Mesoamerican ballgame

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Ballcourt at Monte Alban
Ballcourt at Monte Alban
Ballcourt goal, Chichén Itzá
Ballcourt goal, Chichén Itzá

The Mesoamerican ballgame[1] was a sport with ritual associations played for over 3000 years by the pre-Columbian peoples of Mesoamerica. The sport had different versions in different places during the millennia, and a modern version of the game, ulama, is still played in a few places by the local indigenous population.

Pre-Columbian ballcourts have been found throughout Mesoamerica, as far south as Nicaragua, and possibly as far north as the U.S. state of Arizona.[2] These ballcourts vary considerably in size, but all have long narrow alleys with side-walls against which the balls could bounce.

The rules of the ballgame are not known, but judging from its descendent, ulama, they were probably similar to racquetball or volleyball, where the aim is to keep the ball in play. The iconic stone ballcourt goals (see photo to right) are a late addition to the game.

In the most widespread version of the game, the players struck the ball with their hips, although some versions allowed the use of forearms, rackets, bats, or handstones. The ball was made of solid rubber and weighed up to 4 kg (9 lbs) or more, and sizes differed greatly over time or according to the version played.

The game had important ritual aspects, and major formal ballgames were held as ritual events, often featuring human sacrifice. But it was played casually for simple recreation, including by children and perhaps even women.[3]

Contents

[edit] Origins

Map showing sites where early ballcourts, balls, or figurines have been recovered.
Map showing sites where early ballcourts, balls, or figurines have been recovered.

It is not known precisely when or where the Mesoamerican ballgame originated, although it is likely that the game originated earlier than 1400 BCE in the low-lying tropical zones home to the rubber tree.

One candidate for the birthplace of the ballgame is the Soconusco coastal lowlands along the Pacific Ocean.[4] Here, at Paso de la Amada, archaeologists have found the oldest ballcourt yet discovered, dated to approximately 1400 BCE.[5]

The other major candidate is the Olmec heartland, across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec along the Gulf Coast.[6] The Aztecs referred to their Postclassic contemporaries who then inhabited the region as the Olmeca (i.e. "rubber people") since the region was strongly identified with latex production.[7] The earliest-known rubber balls come from the sacrificial bog at El Manatí, an early Olmec-associated site located in the hinterland of the Coatzalcoalcos River drainage system. Villagers, and subsequently archaeologists, have recovered a dozen balls ranging in diameter from 10 to 22 cm from the freshwater spring there. Five of these balls have been dated to the earliest-known occupational phase for the site, approximately 1700—1600 BCE.[8] These rubber balls were found with other ritual offerings buried at the site, indicating that even at this early date these rubber artifacts had religious and ritual connotations. A stone "yoke" of the type frequently associated with Mesoamerican ballcourts was also reported to have been found by local villagers at the site, leaving open the distinct possibility that these rubber balls were related to the ritual ballgame, and not simply an independent form of sacrificial offering.[9]

Excavations at the nearby Olmec site of San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán have also uncovered a number of ballplayer figurines, radiocarbon-dated as far back as 1250–1150 BCE. A rudimentary ball court, dated to a later occupation at San Lorenzo, 600–400 BCE, has also been identified.[10]

From the tropical lowlands, the ballgame apparently moved into central Mexico. Starting around 1000 BCE or earlier, ballplayer figurines were interred with burials at Tlatilco and similarly styled figurines from the same period have been found at the nearby Tlapacoya site.[11] It was about this period, as well, that the so-called Xochipala-style ballplayer figurines were crafted in Puebla. Although no ballcourts of similar age have been found in Tlatilco, Tlapacoya, or Puebla, it is possible that the ballgame was indeed played in these areas, but on courts with perishable boundaries or temporary court markers.[12]

By 300 BCE, evidence for the ballgame appears throughout much of the Mesoamerican archaeological record, including ballcourts in the Central Chiapas Valley (the next oldest ballcourts discovered, after Paso de la Amada),[13] ceramic ballgame tableaus from Western Mexico (see photo below), and ballcourts in the Valley of Oaxaca.

A yoke carved into a fanciful representation of a frog.  This 40 lb (18 kg) stone carving is considered too heavy for actual play, and was probably worn about the waist only on ritual occasions.
A yoke carved into a fanciful representation of a frog. This 40 lb (18 kg) stone carving is considered too heavy for actual play, and was probably worn about the waist only on ritual occasions.

[edit] Game

As it might be expected with a game played over such a long period of time by many cultures, details varied over time and place, so the Mesoamerican ballgame might be more accurately seen as a family of related games. The various types of games — hip-ball, forearm-ball, stick-ball, and hand-ball — each had its own size of ball, specialized gear and playing field, and rules. In general, the hip-ball version is most popularly thought of as "the" Mesoamerican ballgame,[14] and researchers believe that this version was the primary -- or perhaps only -- version played within the masonry ballcourt.[15]

Games were played between two individuals and between two teams of players. Some games were played on makeshift courts for simple recreation while others were formal spectacles on huge stone ballcourts leading to human sacrifice.

Even without human sacrifice, the game could be brutal and there were often serious injuries inflicted by the solid, heavy ball. Today's hip-ulama players are "perpetually bruised"[16] while nearly 500 years ago Spanish chronicler Diego Muñoz Camargo reported that some bruises were so severe that they had to be lanced open. This would have certainly been significant in the rituals of sacrifice and bloodletting that often accompanied the ballgame. Other sixteenth century Spanish sources report that players were killed after the ball struck them in a vulnerable spot.

[edit] Rules

The rules of the ballgame, regardless of the version, are not known in any detail. In modern-day ulama, the game resembles a net-less volleyball.[17] with each team confined to one half of the court. In ulama, the ball is hit back and forth until one team fails to return it or the ball leaves the court.

In post-Classical times, the Maya began placing vertical stone rings on each side of the court, the object being to pass the ball through one. Several of these were placed quite high, as at Chichen Itza, where they were set 6 meters from the ground.

In the sixteenth-century Aztec ballgame that the Spaniards witnessed, points were lost by a player who let the ball bounce more than twice before returning it to the other team, who let the ball go outside the boundaries of the court, or who tried and failed to pass the ball through one of the stone hoops placed on each wall along the center line.[18]

A ball player from a Maya vase, 650-800 CE.  This well-dressed player is wearing a large yoke, painted and fringed deerskin hip guards, and an extremely elaborate headdress.  He is dropping onto his knee(pad) to strike the ball, which is exaggerated to huge proportions.
A ball player from a Maya vase, 650-800 CE. This well-dressed player is wearing a large yoke, painted and fringed deerskin hip guards, and an extremely elaborate headdress. He is dropping onto his knee(pad) to strike the ball, which is exaggerated to huge proportions.[19]

[edit] Clothing and gear

Paintings and drawings, stone reliefs, and figurines provide the primary evidence we have for pre-Columbian ballplayer clothing and gear, evidence that shows an immense variation in type and quantity. Nearly any article of clothing can be found on some ballplayer depiction, including capes (shown on several Dainzu engravings), and masks (as in the case of Yax Pac from Copan, underscoring the ritual play of the ballgame).

The basic hip-game outfit consisted of a loincloth, sometimes augmented with leather hip guards. Loincloths are found on the earliest ballplayer figurines from Tlatilco, Tlapacoya, and the Olmec culture, are seen in the Weiditz drawing from 1528 (below), and, with hip guards, are the sole outfit of modern day ulama players – a span of nearly 3000 years.

In many cultures, further protection was provided by a thick girdle, mostly likely of wicker or wood, covered in fabric or leather. Made of perishable materials, none of these girdles have survived, although many a stone "yoke" has been uncovered. Mis-named by earlier archaeologists due to its resemblance to an animal yoke, the stone yoke is thought to be too heavy for actual play and was likely used only before or after the game in ritual contexts.[20] In addition to providing some protection from the ball, the girdle or yoke would also have helped propel the ball with more force than the hip alone. Additionally, some players wore chest protectors called palmas which were inserted into the yoke and stood upright in front of the chest.

Kneepads are seen on a variety of players from many areas and eras, and are worn by forearm-ulama players today. A type of garter is also often seen, worn just below knee or around the ankle — it is not known what function this served. Helmets (likely utilitarian) and elaborate headdresses (likely used only in ritual contexts) are also common in ballplayer depictions, headdresses being particularly prevalent on Maya painted vases or on Jaina Island figurines. Many ballplayers of the Classic era are seen with a right kneepad — no left — and a wrapped right forearm, as shown in the Maya image above.


In this detail from the late 15th century Codex Borgia, the Aztec god Xiuhtecuhtli brings a rubber ball offering to a temple.  The rubber balls each hold a quetzal feather, part of the offering.
In this detail from the late 15th century Codex Borgia, the Aztec god Xiuhtecuhtli brings a rubber ball offering to a temple. The rubber balls each hold a quetzal feather, part of the offering.

[edit] Rubber balls

It is not known with any certainty the sizes or weights of the balls actually used in the ballgame. While several dozen ancient balls have been recovered, they were originally laid down as offerings in a sacrificial bog or spring, and there is no evidence that any of these were used in the ballgame. In fact, some of these extant votive balls were created specifically as offerings.

However, based on modern day game balls, ancient rubber balls, and a review of other archaeological evidence, it is presumed by most researchers that the ancient hip-ball was roughly 20 cm (8 in) in diameter, about the size of a volleyball, and weighed between 3 and 4 kg (6½-9 lbs) or 15 times heavier than the air-filled volleyball. The ball used in the ancient hand-ball or stick-ball game was probably slightly larger and heavier than a modern-day baseball.[21]

[edit] Ballcourt

Cross sections of some of the more typical ballcourts.
Cross sections of some of the more typical ballcourts.

The ballgame was played within a large masonry structure. Built in a form that changed remarkably little during 2700 years, over 1300 Meosamerican ballcourts have been identified, 60% in the last 20 years alone.[22] Although there is a tremendous variation in size, in general all ballcourts are the same shape: a long narrow playing alley flanked by walls with both horizontal and sloping (or, more rarely, vertical) surfaces. The walls were often plastered and brightly painted. Although the alleys in early ballcourts were open-ended, later ballcourts had enclosed end-zones, giving the structure an -shape when viewed from above.

It has been estimated that the average size of the field measured 36.5 meters by 9 meters, although there was tremendous variation. The Great Ballcourt at Chichen Itza is by far the largest, measuring 185 meters long and 68 meters wide – longer than an American football field.

Across Mesoamerica, ballcourts were built and used for many generations. Although ballcourts are found within most sizable Mesoamerican ruins, they are not equally distributed across time or geography. For example, the Late Classic site of El Tajin, the largest city of the ballgame-obsessed Classic Veracruz culture, has at least 18 ballcourts while Cantona, a nearby contemporaneous site, sets the record with 24. In contrast, northern Chiapas[23] and the northern Maya Lowlands[24] have relatively few. And ballcourts are conspicuously absent at some major sites, including Teotihuacan, Bonampak, and Tortuguero, although ballgame iconography has been found there.[25]

Ballcourt at Uaxactun, in the Petén Basin region of the Maya lowlands.
Ballcourt at Uaxactun, in the Petén Basin region of the Maya lowlands.

Ancient cities with particularly fine ballcourts in good condition include Tikal, Yaxha, Copán, Iximche, Monte Albán, Uxmal, Mixco Viejo and Zaculeu.

Ballcourts were public spaces used for a variety of elite cultural events and ritual activities like musical performances and festivals, and of course, the ballgame. Pictorial depictions often show musicians playing at ballgames, while votive deposits buried at the Main Ballcourt at Tenochtitlan contain miniature whistles, ocarinas, and drums. A pre-Columbian ceramic from western Mexico shows what appears to be a wrestling match taking place on a ballcourt.[26]

[edit] Cultural aspects

[edit] Proxy for warfare

The ballgame was a ritual deeply engrained in Mesoamerican cultures and served purposes beyond that of a mere sporting event. Fray Juan de Torquemada, a 16th century Spanish missionary and historian, tells that the Aztec emperor Axayacatl played Xihuitlemoc, the leader of Xochimilco, wagering his annual income against several Xochimilco chinampas.[27] Ixtlilxochitl, a contemporary of Torquemada, relates that Topiltzin, the Toltec king, played against 3 rivals, the winner to rule all.[28]

These examples and others are cited by many researchers who have made compelling arguments that the ballgame served as a way to defuse or resolve conflicts without genuine warfare, to settle disputes through a ballgame instead of a battle.[29] Over time, then, the ballgame's role would expand to include not only external mediation, but also the resolution of competition and conflict within the society as well.[30]

This "boundary maintenance" or "conflict resolution" theory would also account for some of the irregular distribution of ballcourts. Overall, there appears to be a negative correlation between the degree of political centralization and the number of ballcourts at a site.[31] For example, the Aztec Empire, with a strong centralized state and few external rivals, had relatively few ballcourts while Middle Classic Cantona, with 24 ballcourts, had many diverse cultures residing there under a relatively weak state.[32]

Other scholars support these arguments by pointing to the warfare imagery often found at ballcourts:

  • The southeast panel of the South Ballcourt at El Tajin shows the protagonist ballplayer being dressed in a warrior's garb.[33]
  • Captives are a prominent part of ballgame iconography. For example, the ballcourt at Tonina was decorated with sculptures of bound captives, figurines of war captives are shown holding game balls, and a captive-within-the-ball motif is seen on the Hieroglyphic Stairs at Structure 33 in Yaxchilan and on Altar 8 at Tikal.
  • The modern-day descendent of the ballgame, ulama, "until quite recently was connected with warfare and many reminders of that association remain".[34]
One of a series of murals from the South Ballcourt at El Tajin, showing the sacrifice of a ballplayer.
One of a series of murals from the South Ballcourt at El Tajin, showing the sacrifice of a ballplayer.

[edit] Human sacrifice

The association between human sacrifice and the ballgame appears rather late in the archaeological record, no earlier than the Classic era.[35] The association was particularly strong within the Classic Veracruz and the Maya cultures, where the most explicit depictions of human sacrifice can be seen on the ballcourt panels – for example at El Tajin (850-1100 CE)[36] and at Chichen Itza (900-1200 CE) – as well as on the well-known decapitated ballplayer stelae from the Classic Veracruz site of Aparicio (700-900 CE). The Postclassic Maya religious and quasi-historical narrative, the Popol Vuh, also links human sacrifice with the ballgame (see below).

Captives were often shown in Maya art, and it is assumed that these captives were sacrificed after losing a rigged ritual ballgame.[37] Rather than nearly nude and sometimes battered captives, however, the ballcourts at El Tajin and Chichen Itza show the sacrifice of practiced ballplayers, perhaps the captains of the losing team.[38] Decapitation is particularly associated with the ballgame – severed heads are featured in much Late Classic ballgame art and appear repeatedly in the Popol Vuh. There has even been speculation that the heads and skulls were used as balls.[39]

[edit] Symbolism

At El Tajin, the ballplayer sacrifice ensures the renewal of pulque, an alcoholic maguey cactus beverage. Fertility through sacrifice is a theme of the ballgame from the earliest times; for example, Formative period ballplayer figurines - most likely female - often wear maize icons.[40]

The theme of solar movement is tied to fertility and the bouncing ball is thought to have represented the sun, and the sacrifice of a ballplayer represented the death of the sun, which would then be reborn.[41] In its inherent duality, the game appears as a struggle between day and night,[42] and/or a battle between life and the underworld.[43] The stone scoring rings are said to signify sunrise and sunset, or equinoxes. Courts were considered portals to the underworld and were built in key locations within the central ceremonial precincts.

Playing ball engaged one in the maintenance of the cosmic order of the universe and the ritual regeneration of life. It was a game of chance, skill, and trickery reflecting life. The team effort engaged individuals in shared behaviour and culture, introducing, reinforcing, and reinventing the game of life and peoples’ place in the cosmic order.

[edit] The ballgame in Mesoamerican civilizations

[edit] Maya civilization

Great Ballcourt at Chichen Itza
Great Ballcourt at Chichen Itza

In Classic Maya, the ballgame was called pitz, and the action of play was ti pitziil.[44] Ballplayers were called pitziil.

The Maya religious narrative, the Popol Vuh, establishes the importance of the Maya as more than just a sport and provides important analogues for interpreting the ballgame from a mythological perspective. The story begins with the Hero Twins' father, Hun Hunahpu, and uncle, Vucub Hunahpu, playing ball near the underworld, Xibalba. The lords of the underworld became annoyed with the noise from the ball playing and so the primary lords of Xibalba, One Death and Seven Death, sent owls to lure the twins to the ballcourt of Xibalba, situated on the western edge of the underworld. Despite the danger, the brothers fall asleep and are captured and sacrificed by the lords of Xibalba, and buried in the ballcourt. Hun Hunahpu is decapitated and his head hung in a fruit tree, which bears the first calabash gourds. Hun Hunahpu's head spits into the hands of a passing goddess, who conceives and bears the Hero Twins, Hunahpu and Xbalanque.

The Hero Twins eventually find the ballgame equipment in their father’s house and start playing, again to the annoyance of the Lords of Xibalba, who again invite the twins to play the ballgame amidst trials and dangers. In one notable episode, Hunahpu is decapitated by bats. His brother uses a squash as Hunahpu's substitute head until his real one, now used as a ball by the Lords, can be retrieved and placed back on Hunahpu's shoulders.

The twins eventually go on to play the ballgame with the Lords of Xibalba, defeating them. However, the twins are unsuccessful in reviving their father so they leave him buried in the ballcourt of Xibalba. This links ballcourts with death: the ballcourt became a place of transition, a liminal stage between life and death. The ballcourt makers along the centerline of the playing field depicted mythical scenes of the ballgame, often bordered by a quatrefoil that marked an opening of a portal into another world.

Ballplayer painting from the Tepantitla murals.
Ballplayer painting from the Tepantitla murals.
Ballplayer painting from the Tepantitla, Teotihuacan  murals.  Note the speech scroll issuing from the player's mouth.
Ballplayer painting from the Tepantitla, Teotihuacan murals. Note the speech scroll issuing from the player's mouth.
Detail of a Tepantitla mural showing a hip-ball game on an open-ended ballcourt, represented by the parallel horizontal lines.
Detail of a Tepantitla mural showing a hip-ball game on an open-ended ballcourt, represented by the parallel horizontal lines.

[edit] Teotihuacan

No ballcourt has yet been identified at Teotihuacan, making it by far the largest Classic era site without one. In fact, the ballgame seems to have been nearly forsaken not only in Teotihuacan, but in areas such as Matacapan or Tikal that were under Teotihuacano influence.[45]

Despite the lack of a ballcourt, ball games were not unknown there. The murals of the Tepantitla compound at Teotihuacan show a number of small scenes that seem to portray various types of ball games, including:

  • A two-player game in an open-ended masonry ballcourt.[46] (See middle picture above.)
  • Teams using sticks on an open field whose end zones are marked by stone monuments.[47]
  • Separate renditions of single players. (See side pictures above.)

It has been hypothesized that, for reasons as yet unknown, the stick-game eclipsed the hip-ball game at Teotihuacan and at Teotihuacan-influenced cities, and only after the fall of Teotihuacan did the hip-game, the Mesoamerican ballgame, reassert itself.[48]

[edit] Aztec

An I-shaped ballcourt with players and balls depicted in the Codex Borgia Folio 45.  Note that the four players are all holding batons, perhaps indicating that they are playing a type of racquet- or stick-ball.
An I-shaped ballcourt with players and balls depicted in the Codex Borgia Folio 45. Note that the four players are all holding batons, perhaps indicating that they are playing a type of racquet- or stick-ball.

The Aztec version of the ballgame is called ullamaliztli[49] and is derived from the word ōlli "rubber" and the verb ōllama or "to play ball". The ball itself was called ōllamaloni and the ballcourt was called a tlachtli ['tɬatʃtɬi].[50] In the Aztec capital Tenochtitlan the largest ballcourt was called Teotlachco ("in the holy ballcourt") – here several important rituals would take place on the festivals of the month Panquetzaliztli, including the sacrifice of four war captives to the honor of Huitzilopochtli and his herald Paynal.

For the Aztecs the playing of the ballgame also had religious significance, but where the Maya saw the game as a battle between the lords of the underworld and their earthly adversaries, the Aztecs saw it as a battle between the forces of night led by the moon and the stars represented by the goddess Coyolxauhqui and her sons the 400 Huitznahuah, and the sun personified by Huitzilopochtli.[51] But apart from holding important ritual and mythical meaning, the ballgame for the Aztecs was also a sport and a pastime played for fun, although in general the Aztec game was a prerogative of the nobles.[52]

Aztec ullamaliztli players performing for Charles V in Spain, drawn by Christoph Weiditz in 1528.
Aztec ullamaliztli players performing for Charles V in Spain, drawn by Christoph Weiditz in 1528.

Young Aztecs would be taught ballplaying in the calmecac school – and those who were most proficient might become so famous that they could play professionally. Games would frequently be staged in the different city wards and markets – often accompanied by large-scale betting. Diego Durán mentioned that "whenever Aztec nobles played they would bet jewels, slaves, precious stones, mantles and war attire and clothes and attire for ladies". Also the spectators would bet, even spouses and children could be staked. Motolinia, another early Spanish chronicler, also mentioned the heavy betting that accompanied games.[53]

Since the rubber tree Castilla elastica was not found in the highlands of the Aztec Empire, the Aztecs generally received balls and rubber as tribute from the lowland areas where it was grown. The Codex Mendocino gives a figure of 16,000 lumps of raw rubber being imported to Tenochtitlan from the southern provinces every six months, although not all of it was used for making balls.

In 1528, soon after the Spanish conquest, Cortés sent a troupe of ōllamanime (ballplayers) to Spain to perform for Charles V where they were drawn by the German Christoph Weiditz.[54] Besides the fascination with their exotic visitors, the Europeans were amazed by the bouncing rubber balls.

[edit] Caribbean

Main article: Batey (game)

Batey, a ball game played on many Caribbean islands, including Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the West Indies has been proposed as a descendent of the Mesoamerican ballgame, perhaps through the Maya.[55]

[edit] Notes

A ceramic female with ballplayer dress.  Xochipala, 1000 - 800 BCE. Height: approximately 7 inches.
A ceramic female with ballplayer dress. Xochipala, 1000 - 800 BCE. Height: approximately 7 inches.
Ballcourt marker, from the Maya site of Chinkultic, dated to 591.  The ball itself displays the finely incised portrait of Hun Hunahpu, the father of the Hero Twins.
Ballcourt marker, from the Maya site of Chinkultic, dated to 591. The ball itself displays the finely incised portrait of Hun Hunahpu, the father of the Hero Twins.
  1. ^ Known in Spanish as juego de pelota ("ballgame"), in Classic Maya as pitz and in Nahuatl as ullamaliztli
  2. ^ The evidence for ballcourts among the Hohokam is not accepted by all researchers and even the proponents admit that the proposed Hohokam ballcourts are significantly different from Mesoamerican ones: they are oblong, with a concave (not flat) surface. See Wilcox's article.
  3. ^ The primary evidence for female ballplayers is in the many apparently-female figurines of the Formative period, wearing a ballplayer loincloth and perhaps other gear. In The Sport of Life and Death, editor Michael Whittington says: "It would [therefore] seem reasonable that women also played the game -- perhaps in all-female teams--or participated in some yet to be understood ceremony enacted on the ballcourt." (p. 186). In the same volume, Gillett Griffin states that although these figurines have been "interpreted by some as females, in the context of ancient Mesoamerican society the question of the presence of female ballplayers, and their role in the game, is still debated." (p. 158).
  4. ^ See Taladoire, pp. 107-108.
  5. ^ See Hill, Blake and Clark (1998); Schuster (1998).
  6. ^ Miller and Taube (1993, p.42)
  7. ^ These Gulf Coast inhabitants, the Olmeca-Xicalanca, are not to be confused with the Olmec, the name bestowed by 20th century archaeologists on the influential Gulf Coast civilization which had dominated that region three thousand years earlier.
  8. ^ Ortiz and Rodríguez (1999), pp.228–232, 242–243.
  9. ^ Ortíz and Rodríguez (1999, p.249); see also Ortiz, Rodríguez, and Delgado (1992) which investigates this relationship, as cited in the foregoing paper.
  10. ^ Diehl, p. 32, although the identification of a ballcourt within San Lorenzo has not been universally accepted.
  11. ^ Bradley & Joralemon,
  12. ^ Ekholm, p. 242.
  13. ^ Finca Acapulco, San Mateo, and El Vergel, along the Grijalva, have ballcourts dated between 900–550 BCE (Agrinier, p. 175).
  14. ^ Orr, p. 749.
  15. ^ Cohodas.
  16. ^ Cal State L.A.
  17. ^ Noble, p. 65.
  18. ^ Day, p. 66, who further references Diego Duran and Bernardino de Sahagún.
  19. ^ Coe et al., p. 109.
  20. ^ Scott, p. 54.
  21. ^ Filloy Nadal, page 30 as well as Leyenaar (2001) pp. 125-126.
  22. ^ Taladoire, p. 98. Note that there are slightly over 200 ballcourts also identified in the American Southwest which are not included in this total, since these are outside Mesoamerica and there is significant discussion whether these areas were used for ballplaying or not.
  23. ^ Taladoire and Colsenet.
  24. ^ Kurjack, Maldonado C., Robertson.
  25. ^ Taladoire, p. 99.
  26. ^ Day, p. 69.
  27. ^ Taladoire, p. 97.
  28. ^ Related by Santley, et al., p. 14-15.
  29. ^ See, for example, Taladoire and Colsenet ("We suggest that the ballgame was used as a substitute and a symbol for war.", p. 174), Fox, or Gillespie, who says that the ballgame was "a boundary maintenance mechanism between polities" (p. 340).
  30. ^ Kowalewski, et al., p. 43.
  31. ^ Santley et al., p. 14.
  32. ^ Day, p. 76, and Taladoire, p. 114.
  33. ^ Wilkerson, p. 59.
  34. ^ California State University, Los Angeles, Department of Anthropology, [1].
  35. ^ See, e.g., Kubler, p. 147 or Miller.
  36. ^ Maria Uriarte, p. 46.
  37. ^ Among other sources, see Schele and Miller, who say ("It would not be surprising if the game were rigged"), p. 249.
  38. ^ Cohodas, p. 255, or Gillespie, p. 321.
  39. ^ Schele and Miller, who state that "occasionally [sacrificial victims'] decapitated heads were placed in play", p. 243.
  40. ^ See Bradley, who finds that a raised circular dot, or a U-shaped symbol with a dot in the middle, or raised U- or V-shaped areas each represent maize.
  41. ^ See, among others, Gillespie. Some researchers content that the ball represents not the sun, but the moon.
  42. ^ Cohodas, p. 255.
  43. ^ Taladoire and Closenet, p. 173.
  44. ^ Zender.
  45. ^ Taladoire, p. 109, who states that Matacapan and Tikal did indeed build ballcourts but only after the fall of Teotihuacan.
  46. ^ Taladoire, p. 112.
  47. ^ Taladoire, p. 112.
  48. ^ taladoire, p. 113.
  49. ^ The Nahuatl word for the game, ōllamaliztli [o:llama'listɬi]) was often spelled ullamaliztl - the orthography with "u" is a misrendering of the Náhuatl word caused by the fact that the quality of the nahuatl vowel /ō/ sounds a little like Spanish /u/.
  50. ^ Interestingly, the name of the present day city of Taxco, Guerrero, comes from the Nahuatl word tlachcho meaning "in the ballcourt".
  51. ^ De La Garza & Izquierdo (1980) p.315.
  52. ^ Wilkerson, p. 45 and others, although there is by no means a universal view: Santley et al. say "The game was played by nearly all adolescent and adult males, noble and commoner alike." (p. 9)
  53. ^ Motolinia, p. 320.
  54. ^ De La Garza & Izquierdo (1980) p.325.
  55. ^ Alegria.
The yoke and kneepads identify this molded ceramic Maya figurine as a ballplayer.  Like many of these Jaina Island style figurines, it also functions as a whistle. 600-900 CE.
The yoke and kneepads identify this molded ceramic Maya figurine as a ballplayer. Like many of these Jaina Island style figurines, it also functions as a whistle. 600-900 CE.

[edit] References

  • Alegria, Ricardo (1951). "The Ball Game Played by the Aborigines of the Antilles". American Antiquity 16 (4): 348-352. 
  • Berdan, Frances F. (2005). The Aztecs of Central Mexico: An Imperial Society, 2nd edition, Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology, Belmont CA: Wadsworth Publishing. ISBN 0-534-62728-5. 
  • Bradley, Douglas E. (1997). Life, Death and Duality: A Handbook of the Rev. Edmund P. Joyce, C.S.C. Collection of Ritual Ballgame Sculpture, Snite Museum of Art Bulletin, Vol. 1. University of Notre Dame. 
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Ballcourt (?) at Wupatki National Monument, Arizona.  There is disagreement among archaeologists whether these structures in the American Southwest were used for ballgames, although the consensus appears that they were.  There is further discussion concerning the extent that any Southwest ballgame is related to the Mesoamerican ballgame.
Ballcourt (?) at Wupatki National Monument, Arizona. There is disagreement among archaeologists whether these structures in the American Southwest were used for ballgames, although the consensus appears that they were. There is further discussion concerning the extent that any Southwest ballgame is related to the Mesoamerican ballgame.
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  • Whittington, E. Michael (Ed.) (2001). in E. Michael Whittington (ed.): The Sport of Life and Death: The Mesoamerican Ballgame. New York: Mint Museum of Art, Thames & Hudson. ISBN 0-500-05108-9. 
  • Wilcox, David R. (1991). "The Mesoamerican Ballgame in the American Southwest", in Vernon Scarborough, David R. Wilcox (Eds.): The Mesoamerican Ballgame. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press, pp.101-125. ISBN 0-8165-1360-0. 
  • Wilkerson, S. Jeffrey K. (1991). "Then They Were Sacrificed: The Ritual Ballgame of Northeastern Mesoamerica Through Time and Space", in Vernon Scarborough, David R. Wilcox (Eds.): The Mesoamerican Ballgame. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press. ISBN 0-8165-1360-0.. 
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