Marvin Harris
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| Dr. Marvin Harris | |
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| Born | August 18, 1927 Brooklyn, New York |
| Field | Anthropology |
| Institutions | University of Florida |
| Alma mater | Columbia University |
| Known for | Anthropologist who was a proponent of cultural materialism |
Marvin Harris (August 18, 1927 – October 25, 2001) was an American anthropologist. He was born in Brooklyn, New York. A prolific writer, he was highly influential in the development of cultural materialism. In his work he combined Karl Marx's emphasis on the forces of production with Malthus's insights on the impact of demographic factors on other parts of the sociocultural system. Labeling demographic and production factors as infrastructure, Harris posited these factors as key in determining a society's social structure and culture. After the publication of The Rise of Anthropological Theory in 1968, Harris helped focus the interest of anthropologists in cultural-ecological relationships for the rest of his career. Many of his publications gained wide circulation among lay readers.
Over the course of his professional life, Harris drew both a loyal following and a considerable amount of criticism. He became a regular fixture at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association where he would subject scholars to intense questioning from the floor, podium, or bar. He is considered a generalist, who had an interest in the global processes that account for human origins and the evolution of human cultures.
In his final book, Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times, Harris argued that the political consequences of postmodern theory were harmful, a critique similar to those later developed by philosopher Richard Wolin and others.
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[edit] Early Career
Being born just before the Great Depression, Harris was poor during his childhood in Brooklyn. He entered the U.S. Army toward the end of the Second World War and used funding from the G.I. Bill to enter Columbia University along with a new generation of post-war American anthropologists. Harris was an avid reader who loved to spend hours at the race track and he eventually developed a complex mathematical betting system that was successful enough to provide support for his wife, Madelyn, and him during his years of graduate school.
Harris' early work was with his mentor, Charles Wagley, and his dissertation research in Brazil produced an unremarkable village study that carried on the Boasian descriptive tradition in anthropology—a tradition he would later critique.
After being graduated, Harris was given an assistant professorship at Columbia and, while undertaking fieldwork in Mozambique in 1957, Harris underwent a series of profound transformations that altered his theoretical and political orientations.
[edit] Theoretical contributions
Harris' earliest work began in the Boasian tradition of descriptive anthropological fieldwork, but his fieldwork experiences in Mozambique in the late 1950s caused him to shift his focus from ideological features of culture, toward behavioral aspects. His 1968 history of anthropological thought, The Rise of Anthropological Theory' critically examined hundreds of years of social thought with the intent of constructing a viable nomothetic understanding of human culture that Harris came to call cultural materialism. Cultural materialism incorporated and refined Marx's categories of superstructure and base; Harris modified and amplified such core Marxist concepts as means of production and exploitation, but Harris rejected two key aspects of Marxist thought: the dialectic, which Harris attributed to an intellectual vogue of Marx’s time; and, unity of theory and practice, which Harris regarded as an inappropriate and damaging stance for social scientists. Harris’ inclusion of demographic dynamics as determinant factors in sociocultural evolution also contrasted with Marx’s rejection of population as a causal element.
Throughout his career, Harris grappled with the issue of the epistemological status of informants’ statements. He labeled his solution the emic/etic distinction, which he refined considerably since its exposition in The Rise of Anthropological Theory. The terms “emic” and “etic” originated in the work of linguist Kenneth Pike, despite the latter’s conceptual differences with Harris’ constructs. As used by Marvin Harris, emic meant those descriptions and explanations that are right and meaningful to an informant or subject, whereas etic descriptions and explanations are those used by the scientific community to generate and strengthen theories of sociocultural life. Harris had asserted that both are in fact necessary for an explanation of human thought and behavior.
Marvin Harris’ early contributions to major theoretical issues include his revision of economic surplus theory in state formation. He also became well known for formulating a materialist explanation for the treatment of “sacred cows” in Indian culture. Along with Michael Harner, Harris is one of the scholars most associated with the suggestion that Aztec cannibalism occurred, and was the result of protein deficiency in the Aztec diet. An explanation appears in his book Cannibals and Kings. Harris also invoked the human quest for animal protein to explain Yanomamo warfare, contradicting ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon’s sociobiological explanation involving innate male human aggressiveness. Several other publications by Harris examine the cultural and material roots of dietary traditions in many cultures, including Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches: The Riddles of Culture; Good to Eat: Riddles of Food and Culture (original title The Sacred Cow and the Abominable Pig) and his edited volume, Food and Evolution: Toward a Theory of Human Food Habits. Harris’ Why Nothing Works: The Anthropology of Daily Life (Originally titled America Now: the Anthropology of a Changing Culture) applies concepts from cultural materialism to the explanation of such social developments in late twentieth century United States as inflation, the entry of large numbers of women into the paid labor force, marital instability, and shoddy products. His Our Kind: Who We Are, Where We Came From, Where We Are Going surveys the broad sweep of human physical and cultural evolution, offering provocative explanations of such subjects as human gender and sexuality and the origins of inequality. His publications are diverse and many, a separate article covers them. Harris’ 1979 work, Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture, updated and re-released in 2001, offers the most comprehensive statement of cultural materialism.
It should be noted that, along with a quite small number of other leading anthropologists of the second half of the 20th Century, Harris was _not_ primarily a functionalist (although, of course, a master of functionalist field-work and analysis), but someone who was concerned with the underlying patterns, prehistorical and historical, that led to the development of human societies, and extremely aware of the ultimately (and often immediately) maladaptive nature of many high-population (thus "intensified" agriculturally) historical societies. In the most serious and direct of his three books for general audiences, _Cannibals and Kings_ , published in 1979, he warned that highly-centralized control of essential natural resources (such as water, or fuel) by powerful states had historically produced conditions of institutionalized unfreedom and oppression that had lasted, in the case of the ancient imperial states, for thousands of years. His clear implication was that — impossible as it seemed to many people at the time the book was published — late-Twentieth-Century ecological and demographic conditions were setting the stage for an entirely-possible recurrence of such a very long period of institutionalized human inequality and misery, which (30 years ago, at least) most people thought had been permanently left behind the barrier of the 18th-century Enlightenment and the democratic revolutions it had produced. The accuracy of Harris's warning was demonstrated precisely by the polite but fierce collective academic avoidance of his conclusions and their implications that it tended to produce. Avoidance — and post-modern mutterings about multiple-causation and the disusefulness of overviews — were the most it _could_ produce, because of the obvious (and impeccably-researched) truth of what Harris was stating had happened, and might again happen.
Harris's most significant book for general audiences, _Cannibals and Kings_, aroused quiet but significant opposition for another little-discussed reason based completely on a far-too-quickly-reached misunderstanding on the part of some of his readers. The book appeared at the height of the feminist movement. Harris was the opposite of an anti-feminist. However, in very carefully doing the calculation of nutritional intakes and expenditures of upper-Paleolithic and Mesolithic band societies; and allowing for the fact that the healthier diet of such societies prolonged the period of lactation, and therefore spaced births more widely, Harris came to the conclusion (based also on his knowledge of surviving hunter-gatherer societies) that in order to maintain acceptable ratios of population to resources and thus maintain the hunting-gathering-gardening way of life, some infanticide must have been practiced as a means of population control, and that it was most likely that female newborns would have been killed, for the inarguable reason that it is the number of females that sets the reproductive rate of any population. This idea outraged feminists, including at least some younger feminist anthropologists. It is very unfortunate that so quick and politicized a reading of one of the many points Harris was making in the book served to disable, to any degree, a book that could have provided much of the badly-needed theoretical foundation that had been so sadly lacking in the political thinking of younger people in the Sixties and their cultural aftermath. (A similar kind of misunderstanding, though of a much more central point, also occurred in the case of Nobelist Konrad Lorenz's _On Aggression_, published in the U.S. in the mid-1960s; the points made in both books, though very different in context and form, are not entirely unrelated.)
[edit] Academic career
Harris received both his M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Columbia University, the former in 1949 and the latter in 1953. He performed fieldwork in Brazil and Portuguese-speaking Africa before joining the faculty at Columbia. He eventually became chairman of the anthropology department at Columbia. During the Columbia student campus occupation of 1968, Harris was among the few faculty leaders who sided with the students when they were threatened and beaten by the police.
During the 1960s and 1970s, he was a resident of Leonia, New Jersey.[1]
Harris next joined the University of Florida anthropology department in 1981 and retired in 2000, becoming the Anthropology Graduate Research Professor Emeritus. Harris also served as the Chair of the General Anthropology Division of the American Anthropological Association.
Harris became the author of seventeen books. Two of his college textbooks, Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology and Cultural Anthropology, were published in seven editions. His research spanned the topics of race, evolution, and culture. He often focused on Latin America and Brazil, [1], but his fieldwork also included the Islas de la Bahia, Ecuador, Mozambique, India, and East Harlem.
[edit] Works
Harris left a large body of scholarly work. Please see List of Marvin Harris works for a complete list.
[edit] References
- ^ Marvin Harris, Cultural Materialism. Accessed May 27, 2008. "Throughout the 1960s and 1970s Harris and his family lived in Leonia, New Jersey, which borders Fort Lee, right across the Hudson River from upper Manhattan."
