Luis Echeverría
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| Luis Echeverría | |
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President of Mexico
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| In office December 1, 1970 – November 30, 1976 |
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| Preceded by | Gustavo Díaz Ordaz |
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| Succeeded by | José López Portillo |
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| Born | January 17, 1922 Mexico City |
| Nationality | Mexican |
| Political party | Institutional Revolutionary Party |
| Spouse | María Esther Zuno |
Luis Echeverría Álvarez (born January 17, 1922) served as President of Mexico from 1970 to 1976.
Echeverría joined the faculty of the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1947 and taught political theory. He rose in the hierarchy of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and eventually became the private secretary of the party president, General Rodolfo Sánchez Taboada. Echeverría served as Interior Secretary under President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz from 1964 to 1970. He apparently maintained a hard line against student protesters throughout 1968, but it has been rumoured that he also secretly supported the student movements to solidify his position. Clashes between the government and protesters culminated in the Tlatelolco massacre in October 1968, a few days before the 1968 Summer Olympics were held in Mexico City. In a separate incident, he ordered the transfer of 15% of the Mexican military to the state of Guerrero to counter guerrilla groups operating there.
At one point during his campaign for the presidency, Echeverría called for a moment of silence to remember the victims of the Tlatelolco massacre, an act which enraged President Díaz Ordaz and almost prompted him to call for Echeverría's resignation. Once Echeverría became president, he embarked on a far-reaching program of populist political and economic reform, nationalizing the mining and electrical industries, redistributing private land in the states of Sinaloa and Sonora to peasants, opposing American "expansionism," supporting the leftist Chilean leader Salvador Allende, condemning Zionism, allowing the Palestine Liberation Organization to open an office in the capital, and imposing limits on foreign investment, and extending Mexico's patrimonial waters to 200 miles (370 km). He also created a special commission to destroy Mexico's forests, believing they were of no economic benefit, using that land for agriculture. At the same time, he enraged the left because he did not bring the perpetrators of the Corpus Christi Massacre to justice, and he angered the business community with his populist rhetoric and his moves to nationalize industries and redistribute land. He was also unpopular within the rank and file of his own party.
Echeverría's candidacy rode a wave of anger by citizens in northwestern Mexico against the United States for its use (and perceived misappropriation) of water from the Colorado River, which drains much of the U.S. southwest before crossing into Mexico. The established treaty between the U.S. and Mexico called for the U.S. to allow a specified volume of water 1.5 million acre-feet (1.9 km³) to pass the U.S.-Mexican border, but it did not establish any quality levels. Throughout the 20th century, the United States, through its water policy managed through the United States Bureau of Reclamation, had developed wide-ranging irrigation along the river which had led to progressively higher levels of salinity in the water as it moved downstream. By the late 1960s, the high salinity of the water crossing into Mexico had resulted in the ruin of large tracts of the irrigated land along the lower Colorado. The sudden increase in oil prices in 1973 coupled with the possibility of new Mexican oil deposits in the Bay of Campeche, gave Echeverría a strong bargaining position against the Nixon Administration in the United States. Echeverría threatened to bring the issue to the World Court, prompting the Nixon Administration to renegotiate the treaty to include a salinity-control agreement. The implementation of salinity control at the border (specified to be at U.S. expense) has been on-going and slow, however, and the lower Colorado remains largely a desolate shadow of what it once was.
He is accused of irresponsible government spending, increasing inflation, and cronyism — which is symbolized by appointing his good friend and eventual successor José López Portillo as Finance Minister — violent devaluations of the peso, from 12.50 MXP per dollar in 1954 to 20 per dollar in late 1976, as well as for rising debt. During his period, the country's external debt soared from $6 billion in 1970 to $20 billion in 1976. This caused the ruling party, at least in terms of its economic policies, to gradually lose prestige at home and abroad.
Echeverria functioned as a CIA agent under the code name "Litempo-14" ("Inside the CIA" - 1975 by Philip Agee). See also[1]
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[edit] Continued influence
Echeverría has been suspected of wielding power behind the throne even long after his presidential term ended, mostly through his alleged influence over the “old guard” wing of the PRI, the myriad special police forces in Mexico, as well as the drug cartels.
Echeverría’s brother-in-law, Rubén Zuno Arce, was convicted by a California court in 1992 and sentenced to life for his role as leader of the Guadalajara drug cartel and the murder of a U.S. federal agent seven years earlier.[2] Echeverría repeatedly requested President Carlos Salinas to pressure Washington for the release of Zuno Arce, to no avail.
After leaving office, Salinas (who was president from 1988 to 1994) publicly accused Echeverría of inspiring the murder of their party’s presidential candidate in March 1994 and of leading a conspiracy against his reformist allies inside the PRI, which had led to a systemic political and economic crisis.[3] Salinas claimed that Echeverría pressed him to replace the murdered candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio, with an old-guard figure. Echeverría brushed off the accusations as absurd.
After the defeat of the PRI in the general elections of July 2000, it emerged that Vicente Fox (president from 2000 to 2006) had met privately with Echeverría at the latter’s home in Mexico City numerous times during his presidential campaign in 1999 and 2000.[4] Fox did appoint several Echeverría loyalists to top positions in his government, such as Adolfo Aguilar (who headed Echeverría’s “Third World University” in the 1970s) as national security advisor, and Juan José Bremer (Echeverría’s personal secretary) as ambassador to Washington. The most controversial was Alejandro Gertz Manero, who had been accused by the Mexican press of bearing responsibility for the “suicide” of a museum owner in 1972, as Gertz, then working for Echeverría’s attorney general, attempted to confiscate his private collection of pre-Hispanic artefacts (Echeverría has a collection of such artefacts).[5] Fox appointed Gertz as chief of the Federal Police. Shortly thereafter, a major drug boss, Joaquín Guzmán (“El Chapo”), escaped from a maximum-security penitentiary. He had been with the Sinaloa drug cartel, but had worked for Zuno Arce in the Guadalajara drug cartel in the 1980s.
[edit] Later years
On July 23, 2006 a special prosecutor indicted Echeverría and requested his arrest for allegedly ordering the killing of 25 student demonstrators and the wounding of dozens of others during a student protest in Mexico City over education funding on June 10, 1971; the incident became known as the Corpus Christi Massacre for the feast day on which it took place, but also as the Halconazo — "Falcon Strike" — since the special unit involved was called Los Halcones ("The Falcons"). The evidence against Echeverría appeared to be based on documents that allegedly show that he ordered the formation of special army units that committed the killings and that he received regular updates about the episode and its aftermath from his chief of secret police. At the time, the government argued police forces and civilian demonstrators were attacked (and people on both sides killed) by armed civilians, who were convicted and later freed because of a general amnesty.
After the political transition of 2000, Echeverría was charged with genocide by the special prosecutor (an untested charge in the Mexican legal system), partly because the statute of limitations for charges of homicide had expired (charges of genocide under Mexican law have no statute of limitations from 2002). On July 24, 2004, a judge refused to issue an arrest warrant for Echeverría because of statute of limitations problems with the indictment, apparently rejecting the special prosecutor's assertion of genocide-based special circumstances. The special prosecutor said that he would appeal the judge's decision. Echeverría has steadfastly denied any complicity in the killings.
On February 24, 2005 the Supreme Court of Justice decided, four votes against one, that the statute of limitations (30 years) had expired by the time the prosecution began, and that Mexico's ratification by Congress in 2002 to the United Nations convention against war crimes from November 26, 1968, signed by the President on July 3, 1969 but ratified by Congress on December 10, 2001 and coming into effect 90 days later, stating that genocide has no statute of limitations could not be applied retroactively to Echeverría's case, since only Congress can make those agreements part of the legal system.
Charges of genocide (which would have been difficult to sustain if accepted) were about the last hope of the prosecution and while the case is still technically open in court it will be difficult to obtain a conviction. The prosecution argued before the Supreme Court that (a) political conditions prevented an earlier prosecution, (b) the president was constitutionally protected against charges for his full term so the statute of limitations should be extended because of that and (c) the UN convention accepted by Mexico covered past events of genocide. The Supreme Court said that the law did not take into account political conditions and presidential immunity when calculating the statute of limitations, that the prosecution failed to prove earlier charges against the defendants (producing only photocopies with no legal value of supposed legal proceedings from the late 1970s and early 1980s) and that article 14 of the Mexican constitution establishes the principle of non-retroactivity.
On September 20, 2005 the special prosecutor for crimes of the past filed genocide charges against Echeverría for his responsibility, as interior minister at the time, in the October 2, 1968 Tlatelolco massacre. Again, the assigned criminal judge dismissed the filing, holding, first, that the statute of limitations had expired and, second, that the massacre did not constitute genocide. An arrest warrant for Echeverría was issued by a Mexican court on June 30, 2006, but was found not guilty of charges on July 8, 2006. Echeverría is now suing the PRD for untrue allegations. On November 29, 2006, he was charged with the massacres and ordered under house arrest by a Mexican judge.[6]
[edit] References
- ^ http://www.pan.org.mx/?P=381&ArtOrder=ReadArt&Article=204444
- ^ See www.ca9.uscourts.gov/ca9/newopinions.nsf/B989B7B5F7111E9C88256E5A00707ADE/$file/9856770.pdf?openelement
- ^ See Julia Preston, “Salinas Denies New Charges by Mexico,” New York Times, 5 December 1995. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A01E3DB1139F936A35751C1A963958260
- ^ See Martin Walker, “Walker’s World: Why President Fox Failed,” United Press International, 26 December 2006. http://www.upi.com/International_Intelligence/Analysis/2006/12/26/walkers_world_why_president_fox_failed/8628/
- ^ See “Dejó Fox en manos de Luis Echeverría los mandos de las policías federales,” El Heraldo de Chihuahua, 6 April 2006. http://www.ariasking.com/files/HeraldoChih4.pdf
- ^ BBC NEWS | Americas | Warrant for Mexico ex-president
[edit] Sources
- Werner, Michael. (Ed.) (1997). Encyclopedia of Mexico: History, Society, and Culture. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn.
- Cadillac Desert, Marc Reisner (regarding lower Colorado water issues)
| Preceded by Gustavo Díaz Ordaz |
President of Mexico 1970–1976 |
Succeeded by José López Portillo |
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