Park Chung-hee
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- This is a Korean name; the family name is Park.
| Park Chung-hee 박정희 朴正熙 |
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5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th President of South Korea
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| In office 1963 (chairman of the SCNR 1961-63) – 1979 |
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| Preceded by | Yoon Po-son |
| Succeeded by | Choi Kyu-ha |
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| Born | September 30, 1917 Gumi-si, North Gyeongsang, Japanese-ruled Korea |
| Died | October 26, 1979 (aged 62) Seoul, South Korea |
| Nationality | Korean |
| Political party | Democratic Republican |
| Spouse | Yuk Young-soo |
| Religion | Buddhism |
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Park Chung-hee (November 14, 1917 – October 26, 1979) was a former ROK Army general and the leader of the Republic of Korea from 1961 to 1979. He has been credited with the industrialization of the Republic of Korea through export-led growth, but is also heavily criticized for his authoritarian way of ruling the country (especially after 1971), sending troops to support the United States in the Vietnam War. He was named one of the top 100 Asians of the Century by Time Magazine (1999).
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[edit] Birth
Park was born in Seonsan, a small town in Gumi-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do near Daegu. He was the eighth child (two of whom died in infancy) from a family of modest means. His father was Park Seong-bin (age 46 at the time) and his mother was Baek Nam-hui (age 45).[1]
Park came from an undistinguished local branch of Goryeong Park descent group.[2]
Park won admission to Daegu Teacher's Gymnasium, which was a favored highschool for prospective primary teachers. He entered on April 8, 1932 and graduated on March 25, 1937, after five years of study. His formative years coincided with the Japanese invasion of China, starting with the Manchurian incident in 1931 and culminating in all-out war in 1937.
He went on to teach for several years in Mungyeong, where the primary school has been preserved as a museum.
[edit] Military career
Park won admission to a two-year training program in Manchukuo, the Japanese puppet state in Manchuria. Under the Japanese policy of sōshi-kaimei, he adopted the Japanese-style name Masao Takaki (高木正雄).[3] He graduated from the Manchukuo military academy at the top of his class in 1942. He then was selected for another two years of training at the Imperial Japanese Army Academy in Tokyo as a warrant officer of the Imperial Japanese Army. After graduating third in his class in 1944, he became an officer of the Manchukuo Imperial Army, and was promoted to lieutenant before the end of the Pacific War in 1945.
[edit] Post World War II
In the aftermath of Japan's defeat in World War II, under his communist elder brother's influence, Park joined a communist group, the South Korean Workers' Party, in the American occupation zone, which later became South Korea. Park was involved in a rebellion in Yeosu and Suncheon, Jeollanam-do, led by units of the new American-supported army. Park was arrested and sentenced to life in prison, but released soon after revealing names of communist participants to the South Korean authorities. He was then released and left the army in dishonor. However; the outbreak of the Korean War enabled him to be reinstated, and he served the new nation fighting against the communists.
[edit] Ascension to presidency
Syngman Rhee, the first president of Republic of Korea, was forced out of office on April 26, 1960 as an aftermath of the April 19 Movement, a student-led uprising. A new government took office on August 13. This was a short-lived period of parliamentary rule in Republic of Korea with a figurehead president, Yoon Po-son, in response to the authoritarian excesses and corruption of the Rhee administration. Real power rested with Prime Minister Chang Myon.
Yoon and Chang did not command the respect of the majority of the Democratic Party. They could not agree on the composition of the cabinet and Chang attempted to hold the tenuous coalition together by reshuffling cabinet positions three times within five months.
[edit] Political background
Meanwhile, the new government was caught between an economy that was suffering from a decade of mismanagement and corruption by the Rhee presidency and the students who had led to Rhee's ouster. The students were regularly filling the streets, making numerous and wide-ranging demands for political and economic reforms. Law and order could not be maintained because the police, long an instrument of the Rhee government, were demoralized and had been completely discredited by the public. Continued factional wrangling caused the public to turn away from the party.
[edit] Coup d'état
Seizing the moment, Major General Park Chung-hee led a bloodless military coup (called the 5.16 Revolution) on May 16, 1961, a coup largely welcomed by a general populace exhausted by political chaos. Although Prime Minister Chang resisted the coup efforts, President Yoon sided with the junta and persuaded the United States Eighth Army and the commanders of various South Korean army units not to interfere with the new rulers. Soon, he was promoted to Lieutenant General.
The Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) was created on June 19, 1961 to prevent a countercoup and to suppress all potential enemies, domestic and international. It was to have not only investigative power, but also the power to arrest and detain anyone suspected of wrongdoing or harboring antijunta sentiments. The KCIA extended its power to economic and foreign affairs under its first director, Colonel (retired) Kim Jong-pil, a relative of Park and one of the original planners of the coup.
President Yoon remained in office to provide legitimacy to the regime, but resigned on March 22, 1962. Park Chung-hee was the real power as chairman of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction with rank of General. Following pressure from the Kennedy administration in the United States, a civilian government was restored, with Park narrowly winning the 1963 election as the candidate of the newly-created Democratic Republican Party over Yoon, candidate of the Civil Rule Party. He was re-elected in 1967, again defeating Yoon by a narrow margin.
[edit] First two terms as president
[edit] Economic reform
Park is generally credited as playing a pivotal role in the development of South Korea's economy by shifting its focus to export-oriented industrialization. When he came to power in 1961, South Korean per capita income was only USD 72, and North Korea was a greater economic and military power on the peninsula because North Korea was industrialized under the Japanese regime due to huge amount of economic, technical and financial aid which came from the Soviet Union and other communist block countries as East Germany and Poland. During Park's tenure, per capita income increased twentyfold, and South Korea's rural, undeveloped economy was transformed into an industrial powerhouse. Even Kim Dae-jung, one of Park's most prominent opponents during his rule, has retrospectively praised him for his role in creating the modern-day South Korea. [1]
Park's leadership saw a remarkable development of industries and rise in the standard of living of average South Korean citizens during his presidency. Many still question Park's judgment, however, as his 1965 normalization of diplomatic relations with Japan had been extremely unpopular and resulted in widespread unrest as memories from Japan's 36-year brutal colonization of Korea proved vivid. However, by normalizing relations with Japan, Park allowed Japanese capital to flow into the country. These aids and loans -- although criticized by many Koreans to be too meager for the 36 years of occupation by Imperial Japan -- along with American aid, helped to restore the depleted capital of South Korea. Nonetheless, it must be noted that with North Korea's economy at the time being bigger and more vibrant than that of South Korea, Park did not have many options or much time to negotiate for more fitting reparations and apologies. This issue still plagues Japan and South Korea's relationship today.
[edit] Creation of agencies to oversee economic development
- The Economic Planning Board (EPB)
- The Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI)
- The Ministry of Finance (MoF)
[edit] Authoritarianism
On the debit side, Park clamped down on personal freedoms under the provisions of a state of emergency dating to the Korean War. Constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and the press meant little. The KCIA retained broad powers of arrest and detention. Under Park Chung-hee's regime, political opponents were subject to arbitrary detention, and torture.[4]
The electoral system was also heavily rigged in favor of Park's Democratic Republican Party, which routinely won large majorities in the National Assembly. Opposition parties and leaders were subjected to varying degrees of official harassment. In spite of this, Park was narrowly reelected in 1967 against Yoon.
[edit] Yusin Constitution
The Constitution of 1963 barred a South Korean president from seeking a third consecutive term. However, with the assistance of the KCIA, Park's allies in the legislature succeeded in amending the Constitution to allow the current president--himself--to run for three consecutive terms. In 1971, Park won another squeaker, this time over Kim Dae-jung in the presidential election.
Just after being sworn in for his third term, Park declared a state of emergency "based on the dangerous realities of the international situation." In October 1972, he dissolved Parliament and suspended the Constitution. In December, a new constitution, the Yusin Constitution, was approved in a heavily rigged plebiscite. It borrowed the word "Yusin(維新)" from the Meiji Restoration (Meiji Ishin;明治維新) of Imperial Japan. The new document dramatically increased Park's power. It transferred the election of the president to an electoral college, the National Conference for Unification. The presidential term was increased to six years, with no limits on reelection. In effect, the constitution converted Park's presidency into a legal dictatorship. Park was re-elected in 1972 and 1978 with no opposition.
[edit] Unpopularity Stemming from Authoritarianism and the Yushin System
The growth of the South Korean economy secured a level of support for the Park Chung-hee presidency in the 1960s, but that support started to fade after economic growth started slowing and because of the authoritarian measures taken by Park. By the late 1970s, demonstrations against the Yushin system erupted throughout the country indicating Park’s rising level of unpopularity.
One example of a demonstration that hurt Park’s popularity was the “YH Incident” in August 1979. At the YH Trading Company a group of young female textile workers held a sit-in strike at the headquarters of the main opposition party in protest of massive layoffs. The government responded by sending riot police to suppress the demonstration, leaving one female worker dead and others injured. This example of excessive force against the people contributed to Park’s unpopularity.
Another demonstration that hurt Park’s popularity was the “Pu-Ma struggle.” On October 16, 1979, student demonstrations calling for the end of dictatorship and the Yushin system began at Busan National University and moved into the streets of the city. Students and the riot police fought all day, and by the evening, 50,000 people had gathered in front of the city hall. After several public offices were attacked and around 400 protesters were arrested, the government declared martial law in Busan on October 18. On October 18, the protests spread to Masan. Students from Kyungnam University in Masan also participated in protests, which spread and resulted in 10,000 mostly students and workers joining the struggle against the Yushin System. They began attacking the police station and city offices of the ruling party, and a city-wide curfew was put into place[5].
The rising unrest in the public contributed to the sense of urgency in the government, and hence, to Park Chung-hee’s assassination.
[edit] Assassination attempts
[edit] The Blue House Raid
On January 21, 1968, an armed North Korean guerrilla unit under the Revolutionary Party for Reunification attempted to assassinate Park and nearly succeeded. They were spotted by four South Korean civilians out cutting wood. After spending several hours trying to indoctrinate the civilians about the benefits of communism, the guerrillas let the civilians free with a stern warning not to notify the police. However, the South Korean civilians informed the police that very night and the local police chief promptly notified his chain of command, which reacted promptly in accord with Presidential Instruction #18.
The guerrillas entered Seoul in two- and three-man cells on January 20 and noticed the increased security measures that had been implemented throughout the city. Realizing their original plan had little chance of success, the team leader improvised a new plan. Changing into ROK Army uniforms of the local 26th Infantry Division, complete with the correct unit insignia, which they had brought with them, they formed up and prepared to march the last mile to the Blue House, posing as ROK Army soldiers returning from a counter guerrilla patrol. The unit marched toward the Blue House, passing several National Police and ROK Army units en route. Approximately 500 meters from the Blue House, a police contingent finally halted the unit and began to question the unit. The nervous North Koreans fumbled their replies, and when one suspicious policeman drew his pistol, a commando shot him. A melee then ensued in which two infiltrators died. The rest of the North Koreans scattered and began racing for the DMZ.
For the next several days, South Korean and American soldiers and police cooperated in a massive manhunt. Three infiltrators were pursued and killed in the Seoul area, while 25 others were eventually hunted down and killed in various firefights, with one infiltrator being captured. Only two of the thirty-one North Koreans could not be accounted for. During the course of this assassination attempt, South Korean casualties totaled sixty-eight killed and sixty-six wounded - mainly army and police but also about two dozen hapless civilians. Three Americans also died and three fell wounded in attempts to block the escaping infiltrators.[6]
[edit] Second Attempt
On August 15, 1974, Park was delivering a speech during a ceremony to celebrate the nation's deliverance from Japanese colonial domination 29 years before, when North Korean agent Mun Se-gwang fired a gun at Park from the front row. The bullets missed the president (who finished his speech), but a stray bullet struck his wife Yuk Young-soo, who died later in the day.
[edit] Assassination
On October 26, 1979, Park was gunned down by Kim Jae-kyu, the director of the KCIA. Kim claimed that Park was an obstacle to democracy and that his act was one of patriotism. After Kim shot the president to death and the leader of his guards, his agents quickly killed four more of the presidential bodyguards before the group was apprehended. The entire episode is usually either considered a spontaneous act of passion by an individual or as part of a pre-arranged attempted coup by the intelligence service.[7]
The events surrounding Park's assassination inspired the 2005 black comedy "Geuddae geusaramdeul" (English title: The President's Last Bang) by Korean director Im Sang-soo.
A devout Buddhist,[8] Park Chung Hee is buried at Seoul National Cemetery.
[edit] Legacy
It is alleged by supporters that despite his dictatorial rule and the high growth that occurred during his years in power, Park did not engage in corruption and led a simple life. Detractors allege he was simply a brutal dictator and only brought about high growth through military control over labor.
Being a complex man as a policy maker, many Koreans continue to hold Park in high regard in great part due to the industrial and economic growth experienced by South Korea under his presidency. There are also many on the left who condemn Park for the brutality of his dictatorship and for his service to the Japanese army during World War II. Today, Park's critics deplore the widespread human rights abuses in South Korea during his rule. Thousands were arrested and imprisoned for many years merely for criticizing Park in workplaces or bars. A culture of corruption was prevalent too; bribery was common, and often powerful figures in Park's administration confiscated private businesses and other properties. One of the most notorious cases of Park's alleged abuses is the allegation that he ordered that a political rival, Kim Dae-jung (who became the president of the Republic of Korea in the late 1990s) be killed (see Kidnapping of Kim Dae-jung).
His daughter Park Geun-hye was elected the chair of the conservative Grand National Party in 2004. She has resigned her post in order to prepare a presidential bid for the upcoming election. However, she lost her bid to her intra-party rival, Lee Myung Bak. [2]
[edit] Notes
- ^ His eldest brother was Park Dong-hee (age 22); second brother was Park Mu-hee (age 19); eldest sister was Park Gwi-hee (age 15); third brother was Park Sang-hee (age 11); fourth brother was Park Han-saeng (age 7); and his youngest sister was Park Jae-hee (age 5). His two eldest brothers and elder sister were already married when he was born.
- ^ It is not clear when Park's ancestors left the ancestral seat (bon'gwan), Goryeong, in Gyeongsang-do, and throughout much of the Joseon(Chosun) period (1392-1910), they lived further north in the province in Seongju. No family members appear in late Joseon town gazetteers listing local notables, and Park's surviving children attest that their father never spoke of an aristocratic ancestry. The Goryeong Bak genealogy records no examination passer or an officeholder since the sixteenth century among Park's direct ancestors, but his father, Park Sung-bin, appears to have passed the military examination (mugwa) in the waning years of Joseon, probably in the 1890s. Available records on his career are confusing, if not even contradictory. As a whole, Park's own account and reliable testimonies by those who knew the family, suggest that after earning the examination degree, Park Sung-bin spent much time and the family's fortune in trying to obtain a government post, and the effort apparently paid off in that a junior ninth military rank, Hyoryeok Bawi, is mentioned by Park himself. However, other people's claim that Park Seong-bin became the magistrate of Yeongwol (or Yeongbyeon) cannot be substantiated, although it is certain that he eventually returned home as a frustrated man. A heavy drinker, he spent the remaining years of his life enjoying the company of friends and leaving household affairs to his wife. Park Sung-bin's life and career certainly require a more thorough research by professional historians, but his stymied aspirations may have shaped at least one of his children's outlook on life, most likely Park.
- ^ (Japanese) Nagasawa, Masaharu (2001-11-23). "半島に渡った日本語・日本語文学". . Saga Women's Junior College Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ See Korea Week May 10, 1977, page 2 and C.I. Eugene Kim, 'Emergency, Development, and Human Rights: South Korea,' Asian Survey 18/4 (April 1978): 363-378.
- ^ Shin, Gi-Wook. "Introduction." Contentious Kwangju: the May 18 Uprising in Korea's Past and Present. Eds. Gi-Wook Shin and Kyung Moon Hwang. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003.
- ^ Scenes from an Unfinished War: Low-Intensity Conflict in Korea, 1966-1968
- ^ 1979: South Korean President killed
- ^ A Very Tough Peasant
[edit] See also
[edit] External links
- BBC News' "On this day": a recollection of Park's assassination.
| Preceded by Yoon Po-son |
President of South Korea 1963–1979 |
Succeeded by Choi Kyu-ha |
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| Presidents of South Korea |  |
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| Provisional Government: Rhee Syng-man | Park Eunsik | Yi Sang-ryong | Hong Jin | Yi Dong-nyung | Kim Gu Republic: Rhee Syng-man | Yun Bo-seon | Park Chung-hee | Choi Kyu-hah | Chun Doo-hwan | Roh Tae-woo | Kim Young-sam | Kim Dae-jung | Roh Moo-hyun | Lee Myung-bak |
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