Military history of the Mali Empire

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The Military history of the Mali Empire refers to the armed forces of the Mali Empire, which dominated Western Africa from the mid 13th to the late 15th century. The military culture of the empire’s driving force, the Mandinka people, influenced many later states in West Africa including break-away powers such as the Songhay and Jolof empires. Institutions from the Mali Empire also survived in the 19th century army of Samory Ture who saw himself as the heir to Old Mali’s legacy.

Contents

[edit] Origin

A study of the Mali Empire’s military is really a study of Mandinka military culture. The Mandinka were early adopters of iron in West Africa, and the role of blacksmiths was one of great religious and military prestige among them. Manipulation of iron had allowed the Mandinka to spread out over the borders of modern-day Mali and Guinea by the 11th century. During this time, the Mandinka came into contact with the Soninke of the formidable Wagadou Empire. The Soninke formed the first major organized fighting force in West Africa, and the Mandekalu became a major source of slaves for the empire. To combat Wagadou’s slave raids, the Mandekalu took refuge in the mountains between Kri and Kri-Koro around Niagassala.[1] There they used the high ground could provide a better view of arriving armies.[2]

Another response to Soninke pressure may have been the formation of hunters associations by the Mandekalu, which doubled as defense associations. The hunters associations formed the basis of the army that were later federated under a “master of the bush” called the Simbo. The power and prestige of the Simbo, whom held both military and religious power, allowed these individuals to become petty kings. After the fall of Wagadou, these petty kings would unite under Sundjata and lead him to victory at the Battle of Krina.[3]

[edit] Early Organization

The emperor or mansa was, at least in theory, head of the armed forces. However, Sakura seems to have been the only mansa to take the field other than Sundjata. Even when Sundjata was fighting, his title was that of “mari” meaning prince,[4] making Mansa Sakura and Mansa Mahmud IV the only sitting mansas ever to lead an army.

[edit] Ton-Tigi

Mansa Sundjata is credited with organizing the early empire’s army formalizing 16 clans whose leaders were to lead the army.[5] These 16 were known as the “ton-ta-jon-ta-ni-woro”, which translates as “the sixteen slaves that carry the bow”.[6] These “slaves” were actually high nobles dedicated to serve Mali by bringing the bow or quiver (traditional symbols of military force) to bear against the emperor’s enemies. Each member was known as a ton-tigi or ton-tigui (“quiver-master”) and was expected to fight as cavalry commanders.[7]

[edit] Mandekalu Horsemen

Alongside the ton-tigi were horon cavalrymen.[8] These horon were from elite society and included princes or other kinds of nobility.[9] Because of the high price of Arab horses, Mandekalu horsemen were equipped by the ton-tigi or the mansa with their mount.[10] Cavalry fought with lances, sabers and long swords.[11] Imported chain mail and iron helmets would also be available to Mali’s early cavalry. With control of trade routes from the Savannah to North Africa, the Mandekalu were able to build up a standing cavalry of around 10,000 horsemen by the reign of Mansa Musa.[12] With such a force, the mansa was able to project his power from modern Senegal to the borders of present-day Nigeria.

[edit] Kèlè-Koun

The ton-tigi, for all intents and purposes, were feudal lords and the only men in the early empire that could afford horses.[13] Infantry leadership, however, fell to the kèlè -koun (“war-head”). A kèlè-koun commanded a unit of infantry known as a kèlè -bolo (“war-arm”). The men under a kèlè-koun’s command were all horon (“freemen”), like the ton-tigi and kèlè-koun.[14] At least initially, jonow (“slaves”) were barred from military service except as military equipment carriers for the ton-tigi. It was not until after Mali's zenith that jonow battalions were utilized.[15]

[edit] Mandekalu Infantry

The exclusion of jonow from the early imperial army increased pressure on the horon to serve. Each tribe in the empire was expected to furnish a quota of horon to fight for the mansa.[16] The core of the army, which may have reached 90,000 men,[17] was Mandinka. However, the mansa reserved the right to call up levees from conquered peoples on the rare occasion this was needed. All horon were expected to arm themselves. It was a point of honor to appear with your own weapons,[18] some of which might be family heirlooms.[19] Javelins called "tamba" were thrown out ahead of close-combat.[20] The majority of infantry were bowmen whom used Soninke knowledge of poisons to make up for their arrow’s lack of force.[21] Stabbing spears and reed shields were also used by horon, while a kélé-koun might be armed with a locally made saber. Leather helmets were manufactured locally for both cavalry and infantry.[22]

[edit] Post 14th Century

The military culture and organization of the Mali Empire grew in power and sophistication until reaching its peak between 1250 and 1450.[23] This period was marked by a firmer, more complex system of military roles in the empire. The reasons for the changes in imperial Mali’s army are not know for certain, but it is likely that the expanding size of the state had much to do with its transformation.

[edit] Farari

By the time Ibn Battuta visited the Mali Empire during the reign of Mansa Suleyman, an elite corps among the military was present at court.[24] These men were an outgrowth of the ton-tigui that had fought alongside Sundjata and his immediate predecessors known as the farari (“brave men”).[25] Each farariya was a cavalry commander with officers and warriors beneath him. However, the roles of the farariya were not all identical.[26] Farari served as ton-tigi of the Gbara,[27] governors of far off provinces or simply field commanders.[28] Many forms of the farariya titles would be used by Mali's successor states such as Songhay.[29]

[edit] Farima

One type of farariya, and likely the most common, was the farima (“brave man”).[30] A farima, also known as a farin or faran, was very similar to the European knight in his function at the Mandinka court. He was first and foremost a military leader, commanding from horseback a unit of cavalry. The kèlè-koun reported directly to him on the battlefield and used infantry forces in concert with the farima’s cavalry.

The farima, like all farari, reported directly to the mansa who went out of his way to lavish awards on him in the form of special trousers (the wider the seat, the higher the merit) and gold anklets.[31] A farima was part of Mali’s warrior aristocracy. He was always present at court, though not necessarily a ton-tigi. He “owned” land and held jonow, which accompanied him to war in much the same fashion as they had his predecessors. In some regions, a farima served as a permanent military governor.[32] A prime examples of this is the Farim-Kabu encountered by the Portuguese during Mali's decline.[33] However, unlike other Farari whom governed lands, a farima had to be of the horon.

[edit] Farimba

Another type of farariya was the Farimba (“great brave man”), also known as the farinba or farba. In contrast to the farima, a farimba could be of the horon (usually a royal relative) or of the jonow.[34] In fact, it was quite common and sometimes prudent for a mansa to appoint a jonow as the farimba of particularly wealthy province or city. Jonow depended entirely on their master, in this case the mansa, for their position. Thus, their loyalty was hardly ever in question.[35]

Ibn Khaldun translates this title as deputy or governor, but it is more complex than that. The Farimba was a civilian role akin to an imperial resident like those used by the British Empire centuries later. The farimba was present at vassal courts to oversee local rulers and ensure that local policy did not interfere with that of the mansa.[36] The farimba could take over the court if he judged the vassal lord to be out of step with the mansa’s wishes, and he kept a small army garrisoned inside the provincial capital for just such an occasion.[37]

The farimba could also use this force to assist local rulers in defending the province. If actually called to the field, which was not likely, the farimba commanded the cavalry. Directly beneath the farimba was the dùùkùnàsi or dougou-kounnasi (“impressive man at the head of the land”), whom commanded an infantry force.[38] Unlike the regular army, which was led by the farima and kèlè-koun, these garrison forces were mostly and sometimes entirely slaves.[39]

[edit] Sofa
Captured enemy personnel were sometimes incorporated into the Malian forces.
Captured enemy personnel were sometimes incorporated into the Malian forces.

All farari, like the ton-tigui of Sundjata’s generation, were accompanied by jonow whom followed on foot and cared for their master’s horses.[40] These jonow were known as sofas, and they would have supplied their ton-tigui with extra javelins in the middle of battle or guarded his getaway horse if retreat was necessary.[41] In fact, the word sofa translates as “horse father” meaning guardian of the horse.[42]

The role of the sofa in Malian warfare changed dramatically after the reign of Sundjata from mere baggage handler to full-fledged warriors. A sofa was equipped by the state, whereas the horon brought their weapons. Sofa armies could be used to intimidate unfaithful governors, and they formed a majority of the infantry by the 15th century.[43] So though imperial Mali was initially a horon-run army, its reliance on jonow as administrators (farimba) and officers (dùùkùnàsi) gradually transformed the character of its military.

[edit] Command of the Army

One of the biggest differences between the Mandinka army of Sundjata in the 13th century and that of Sulayman in the 14th century is the division of the entire army between two farari along geographic lines. According to chroniclers of the time, imperial Mali had a northern command and a southern command under the Farima-Soura and Sankaran-Zouma, respectively.[44] Both served as ton-tigui on the Gbara, and their influence was immense. In fact, the refusal of both the Farima-Soura and the Sankaran-Zouma to follow Mansa Mamadu to battle at the siege of Jenne in 1599 resulted in Mamadu’s failure.[45]

[edit] Farima-Soura

The Farima-Soura, also documented as the Farim-Soura, Faran-Soura or Sura Farin appears to have been a field commander in charge of the northern border. Soura was likely a province or at minimum a large region if the title of the Farim-Kabu is any evidence. His main responsibility would have been monitoring the Saharan border for bandits to keep merchants from being molested.

[edit] Sankar-Zouma

The head of the Kondé clan ruled the Sankarani River region near the imperial capital of Niani.[46] The title of Sankar-Zouma, also known as Sankaran-Zouma, is derived from the region and is unique among the farari. The Sankar-Zouma held command over all forces in the south bordering the coastal jungle. His role would have been similar the Farima-Soura in protecting merchants moving in and out of the empire with valuable goods.

[edit] See Also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Camara 1977, page 15
  2. ^ Diakité, page 209
  3. ^ Diakité, page 209
  4. ^ Cooley, page 62
  5. ^ Ki-Zerbo & Niane, page 56
  6. ^ Akinjogbin, page 133
  7. ^ Taher, page 815
  8. ^ Diallo, page 6
  9. ^ Sarr, page 92
  10. ^ Taher, page 828
  11. ^ Taher, page 815
  12. ^ Sarr, page 92
  13. ^ Diallo, page 6
  14. ^ Ki-Zerbo, page 133
  15. ^ Taher, page 815
  16. ^ Taher, page 818
  17. ^ Taher, page 813
  18. ^ Camara 1992, page 69
  19. ^ Thornton, page 26
  20. ^ Diallo, page 6
  21. ^ Thornton, page 27
  22. ^ Thornton, page 25
  23. ^ Oliver & Atmore, page 62
  24. ^ Charry, page 357
  25. ^ Cooley, page 77
  26. ^ Cooley, page 75
  27. ^ Charry, page 358
  28. ^ Ki-Zerbo & Niane, page 56
  29. ^ Hunwick, page xxix
  30. ^ Cooley, page 77
  31. ^ Taher, page 828
  32. ^ Niane, page 85
  33. ^ Mansour, page 38
  34. ^ Oliver, page 387
  35. ^ Taher, page 828
  36. ^ Ki-Zerbo & Niane, page 56
  37. ^ Camara 1992, page 69
  38. ^ Camara 1992, page 69
  39. ^ Camara 1992, page 69
  40. ^ Roberts, page 222
  41. ^ Smith, page 50
  42. ^ Roberts, page 37
  43. ^ Camara 1992, page 69
  44. ^ Hunwick, page 15
  45. ^ Hunwick, page 16
  46. ^ Camara 1992, page 69

[edit] Sources

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