but instead followed more traditional clan-based forms of political organization. Political parties were introduced during the presidential elections and it was hoped that the recent parliamentary elections would help to usher in a representative system without allowing representation to be overtly clan-based. Clearly, if clan loyalties were to take precedence over party loyalties, parliament would be seriously weakened. The traditional clan-based political system had resulted in an under representation of some clans and it was hoped that having just three parties (all non-clan-based) would reduce the extent to which clan allegiance affected the selection of candidates and the way in which people voted. A limited number of political parties would force alliances between clans to develop thereby increasing integration and pluralism between the various clans inhabiting the country.
In the traditional clan system it is the male elders who make decisions, and during the nomination process, many candidates were indeed selected by elders along clan lines. The male dominated nature of the selection process was reflected in the fact that only seven of the 246 candidates were female. There was also evidence that political parties often chose candidates based on their perceived popularity and support base. Whilst the absence of voter registration makes it hard to analyse voter patterns, it would seem from the results that there is some evidence that regional voting patterns reflect clan preferences. There is also evidence however, that alliances were sought between subgroups of different major clans across regions under the different party umbrellas. This would indicate that, although tribalism inevitably played some part in the election, it has been weakened. It will nevertheless be interesting to see how party loyalties will be negotiated against clan interests in the new parliament.
In 2005 Somaliland joined the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO), an international organization dedicated to the promotion of the right to self-determination. The UN still says there are some boundaries Somalialand will have to cross before it is recognized.
On March 1, 2006, the Welsh Assembly invited Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi, the speaker of the Somaliland parliament to the opening of a new Assembly building. Mr. Abdillahi said that Somaliland sees his invitation "as a mark of recognition by the National Assembly for Wales that [Somaliland has] legitimacy." The Somali community in Wales numbers 8-10,000, most of whom come from Somaliland.
In December 2006 representatives of the Somaliland Parliament again attended the Welsh Assembly receiving a standing ovation from its members. Two months earlier the Assembly approved the establishment of an aid budget for Africa. These moves were approved by the UK Foreign Office and Department for International Development and are seen as an attempt by the UK to encourage and reward the authorities in its former colony while avoiding the issue of formal recognition. [3]
[edit] Executive Branch
| Office | Name | Party | Since |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | Dahir Riyale Kahin | UDUB | 2002 |
See also: List of Somaliland politicians
[edit] Legislative Branch
The Parliament (Baarlamaanka) has two chambers. The House of Representatives (Golaha Wakiilada) has 82 members, elected for a five year term. The House of Elders (Golaha Guurtida) has 82 members, representing traditional leaders.
[edit] Political parties and elections
Somaliland elects on national level a head of state (the president) and a legislature. The president is elected by the people for a five year term.
[edit] 2005 Parliamentary election
| Parties | Votes | % | Seats |
|---|---|---|---|
| UDUB For Unity, Democracy, and Independence (Ururka dimuqraadiga ummadda bahawday) | 261,449 | 39.0 | 33 |
| KULMIYE Peace, Unity, and Development Party (KULMIYE Nabad, Midnimo iyo horumar) | 228,328 | 34.1 | 28 |
| UCID For Justice and Development (Ururka Caddaalada iyo Daryeelka) | 180,545 | 26.9 | 21 |
| Total | 680,322 | 100.0 | 82 |
| Invalid votes | 4,585 | ||
| Total votes cast | 674,907 | ||
| Source: IRI | |||
[edit] 2003 Presidential election
| Candidates - Nominating parties | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|
| Dahir Riyale Kahin - For Unity, Democracy, and Independence | 205,595 | 42.08 |
| Ahmed M. Mahamoud Silanyo - Peace, Unity, and Development Party | 205,515 | 42.07 |
| Faysal Cali Warabe - For Justice and Development | 77,433 | 15.85 |
[edit] Dahir Riyale Kahin's Cabinet
- President: Dahir Riyale Kahin
- Minister of foreign affairs: Abdillahi Mohamed Dualeh
- Minister of state for foreign affairs: Said Mohamed Nuur
- Minister of planning: Ali Ibrahim Mohamed
- Minister of resettlement and rehabilitation: Abshir Ahmed Hussein
- Minister of defence: Adan Mire Mohamed
- Minister of water and mineral resources: Qasim Sheekh Yusuf
- Minister of sports: Mohamoud Said Mohamed
- Minister of justice: Ahmed Hasan Ali
- Minister of agriculture: Adan Ahmed Elmi
- Minister of interior: Abdillahi Ismail Ali
- Minister of finance: Huseen Ali Duale
- Minister of information: Ahmed Haji Dahir Elmi
- Minister of education: Hassan Haji Mohamoud
- Minister of commerce and industry: Osman Qassim Qodax
- Minister of religion: Sh. Mohamed Sh Mohamoud
- Minister of fisheries: Mohamoud Oday
- Minister of livestock: Dr. Idiris
- Minister of range and rural development: Fuad Adan Adde
- Minister of tourism and culture: Osman Bile Ali
- Minister of health and labour: Abdillahi Hussein Iman
- Minister of civil aviation: Ali Mohamed
- Minister of presidency: Nuh Mohamed Osman
- Minister for public works: Siciid Sulub
- Minister of state for reconstruction, resettlement and rehabilitation: Yasin Fardoon
- Minister of state for interior: Aw Adan Ali Saeed
- Minister of relations with houses of parliament: Abdi Hassan Buuni
- Minister of post and telecommunications: Liban Ducaleh
- Minister for family affairs and social development: Fadumo Hassan Sudi
- Minister of state for public work: Adan Ahmed Mohamoud
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ Lewis, A Modern history, p. 306
- ^ Lewis, A Modern history, p. 307
- ^ "Somaliland: Wales Strikes Out On Its Own In Its Recognition of Somaliland", Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, 6 Mar 2005.
[edit] External links
| Presidents of Somaliland |  |
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|---|---|---|
| Abdirahman Ahmed Ali Tour | Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal | Dahir Riyale Kahin | ||
