League of Nations

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Société des Nations (French) Sociedad de Naciones (Spanish) League of Nations (English) International organization 1919 – 1946 → 1939–1941 semi-official emblem Anachronous world map in 1920–1945, showing the League of Nations and the world Capital Not applicable¹ Language(s) English, French and Spanish Political structure International organization Secretary-general  - 1920–1933 Sir James Eric Drummond  - 1933–1940 Joseph Avenol  - 1940–1946 Seán Lester Historical era Interwar period  - Treaty of Versailles 28 June 1919  - First meeting 16 January 1920  - Liquidation 20 April 1946 ¹ The headquarters were based at the Palais des Nations, Geneva  Switzerland

The League of Nations was an international organization founded as a result of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919–1920. At its greatest extent from 28 September 1934 to the 23 February 1935, it had 58 members. The League's goals included disarmament, preventing war through collective security, settling disputes between countries through negotiation, diplomacy and improving global quality of life. The diplomatic philosophy behind the League represented a fundamental shift in thought from the preceding hundred years. The League lacked its own armed force and so depended on the Great Powers to enforce its resolutions, keep to economic sanctions which the League ordered, or provide an army, when needed, for the League to use. However, they were often reluctant to do so. Sanctions could also hurt the League members imposing the sanctions and given the pacifist attitude following World War I, countries were reluctant to take military action. Benito Mussolini stated that "The League is very well when sparrows shout, but no good at all when eagles fall out."

After a number of notable successes and some early failures in the 1920s, the League ultimately proved incapable of preventing aggression by the Axis Powers in the 1930s. The onset of the Second World War suggested that the League had failed in its primary purpose, which was to avoid any future world war. The United Nations replaced it after the end of the war and inherited a number of agencies and organizations founded by the League.

Contents 1 Origins 2 Symbols 3 Languages 4 Principal organs 4.1 Secretariat and Assembly 4.2 Council 4.3 Other bodies 5 Members 6 Mandates 7 Resolving territorial disputes 7.1 Åland Islands 7.2 Memel 7.3 Mosul 7.4 Vilna 7.5 Colombia and Peru 7.6 Saar 8 Peace and security 8.1 Greece and Bulgaria 8.2 Liberia 8.3 Mukden Incident 8.4 Chaco War 8.5 Italian invasion of Abyssinia, 1935–1936 8.6 Spanish Civil War 9 Disarmament and failures en route to World War II 10 General weaknesses 11 Demise and legacy 12 See also 13 Notes 14 References 15 Further reading 16 External links

[edit] Origins

The concept of a peaceful community of nations had been outlined as far back as 1795, when Immanuel Kant’s Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch^[1] outlined the idea of a league of nations that would control conflict and promote peace between states.^[2] international co-operation to promote collective security originated in the Concert of Europe that developed after the Napoleonic War in the nineteenth century in an attempt to maintain the status quo between European states and so avoid war.^{[3] [4]} This period also saw the development of international law with the first Geneva conventions establishing laws about humanitarian relief during war and international Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 governing rules of war and the peaceful settlement of international disputes.^[5] The "Hague Confederation of States", as the Neo-Kantian pacifist Walther Schücking called this initiative, was to have been a universal alliance aiming at disarmament and the peaceful settlement of disputes through arbitration.^[6] Following the failure of the Hague Peace Conferences, a third conference had been planned for 1915.

The idea for the League of Nations itself appears to have originated with the British Foreign Secretary Edward Grey. It was enthusiastically adopted by the United States President Woodrow Wilson and his advisor Colonel Edward M. House as a means of avoiding any repetition of the bloodshed seen in World War I. The League's creation was a centerpiece of Wilson's Fourteen Points for Peace,^[7] specifically the final point: "A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike."^[8]

The Paris Peace Conference that sought a lasting peace after World War I approved the proposal to create the League of Nations (French: Société des Nations, German: Völkerbund) on January 25, 1919.^[9] The Covenant of the League of Nations was drafted by a special commission, and the League was established by Part I of the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed on June 28, 1919.^[10][11] Initially, the Charter was signed by 44 states, including 31 states which had taken part in the war on the side of the Triple Entente or joined it during the conflict. Despite Wilson's efforts to establish and promote the League, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1919,^[12] the United States neither ratified the Charter nor joined the League due to opposition in the U.S. Senate, especially influential Republicans Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts and William E. Borah of Idaho, together with Wilson's refusal to compromise.

The League held its first council meeting in Paris on January 16, 1920 six days after the Versailles Treaty came into force.^[13] In November, the headquarters of the League moved to Geneva, where the first general assembly of the League was held on November 15, 1920^[14] with representatives from 41 nations in attendance.

David Kennedy, a professor at Harvard Law School, examined the League through the scholarly texts surrounding it, the establishing treaties, and voting sessions of the plenary. Kennedy suggests the League is a unique moment when international affairs was "institutionalized" as opposed to the pre-World War I methods of law and politics.^[15]

[edit] Symbols

The League of Nations had neither an official flag nor logo. Proposals for adopting an official symbol were made during the League's beginning in 1920, but the member states never reached agreement. However, League of Nations organization used varying logos and flags (or none at all) in their own operations. An international contest was held in 1929 to find a design, which again failed to produce a symbol.^[16] One of the reasons for this failure may have been the fear by the member states that the power of the supranational organization might supersede them.

Finally, in 1939, a semi-official emblem emerged: two five-pointed stars within a blue pentagon. The pentagon and the five-pointed stars were supposed to symbolize the five continents and the five races of mankind. In a bow on top and at the bottom, the flag had the names in English (League of Nations) and French (Société des Nations). This flag was used on the building of the New York World's Fair in 1939 and 1940.^[16]

[edit] Languages

The official languages of the League of Nations were French, English^[17] and Spanish (from 1920). The League seriously considered adopting Esperanto as their working language and actively encouraging its use but neither option was ever adopted.^[18] In 1921, there was a proposal by Lord Robert Cecil to introduce Esperanto into state schools of member nations and a report was commissioned to investigate this.^[19] When the report was presented two years later it recommended the teaching of Esperanto in schools, a proposal that 11 delegates accepted.^[18] The strongest opposition came from the French delegate, Gabriel Hanotaux, partially in order to protect the French Language which he argued was already the international language.^[20] The opposition meant the report was accepted apart from the part that approved Esperanto in schools.^[21]

[edit] Principal organs

Further information: Permanent Court of International Justice, and Leaders of the League of Nations

The League had four principal organs, a secretariat (headed by the General Secretary and based in Geneva), a Council, an Assembly and a Permanent Court of International Justice.^[22] The League also had numerous Agencies and Commissions. Authorization for any action required both a unanimous vote by the Council and a majority vote in the Assembly.

[edit] Secretariat and Assembly

The staff of the League's secretariat was responsible for preparing the agenda for the Council and Assembly and publishing reports of the meetings and other routine matters, effectively acting as the civil service for the League. The League of Nations' Assembly was a meeting of all the Member States, with each state allowed up to three representatives and one vote.^[23] The Assembly met in Geneva and, after its initial sessions in 1920,^[24] sessions were held once a year in September.^[23]

[edit] Council

The League Council acted as a type of executive body directing the Assemblies business.^[25] The Council began with four permanent members (the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Japan) and four non-permanent members,^[26] which were elected by the Assembly for a three year period. The first four non-permanent members were Belgium, Brazil, Greece and Spain. The United States was meant to be the fifth permanent member, but the United States Senate voted on March 19, 1920 against the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, thus preventing American participation in the League. This prompted the United States to go back to policies of isolationism.

The initial composition of the Council was subsequently changed a number of times. The number of non-permanent members was first increased to six on September 22, 1922, and then to nine on September 8, 1926. Germany also joined the League and became a fifth permanent member of the Council on the latter date, taking the Council to a total of fifteen members. When Germany and Japan later both left the League, the number of non-permanent seats was eventually increased from nine to eleven. The Council met on average five times a year, and in extraordinary sessions when required. In total, 107 public sessions were held between 1920 and 1939.

[edit] Other bodies

The League oversaw the Permanent Court of International Justice and several other agencies and commissions created to deal with pressing international problems.These were the Disarmament Commission, the Health Organization, the International Labour Organization, the Mandates Commission, the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation (ancestor of the UNESCO), the Permanent Central Opium Board, the Commission for Refugees, and the Slavery Commission. Several of these institutions were transferred to the United Nations after the Second World War. In addition to the International Labour Organization, the Permanent Court of International Justice became a UN institution as the International Court of Justice, and the Health Organization was restructured as the World Health Organization.

The League's health organization had three bodies, a Health Bureau, containing permanent officials of the League, an executive section the General Advisory Council or Conference consisting of medical experts, and a Health Committee. The Committee's purpose was to conduct inquiries, oversee the operation of the League's health work, and get work ready to be presented to the Council.^[27] This body focused on ending leprosy, malaria and yellow fever, the latter two by starting an international campaign to exterminate mosquitoes. The Health Organization also worked successfully with the government of the Soviet Union to prevent typhus epidemics including organising a large education campaign about the disease.^[28]

In 1919 the International Labour Organization was created as part of the Versailles Treaty and became part of the League's operations.^[29] This body's first director was Albert Thomas.^[30] It successfully restricted the addition of lead to paint,^[31] and convinced several countries to adopt an eight-hour work day and forty-eight hour working week. It also worked to end child labour, increase the rights of women in the workplace, and make shipowners liable for accidents involving seamen.^[29] The organization continued to exist after the end of the League, becoming an agency of the United Nations in 1946.^[32]

The League wanted to regulate the drugs trade and established the Permanent Central Opium Board to supervise the statistical control system introduced by the second International Opium Convention that mediated the production, manufacture, trade and retail of opium and its by-products. The Board also established a system of import certificates and export authorizations for the legal international trade in narcotics.^[33]

The Slavery Commission sought to eradicate slavery and slave trading across the world, and fought forced prostitution.^[34] Its main success was through pressing the countries who administered mandated countries to end tackle slavery in those countries. The League also secured a commitment from Ethiopia, as a condition of joining the League in 1926, to end slavery and worked with Liberia to abolish forced labour and inter-tribal slavery.^[34] It succeeded in gaining the emancipation of 200,000 slaves in Sierra Leone and organized raids against slave traders in its efforts to stop the practice of forced labour in Africa.^{[citation needed]} It also succeeded in reducing the death rate of workers constructing the Tanganyika railway from 55% to 4%. Records were kept to control slavery, prostitution, and the trafficking women and children.^[35] Led by Fridtjof Nansen the Commission for Refugees looked after the interests of refugees including overseeing their repatriation and, when necessary resettlement.^[36] At the end of the First World War there were two to three million ex-prisoners of war dispersed throughout Russia^[36], within two years of the commission's foundation, in 1920, it had helped 425,000 of them return home.^[37] It established camps in Turkey in 1922 to deal with a refugee crisis in that country and to help prevent disease and hunger. It also established the Nansen passport as a means of identification for stateless peoples.^[38]

The Committee for the Study of the Legal Status of Women sought to make an inquiry into the status of women all over the world. Formed in April 1938, dissolved in early 1939. Committee members included Mme. P. Bastid (France), M. de Ruelle (Belgium), Mme. Anka Godjevac (Yugoslavia), Mr. HC Gutteridge (United Kingdom), Mlle. Kerstin Hesselgren (Sweden),^[39] Ms. Dorothy Kenyon (United States), M. Paul Sebastyen (Hungary) and Secretariat Mr. McKinnon Wood (United Kingdom).

[edit] Members

See also: League of Nations members

Of the 42 founder members, 23 (or 24, counting Free France) remained members until the League of Nations was dissolved in 1946. In the founding year six other states joined, only two of which remained members throughout its existence. An additional 15 countries joined in later years.

The League’s greatest extent was from the 28 September 1934 (when Ecuador joined) to the 23 February 1935 (when Paraguay withdrew) with 58 members. At this time, only Costa Rica (22 January 1925), Brazil (14 June 1926), the Empire of Japan (27 March 1933) and Germany (19 September 1933) had withdrawn and only Egypt was left to join (on the 26 May 1937).

The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was the only (founding) member to leave the league but return to it later.^{[citation needed]}

The Soviet Union, only became a member on September 18, 1934,^[40] when it joined to antagonise Germany (which had left the year before),^[41] and was expelled from the League on December 14, 1939,^[40] for aggression against Finland.^[41] In expelling the Soviet Union, the League broke its own norms. Only 7 out of 15 members of the Council voted for the expelling (United Kingdom, France, Belgium, Bolivia, Egypt, South African Union and the Dominican Republic), which was not a majority of votes as was required by the Charter to do so. Three of these members were chosen as members of the Council the day before the voting (South African Union, Bolivia and Egypt).^[41] This was one of the League's final acts before it practically ceased functioning^[42] owing to the Second World War.^[43]

Egypt was the last state to join (26 May 1937). The first member to withdraw or leave from the League after its founding was Costa Rica on the 22 January 1925 (having joined on 16 December 1920, this also makes it the member to have most quickly withdrawn or left after its joining); the last member to leave or withdraw from the League before its dissolution was Luxembourg on 30 August 1942. Brazil was the first founding member to leave (14 June 1926) and Haiti was the last (April 1942).

Iraq, which joined in 1932, was the first member of the league which had previously been a League of Nations Mandate.^[44]

[edit] Mandates

Main article: League of Nations Mandate

League of Nations Mandates were established under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. These territories were former colonies of the German Empire and the Ottoman Empire that were placed under the supervision of the League following World War I. The Permanent Mandates Commission supervised League of Nations Mandates, and also organised plebiscites in disputed territories so that residents could decide which country they would join. There were three Mandate classifications, A Mandates were mainly applied to parts of the old Ottoman Empire territorys which had:

reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.^[45]

– Article 22, The Covenant of the League of Nations

The B Mandates were applied to the former German Colonies that the League took responsibility for after the First World War. This was a territory that the League said was:

at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.^[45]

– Article 22, The Covenant of the League of Nations

Areas in South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands were administrated by League members under a C Mandate. Classified as territory:

which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population."^[45]

– Article 22, The Covenant of the League of Nations

The territories were governed by "Mandatory Powers", such as the United Kingdom in the case of the Mandate of Palestine and the Union of South Africa in the case of South-West Africa, until the territories were deemed capable of self-government. There were fourteen mandate territories divided up among the six Mandatory Powers of the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, New Zealand, Australia and Japan. In practice, the Mandatory Territories were treated as colonies and were regarded by critics as spoils of war. With the exception of Iraq, which joined the League on October 3, 1932, these territories did not begin to gain their independence until after the Second World War, a process that did not end until 1990. Following the demise of the League, most of the remaining mandates became United Nations Trust Territories.

In addition to the Mandates, the League itself governed the Saarland for 15 years, before it was returned to Germany following a plebiscite, and the free city of Danzig (now Gdańsk, Poland) from 15 November 1920 to 1 September 1939.

[edit] Resolving territorial disputes

The aftermath of World War One left many issues to be settled between nations, including the exact position of national boundaries and which country a particular region would become part of. Most of these questions were handled by the victorious Allied Powers in bodies such as the Allied Supreme Council. The Allies only tended to refer matters they did not want to deal with to the League. This meant during the first three years of the 1920s the League played little part in resolving the turmoil that resulted from the war. The questions the League considered in its early years included those designated by the Paris Peace treaties.^[46]

The Allied Powers referred the problem of Upper Silesia to the League after they had been unable to resolve the territorial dispute.^[47] After the First World War Poland laid claim to Upper Silesia that had been part of Prussia. The Treaty of Versailles had recommended a plebiscite in Upper Silesia to determine whether the territory should be part of Germany or Poland. Complaints about the attitude of the German authorities led to rioting and eventually to the first two Silesian Uprisings (1919 and 1920). A plebiscite took place on 20 March 1921 with 59.6% (around 500,000) of the votes cast were for joining Germany, but Poland claimed the conditions surrounding it had been unfair. This result led to the Third Silesian Uprising in 1921.^[48] The League was asked to settle the matter on 12 August 1921. The Council agreed and created a commission with representatives from Belgium, Brazil, China and Spain to study the situation.^[49] The committee recommended that Upper Silesian was divided between Poland and Germany according to the preferences shown in the plebiscite and that the two sides should decide the details of the interaction between the two areas. For example, if goods should pass freely over the border due to the economic and industrial interdependency of the two areas.^[50] In November 1921 a conference was held in Geneva to negotiate a convention between Germany and Poland. A final settlement was reached, after five meetings, in which most of the area was given to Germany but with the Polish section containing the majority of its mineral resources and much of its industry. When this agreement became public in May 1922 there was resentment and bitterness expressed in Germany, but the treaty was still ratified by both countries. The settlement produced peace in the area lasting until the run up to the Second World War.^[51]

The frontiers of Albania had not been set during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, being left to the League to be decided, but had not yet been determined by September 1921. This created an unstable situation with Greek troops repeatedly crossing into Albanian territory on military operations in the south and Yugoslavian forces engaged, after clashes with Albanian tribesmen, far into the northern part of the country. The League sent a commission of representatives from various powers to the region and in November 1921 the League decided that the frontiers of Albania should be the same as they had been in 1913 with three minor changes that favoured Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav forces withdrew a few weeks later, albeit under protest.^[52]

The borders of Albania again become the cause of international conflict when Italian General Enrico Tellini and four of this assistants were ambushed and killed on 24 August 1923 while marking out the new newly decided border between Greece and Albania. Italian leader Benito Mussolini was incensed, and demanded that a commission should be set up to investigate the incident and that its enquires should be completed within five days. Whatever the results of the enquiry Mussolini insisted that the Greek government should pay Italy fifty million lira reparations. The Greeks said they would not pay unless it was proved that the crime was committed by Greeks.^[53]

Mussolini sent a warship to Corfu, part of Greece, that shelled the island and Italian forces occupied Corfu on 31 August 1923. This contravened the League's covenant and so Greece appealed to the League to deal with the situation. However, the Allies had appointed General Tellini through the Conference of Ambassadors and Musollini insisted that they should deal with the dispute. This meant that the League Council examined the dispute but then passed their opinion to the Council of Ambassadors to make the final decision. The conference accepted most of the League's recommendations forcing Greece to pay fifty million lira to Italy even though those who committed the crime were never discovered.^[54]Mussolini was able to leave Corfu in triumph. By bowing to the pressure of a large country, the League again set a dangerous and damaging example.

As the League developed its role expanded and by the middle of the 1920s it became the centre of international activity. This change can be seen in the relationship between the League and non-members, for example, the United States and Russia increasingly worked with the League. During the second half of the 1920s France, the UK and Germany were all using the League of Nations as the focus of their diplomatic activity and each of their foreign secretaries attending League meetings at Geneva during this period. They also used the League's machinery to try to improve relations and settle their differences.^[55]

[edit] Åland Islands

Main article: Åland crisis

Åland is a collection of around 6,500 islands midway between Sweden and Finland. The islands are exclusively Swedish speaking, but in 1809 Sweden had lost both Finland and the Åland islands to Imperial Russia. When Finland in December 1917, during the turmoil of the Russian October Revolution, declared independence, most of the Ålanders wished the islands to become part of Sweden again;^[56] Finland, however, felt that the islands were part of their new nation, as the Russians had included them in the Grand Duchy of Finland formed in 1809. By 1920 the dispute had escalated to the level that meant there was a danger of war between them. The British government referred the problem with the League's Council, but Finland did not let the League intervene as they viewed it was an internal matter. The League created a small panel to decide if the League should investigate the matter and, once it was decided it should be, a neutral commission was created.^[56] In June 1921 the League announced its decision, that the islands should remain a part of Finland, but with protection of the islanders guaranteed, including demilitarization. With Sweden's reluctant agreement, this became the first European international agreement concluded directly through the League.^[57]

[edit] Memel

The port city of Memel (now Klaipėda) and the surrounding area, whose population was mostly Germany, was under Allied control after the end of the World War I. The area had been awarded to Lithuania by Article 99 of the Treaty of Versailles but the French and Polish governments favoured turning Memel into an international city. By 1923 control of the area had still not been transferred to Lithuania and this prompted Lithuanian forces to invade in January 1923 and seize the port. After the Allies failed to reach agreement with Lithuania they referred the matter to the League of Nations. In December 1923 the League Council appointed a commission of inquiry who, after investigating chose to cede the Memel to Lithuania and give the area autonomous rights. This was approved by the League Council on 14 March 1924 and then by the Allied Powers and Lithuania.^[58]

[edit] Mosul

The League resolved a dispute between Iraq and Turkey over the control of the former Ottoman province of Mosul in 1926. According to the British, who were awarded a League of Nations A-mandate over Iraq in 1920 and therefore represented Iraq in its foreign affairs, Mosul belonged to Iraq; on the other hand, the new Turkish republic claimed the province as part of its historic heartland. A League of Nations commission of inquiry with Belgian, Hungarian and Swedish members was sent to the region in 1924 to study the case and found that the people of Mosul did not want to be part of Turkey or Iraq but if they had to choose would pick Iraq.^[59] In 1925 the commission recommended the region was kept as part of Iraq, under the condition that the British would hold the mandate over Iraq for another 25 years, to assure the autonomous rights of the Kurdish population. The League Council adopted the recommendation and it decided on 16 December 1925 to award Mosul to Iraq. Although Turkey had accepted the League of Nations arbitration in the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, it rejected the League's decision questioning the Council's authority. The matter was referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice which ruled that when the Council made a unanimous decision it must be accepted. Nonetheless, the UK, Iraq and Turkey ratified a treaty on 5 June 1926, that mostly followed the decision of the League Council and also assigned Mosul to Iraq. However, it was agreed that Iraq could still apply for League membership within 25 years and that if successful the mandate would end.^{[60] [61]}

[edit] Vilna

After World War I, Poland and Lithuania both regained their independence but there was disagreement about the frontiers between the countries. ^[62] During the Polish-Soviet War Lithuania signed a peace treaty with the Soviet Union that laid out Lithuania's frontiers. This agreement gave control of the city of Vilna (Lithuanian Vilnius, Polish Wilno), the old Lithuanian capital, to Lithuania which became the country's seat of government.^[63] This heightened tension between Lithuania and Poland led to fears that they would go to war and on 7 October 1920 the League negotiated an armistice but this did not last long.^[64] The majority of the population of the city of Vilna during the inter-war era were Polish and on 9 October 1920 General Zeligowski with a Polish military force took the city and claimed that the Government of Central Lithuania was now under their protection.^[65]

Lithuania requested the League's assistance and in response the League Council called for Poland's withdrawal from the area. The Polish Government indicated they would comply with the League but did not leave and the Polish troops in the city were instead reinforced.^[66] This prompted the League to decide that the future of Vilna should be determined by its residents in a plebiscite and that the Polish forces should withdraw and be replaced by an international force organised by the League. Several League nations, included France and the UK, started preparing troops to be sent to the area as part of the international force. At the end of 1920 hostilities between Poland and Lithuania again increased but at the beginning of 1921 Poland started looking for a peaceful settlement. The Poles agreed to support the League's plan for the area, withdraw their troops and co-operate with the plebiscite. However, the League now faced opposition from Lithuania and the Soviet Union, who did not approve of the proposed presence of an international force in Lithuania. This meant in March 1921 the League abandoned the idea of both a plebiscite and an international force, and returned to attempting to facilitate a negotiated settlement between the two sides.^[67] Vilna and the surrounding area were formally annexed by Poland in March 1922 and on 14 March 1923 the Allied Conference set down the frontier between Lithuania and Poland leaving Vilna within Poland.^[68] Lithuanian authorities did not accept this and officially remained in a state of war with Poland until 1927.^[69] It was not until the 1938 Polish ultimatum that Lithuania resolved diplomatic relations with Poland, ended the state of war and thus de facto accepted the borders of its neighbour.^[70]

[edit] Colombia and Peru

Main article: Colombia-Peru War

There were several border conflicts between Colombia and Peru in the early part of the 20th century and in 1922 the countries agreed the Salomón-Lozano Treaty to try and resolve these conflicts.^[71] As part of this treaty the border town Leticia and its surrounding area were ceded from Peru to Colombia, giving Columbia access to the Amazon River.^[72] An armed Peruvian takeover of Leticia occurred on 1 September 1932. This was organised by business leaders from the Peruvian rubber and sugar industries who had lost land when the area was given to Columbia.^[73] At first the Peruvian Government did not recognise the military takeover but Peru's President Luis Cerro decided to resist a Columbian re-occupation and the Peruvian Army occupied Leticia. This resulted in an armed conflict between the two nations.^[74] After months of diplomatic wrangling, the two nations accepted mediation by the League of Nations, with their representatives presenting their cases before the League's Council. A provisional peace agreement, signed by both parties in May 1933, provided for the League to assume control of the disputed territory while bilateral negotiations proceeded.^[75] In May 1934, a final peace agreement was signed, resulting in the return of Leticia to Colombia, a formal apology from Peru for the 1932 invasion, demilitarization of the area around Leticia, free navigation on the Amazon River and Río Putumayo, and a pledge of non aggression.

[edit] Saar

Saar was a province, formed from parts of Prussia and the Rhenish Palatinate, that was established and placed under League control by the Treaty of Versailles. A plebiscite was to be held after fifteen years of League rule to determine whether the region should belong to Germany or France. When the referendum was held in 1935 90.3% votes were in favour of becoming part of Germany and it became part of Germany again.^{[76] [77]}

[edit] Peace and security

In addition to territorial disputes, the League also tried to intervene in other conflicts between (and even within) nations. Among its successes were its attempts to combat the international trade in opium and sexual slavery, and its work to alleviate the plight of refugees, particularly in Turkey in the period to 1926. One of its innovations in this latter area was its 1922 introduction of the Nansen passport, which was the first internationally recognized identity card for stateless refugees. Many of the League's successes were accomplished by its various agencies and commissions.

[edit] Greece and Bulgaria

After an incident between sentries on the border between Greece and Bulgaria in October 1925, fighting began between the two countries.^[78] Three days after the initial incident Greek troops invaded Bulgaria. Bulgaria ordered its troops to provide only token resistance, and evacuated between ten thousand and fifteen thousand people from the border region, trusting the League to settle the dispute.^[79] The League did indeed condemn the Greek invasion, and called for both Greek withdrawal and compensation to Bulgaria. Greece complied, but complained about the disparity between their treatment and that of Italy (see Corfu, above).

[edit] Liberia

Following rumours of forced labor and American accusations of slave trading the Liberian government asked the League to launched an investigation. The commission created to investigate was jointly appointed by the League, the United States of America and Liberia carried out the investigation,^[80] concentrating particularly on the alleged use of forced labor on the massive Firestone rubber plantation.^{[citation needed]} In 1930, a report by the League confirmed slavery and forced labor was taking place. The report implicated many government officials in the selling of contract labor and recommended these were replaced by Europeans or Americans. The Liberian government outlawed forced labor and slavery and asked for American help, this created anger within Leberia and led to the resignation of President Charles D.B. King, his vice-president.^[80] The League followed with a threat to establish a trusteeship over Liberia unless reforms were carried out, which became the central focus of President Edwin Barclay.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Mukden Incident

The Mukden Incident, also known as the "Manchurian Incident" or the "Far Eastern Crisis", was one of the League's major setbacks and acted as the catalyst for Japan's withdrawal from the organization. Under the terms of an agreed lease, Japan had the right to station its troops in the area around the South Manchurian Railway, a major trade route between the two countries, in the Chinese region of Manchuria.^[81] In September, 1931, the Japanese army claimed that Chinese soldiers had sabotaged the railway. However, the railway had been blown up by officers and troops of the Japanese Kwantung Army,^{[82] [83]} as a pretext for an invasion of Manchuria.^{[82] [84]} In apparent retaliation, the Japanese army, acting contrary to the civilian government's orders,^[83] occupied the entire region of Manchuria, which they renamed Manchukuo, and set up a puppet government on 9 March 1932 with Pu Yi, the former emperor of China as its executive head.^[85] This new country was recognised internationally only by Italy and Germany; the rest of the world still saw Manchuria as legally part of China. In 1932, Japanese air and sea forces bombarded the Chinese city of Shanghai, sparking the short war of the January 28 Incident.

The Chinese government asked the League of Nations for help, but the long voyage by ship for League officials to investigate the matter themselves delayed matters. When they arrived, the officials were confronted with Chinese assertions that the Japanese had invaded unlawfully, while the Japanese claimed they were acting to keep peace in the area. Despite Japan's high standing in the League, the subsequent Lytton Report declared Japan to be in the wrong and demanded Manchuria be returned to the Chinese. However, before the report was voted upon by the Assembly, Japan announced its intention to push further into China. The report passed 42-1 in the Assembly in 1933 (only Japan voted against), and Japan withdrew from the League.

According to the Covenant of the League of Nations, the League should now have placed economic sanctions against Japan, or gathered an army and declared war. However, neither event took place. Economic sanctions had been rendered almost useless due to the United States Congress voting against joining the League, despite Woodrow Wilson's keen involvement in drawing up the Treaty of Versailles and his wish for America to join the League. Any economic sanctions the League now placed on its member states would be ineffective, as a state barred from trading with other member states could simply turn and trade with America. On the other hand, the reason why the League did not assemble an army was because the self-interest of many of its member states: countries such as the UK and France were too preoccupied with their own affairs, such as keeping control of their extensive colonies, especially after the turmoil of World War I. Japan was therefore left to keep control of Manchuria, until the Soviet Union's Red Army took over the area and returned it to China at the end of World War II.

[edit] Chaco War

The League failed to prevent the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay in 1932 over the arid Gran Chaco region of South America. Although the region was sparsely populated, it gave control of the Paraguay River^[86] which would have given one of the two landlocked countries access to the Atlantic Ocean, and there was also speculation, later proved incorrect, that the Chaco would be a rich source of petroleum.^[87] Border skirmishes throughout the late 1920s culminated in an all-out war in 1932, when the Bolivian army attacked the Paraguayan fort of Carlos Antonio López at Pitiantuta.^[88] Paraguay appealed to the League of Nations, but the League did not take action when the Pan-American conference offered to mediate instead. The war was a disaster for both sides, causing 57,000 casualties for Bolivia, whose population was around three million, and 36,000 dead for Paraguay whose population was approximately one million.^[89] It also brought both countries to the brink of economic disaster. By the time a ceasefire was negotiated on 12 June 1935,^[90] Paraguay had seized control over most of the region. This was recognized in a 1938 truce by which Paraguay was awarded three-quarters of the Chaco Boreal.

[edit] Italian invasion of Abyssinia, 1935–1936

Main article: Abyssinia Crisis

In October 1935, Italian leader Benito Mussolini sent 400,000 troops to invade Abyssinia (Ethiopia).^[91] General Pietro Badoglio led the campaign from November 1935, ordering the bombing and use of chemical weapons, for example, (mustard gas) and poisoning of water supplies, against targets including undefended villages and medical facilities.^[92][91] The modern Italian Army defeated the poorly armed Abyssinians, and captured Addis Ababa in May 1936, forcing Emperor Haile Selassie to flee.^[93]

The League of Nations condemned Italy's aggression and imposed economic sanctions in November 1935, but the sanctions were largely ineffective since they did not ban oil or close the Suez Canal which was owned by the UK and France.^[94] As Stanley Baldwin, the British Prime Minister, later observed, this was ultimately because no one had the military forces on hand to withstand an Italian attack. On 9 October 1935, the United States (a non-League member) refused to cooperate with any League action. It had embargoed exports of arms and war material to neither combatant (in accordance with its new Neutrality Act) on 5 October and later (29 February 1936) endeavoured (with uncertain success) to limit exports of oil and other materials to normal peacetime levels.^[95] The League sanctions were lifted on 4 July 1936, but by that point they were a dead letter in any event.^[96]

In December 1935, the Hoare-Laval Pact was an attempt by the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Hoare and the French Prime Minister Laval to end the conflict in Abyssinia by drawing up a plan to partition Abyssinia into two parts, an Italian sector and an Abyssinian sector. Mussolini was prepared to agree to the Pact; however, news of the Pact was leaked and both the British and French public venomously protested against the Pact, describing it as a sell-out of Abyssinia. Hoare and Laval were forced to resign their positions, and both the British and French government disassociated with them respectively.^[97] In June, 1936, the Emperor of Ethiopia Haile Selassie I spoke to the Assembly of the League of Nations to appeal for their help in protecting his country, there was no precedent for a head of state addressing the Assembly in person.^[98]

As was the case with Japan, the vigour of the major powers in responding to the crisis in Abyssinia was tempered by their perception that the fate of this poor and far-off country, inhabited by non-Europeans, was not a central interest of theirs. In addition, it showed how the League could be influenced by the self-interest of its members.^[99] One of the reasons why the sanctions were not very harsh was that both the UK and France feared the prospect of driving Mussolini and Hitler into an alliance.^[100]

[edit] Spanish Civil War

Main article: Spanish Civil War

On 17 July 1936, a coup d'état was attempted by the Spanish Army leading to a prolonged armed conflict between Spanish Republicans, the left-wing government of Spain, and Nationalists, right-wing rebels who included most officers of the Spanish Army.^[101] Alvarez del Vayo, the Spanish minister of foreign affairs, appealed to the League in September 1936 for arms to defend its territorial integrity and political independence. However, the League could not itself intervene in the Spanish Civil War nor prevent foreign intervention in the conflict. Hitler and Mussolini continued to aid General Franco’s Nationalist insurrectionists, and the Soviet Union aided the Spanish loyalists. The League did attempt to ban the intervention of foreign national volunteers.

[edit] Disarmament and failures en route to World War II

Article eight of the League's covenant gave the League the task of reducing "armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations"^[102] A significant amount of the League's time and energy was devoted to disarmament despite many of the governments involved being uncertain that disarmament to the extent laid out in the Leagues covenant could be achieved or was even desirable. The Allied Powers were also under obligation from the Treaty of Versailles to attempt to disarm and the disarmament imposed on the defeated countries had been described as the first step towards world wide disarmament.^[103] The League's covenant gave the task of creating a disarmament plan for each state to the League Council but the Council devolved this responsibility to a Preparatory Commission that was set-up to prepare for the World Disarmament Conference.^[104]

The Disarmament Commission obtained initial agreement from France, Italy, Japan, and the UK to limit the size of their navies. The Kellogg-Briand Pact, facilitated by the commission in 1928, failed in its objective of outlawing war. Ultimately, the Commission failed to halt the military buildup during the 1930s by Germany, Italy and Japan. The League was powerless and mostly silent in the face of major events leading to World War II such as Hitler's remilitarisation of the Rhineland, occupation of the Sudetenland and Anschluss of Austria, which had been forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles. In fact, League members themselves rearmed. As with Japan, both Germany in 1933 – using the failure of the World Disarmament Conference to agree to arms parity between France and Germany as a pretext – and Italy, in 1937, simply withdrew from the League rather than submit to its judgement. The League commissioner in Danzig was unable to deal with German claims on the city, a significant contributing factor in the outbreak of World War II in 1939. The final significant act of the League was to expel the Soviet Union in December 1939 after it invaded Finland.

[edit] General weaknesses

The onset of the Second World War suggested that the League had failed in its primary purpose, which was to avoid any future world war. There were a variety of reasons for this failure many connected to general weaknesses within the organisation. The origins of the League as an organisation created by the Allied Powers as part of the peace settlement at the end of the first world war led to it being viewed as a "League of Victors".^{[105] [106]} It also tied the League to the Treaty of Versailles so that when the Treaty became discredited and unpopular this reflected on the League of Nations. The other problem created at its inception was the position that the United States of America was supposed to play in the League, not only in terms of helping to ensure world peace and security but also in financing the League. The U.S. President Woodrow Wilson had been a driving force behind the League's formation and strongly influenced the form it took but the United States Senate voted not to join on November 19, 1919.^[107] Had the United States been a member of the League it would have also have provided backup to France and the United Kingdom, possibly making France feel more secure and so encouraging France and the UK cooperate more regarding Germany and so made the rise to power of the NAZI party less likely.^[108] However, some historians, for example Ruth Henig, have also argued that if America has been a member of the League its reluctance to engage in war with European states and to enact economic sanctions may have hampered the ability of the League to deal with international incidents.^[108] The structure of government in America may also have made its membership problematic as its representatives at the League could not have made decisions on behalf of the United States executive branch without this having already been approved by the legislative branches.^[109]

Representation at the League was often a problem. Though it was intended to encompass all nations, many never joined, or their time as part of the League was short. In January 1920, when the League began, Germany was not permitted to join, due to strong dislike of the country after World War I. Soviet Russia was also banned from the League, as their communist views were not welcomed by the victors of World War I. The League was further weakened when critical powers left in the 1930s. Japan began as a permanent member of the Council, but withdrew in 1933 after the League voiced opposition to its invasion of the Chinese territory of Manchuria.^[110] Italy also began as a permanent member of the Council but withdrew in 1937. The League had accepted Germany as a member in 1926, deeming it a "peace-loving country", but Adolf Hitler pulled Germany out when he came to power in 1933.^[111]

The League, like the modern United Nations, lacked an armed force of its own and depended on the Great Powers to enforce its resolutions, which they were very reluctant to do.^[112] The League's two most important members, the UK and France, were reluctant to use sanctions and even more reluctant to resort to military action on behalf of the League. Immediately after World War I, pacifism was a strong force both in the populations and the governments of the two countries. The British Conservatives were especially tepid on the League and preferred, when in government, to negotiate treaties without the involvement of the organization.^{[citation needed]} On 23 June 1936, in the wake of the collapse of League efforts to restrain Italy's war of conquest against Abyssinia, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin told the House of Commons that collective security "failed ultimately because of the reluctance of nearly all the nations in Europe to proceed to what I might call military sanctions ... [T]he real reason, or the main reason, was that we discovered in the process of weeks that there was no country except the aggressor country which was ready for war ... [I]f collective action is to be a reality and not merely a thing to be talked about, it means not only that every country is to be ready for war; but must be ready to go to war at once. That is a terrible thing, but it is an essential part of collective security."^[113] Moreover, the League's advocacy of disarmament for the UK and France (and other members) whilst at the same time advocating collective security meant that the League was unwittingly depriving itself of the only forceful means by which its authority would be upheld. This was because if the League was to force countries to abide by international law it would primarily be the Royal Navy and the French Army which would do the fighting. Furthermore, the UK and France were not powerful enough to enforce international law across the globe, even if they wished to do so. For its members, League obligations meant there was a danger that states would get drawn into international disputes which did not directly affect their respective national interests. Ultimately, the UK and France both abandoned the concept of collective security in favour of appeasement in the face of growing German militarism under Adolf Hitler.^[114]

The League's supposed neutrality tended to manifest itself as indecision. The League required a unanimous vote of its nine (later fifteen) member Council to enact a resolution; conclusive and effective action was difficult, if not impossible. It was also slow in coming to its decisions. Certain decisions required unanimous consent of the entire Assembly.

Another important weakness grew from the contradiction between the idea of collective security, that formed the basis of the League, and international relations between individual states.^[115] The collective security system the League used meant that nations were required to act against states they considered friends, and in a way that might endanger their national interests, to support states that they had no normal affinity with.^[115] This weakness was exposed during the Abyssinia Crisis when the UK and France had to balance attempts to maintain the security they had attempted to create for themselves in Europe "in order to defend against the enemies of internal order"^[116], in which Italy support played a pivotal role, with their obligations to the Abyssinia as a member of the League of Nations.^[117] On 23 June 1936, in the wake of the collapse of League efforts to restrain Italy's war of conquest against Abyssinia, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin told the House of Commons that collective security "failed ultimately because of the reluctance of nearly all the nations in Europe to proceed to what I might call military sanctions ... [T]he real reason, or the main reason, was that we discovered in the process of weeks that there was no country except the aggressor country which was ready for war ... [I]f collective action is to be a reality and not merely a thing to be talked about, it means not only that every country is to be ready for war; but must be ready to go to war at once. That is a terrible thing, but it is an essential part of collective security."^[118]

When the British Cabinet discussed the concept of the League during the Great War, Maurice Hankey, the Cabinet Secretary, circulated a memorandum on the subject. He started by saying: "Generally it appears to me that any such scheme is dangerous to us, because it will create a sense of security which is wholly fictitious".^[119] He attacked the British pre-war faith in the sanctity of treaties as delusional and concluded by claiming:

"It [a League of Nations] will only result in failure and the longer that failure is postponed the more certain it is that this country will have been lulled to sleep. It will put a very strong lever into the hands of the well-meaning idealists who are to be found in almost every Government, who deprecate expenditure on armaments, and, in the course of time, it will almost certainly result in this country being caught at a disadvantage".^[119]

The Foreign Office minister Sir Eyre Crowe also wrote a memorandum to the British Cabinet claiming that "a solemn league and covenant" would just be "a treaty, like other treaties": "What is there to ensure that it will not, like other treaties, be broken?". Crowe went on to express scepticism of the planned "pledge of common action" against aggressors because he believed the actions of individual states would still be determined by national interests and the balance of power. He also criticised the proposal for League economic sanctions because it would ineffectual and that "It is all a question of real military preponderance". Universal disarmament was a practical impossibility, Crowe warned.^[119]

[edit] Demise and legacy

As the situation in Europe deteriorated into war, the Assembly transferred enough power to the Secretary General on 30 September 1938 and 14 December 1939 to allow the League to continue to legally exist and to carry on reduced operations.^[43] Afterwards, the headquarters of the League, the Palace of Peace, remained unoccupied for nearly six years until the Second World War ended.^[120] The final meeting of the League of Nations was held in April 1946 in Geneva. Delegates from 43 nations attended the assembly. Their first act was to close the twentieth meeting, adjourned on 14 December 1939, and to open the twenty-first. This session concerned itself with liquidating the League: the Palace of Peace was given to the UN, reserve funds were returned to the nations that had supplied them, and the debts of the League were settled.^[121] Robert Cecil is said to have summed up the feeling of the gathering^[121] during a speech to the final assembly when he said:

Let us boldly state that aggression wherever it occurs and however it may be defended, is an international crime, that it is the duty of every peace-loving state to resent it and employ whatever force is necessary to crush it, that the machinery of the Charter, no less than the machinery of the Covenant, is sufficient for this purpose if properly used, and that every well-disposed citizen of every state should be ready to undergo any sacrifice in order to maintain peace ... I venture to impress upon my hearers that the great work of peace is resting not only on the narrow interests of our own nations, but even more on those great principles of right and wrong which nations, like individuals, depend.
The League is dead. Long live the United Nations

The motion that dissolved the League passed unanimously: "The League of Nations shall cease to exist except for the purpose of the liquidation of its affairs."^[122] The motion also set the date for the end of the League as the day after the session was closed. On 19 April 1946 the President of the Assembly, Carl J. Hambro of Norway, declared "the twenty-first and last session of the General Assembly of the League of Nations closed." ^[123] As a result, the League of Nations ceased to exist on 20 April 1946.^[124]

At the 1943 Tehran Conference, the Allied Powers agreed to create a new body to replace the League: the United Nations. Many League bodies, such as the International Labour Organization, continued to function and eventually became affiliated with the UN^[32] and the League's assets of $22,000,000 were assigned to the U.N. ^[123]

The structure of the United Nations was intended to make it more effective than the League. The principal Allies in World War II (the UK, the USSR, France, the U.S., and China) became permanent members of the UN Security Council; these new "Great Powers" gained significant international influence, mirroring the League Council. Decisions of the UN Security Council are binding on all members of the UN; however, unanimous decisions are not required, unlike the League Council. Permanent members of the UN Security Council are also given a shield to protect their vital interests, which has prevented the UN acting decisively in many cases. Similarly, the UN does not have its own standing armed forces, but the UN has been more successful than the League in calling for its members to contribute to armed interventions, such as during the Korean War and the peacekeeping mission in the former Yugoslavia. The UN has in some cases been forced to rely on economic sanctions. The UN has also been more successful than the League in attracting members from the nations of the world, making it more representative.

[edit] See also

• Article X of the Covenant of the League of Nations
• Atlantic Charter
• Interwar period
• Minority Treaties
• Neutrality Acts
• Palais des Nations, built as the League's headquarters.

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

• Baer, George W. (1976). Test Case: Italy, Ethiopia, and the League of Nations. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 0817965912. 
• Barnett, Correlli (1972). The Collapse of British Power. London: Eyre Methuen. ISBN 978-0413275806. 
• Baumslag, Naomi (2005). Murderous Medicine: Nazi Doctors, Human Experimentation, and Typhus. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 978-0275983123. 
• Bell, P. M. H. (2007). The Origins of the Second World War in Europe. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. ISBN 978-1-4058-4028-6. 
• Bethell, Leslie (1991). The Cambridge History of Latin America: Volume VIII 1930 to the Present. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521266521. 
• Bouchet-Saulnier, Françoise; Brav, Laura and Olivier, Clementine (2007). The Practical Guide to Humanitarian Law. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0742554961. 
• Burkman, Thomas W. (Summer 1995). "Japan and the League of Nations: an Asian power encounters the European Club". World Affairs 158 (1): 45–57. 
• Churchill, Winston (1986). The Second World War: Volume I The Gathering Storm. London: Houghton Mifflin Books. ISBN 039541055X. 
• Crampton, Ben (1996). Atlas of Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. London: Routledge. ISBN 0415164613. 
• Forster, Peter (1982). The Esperanto Movement. The Hague: Mouton. ISBN 9789027933997. 
• Frowein, Jochen A.; Wolfrum Rüdiger (2000). Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9041114033. 
• Henig (ed.), Ruth B. (1973). The League of Nations. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd. ISBN 9780050025925. 
• Gorodetsky, Gabriel (1994). Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917-1991: A Retrospective. Routledge. ISBN 0714645060. 
• Hill, Robert; Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (1995). The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520072084. 
• Iriye, Akira (1987). The Origins of the Second World War in Asia and the Pacific. Harlow: Longman Group UK Limited. ISBN 0-582-49349-8. 
• Kawamura, Noriko (2000). Turbulence in the Pacific: Japanese-U.S. Relations During World War I. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 978-0275968533. 
• Kennedy, David (April 1987). "The Move to Institutions" (PDF). Cardozo Law Review 8 (5): 841–988. 
• Knock, Thomas J. (1995). To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691001502. 
• Kontra, Miklós; Robert Phillipson, Tove Skutnabb-Kangas, and Tibor Varady (1999). Language, a Right and a Resource: Approaching Linguistic Human Rights. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 9789639116634. 
• League of Nations Information Section (1939). The Essential Facts About the League of Nations. Geneva: League of Nations. OCLC 220743559. 
• Lannon, Frances (2002). The Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1841763691. 
• Levinovitz, Agneta Wallin and Ringertz, Nils (2001). The Nobel Prize: The First 100 Years. World Scientific. ISBN 981024665X. 
• Levy, Marcela López (2001). Bolivia:Oxfam Country Profiles Series. London: Oxfam Publishing. ISBN 0855984554. 
• Magliveras, Konstantinos D (1999). Exclusion from Participation in International Organisations: The Law and Practice behind Member States' Expulsion and Suspension of Membership. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9041112391. 
• McAllister, William B (1999). Drug Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century: An International History. Routledge. ISBN 0415179904. 
• McDonough, Frank (1997). The Origins of the First and Second World Wars. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521568617. 
• Meyer, Mary K. and Prugl, Elisabeth (1999). Gender Politics in Global Governance. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0847691616. 
• Miers, Suzanne (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. AltaMira Press. ISBN 0759103402. 
• Nish, Ian (1977). Japanese foreign policy 1869-1942:Kasumigaseki to Miyakezaka. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 0415273757. 
• Northedge, FS (1986). The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946. New York: Holmes & Meier. ISBN 0-7185-1316-9. 
• Osmanczyk, Edmund Jan and Mango, Anthony (2002). Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements. ISBN 0415939240. 
• Raffo, P. (1974). The League of Nations. London: The Historical Association. 
• Rapoport, Anatol (1995). The Origins of Violence: Approaches to the Study of Conflict. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 1560007834. 
• Reichard, Martin (2006). The EU-NATO relationship: a legal and political perspective. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. ISBN 0754647595. 
• Scheina, Robert L. (2003). Latin America's Wars:Volume 2 The Age of the Professional Soldier, 1900-2001. Potomac Books Inc.. ISBN 1574884522. 
• Scott, George (1973). The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations. London: Hutchinson & Co LTD. ISBN 0-09-117040-0. 
• Skirbekk, Gunnar; Gilje, Nils (2001). History of Western Thought: From Ancient Greece to the Twentieth Century. Routledge. ISBN 0415220734. 
• Torpey, John (2000). The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521634938. 
• Tripp, Charles (2002). A History of Iraq. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 052152900X. 

[edit] Further reading

• Bassett, John Spencer. The League of Nations: A Chapter in World Politics 1930
• Egerton, George W. ; Great Britain and the Creation of the League of Nations: Strategy, Politics, and International Organization, 1914–1919 University of North Carolina Press, 1978
• Gill, George, (1996) The League of Nations from 1929 to 1946: From 1929 to 1946 . Avery Publishing Group. ISBN 0-89529-637-3
• Kelly, Nigel and Lacey, Greg (2001) "Modern World History" Heinemann Educational Publishers, Oxford
• Kennedy, Paul. The Parliament of Man: The Past, Present, and Future of the United Nations (2006)
• Kuehl, Warren F. and Lynne K. Dunn; Keeping the Covenant: American Internationalists and the League of Nations, 1920–1939 1997
• Malin, James C. The United States after the World War 1930. pp 5–82. online
• Marbeau, M. (2001). "La Société des Nations". Presses Universitaires de France. ISBN 2-13-051635-1
• Pfeil, A (1976). "Der Völkerbund".
• Walters, F. P. , A History of the League of Nations 2 vol Oxford University Press. 1952
• Walsh, Ben (1997). Modern World History. John Murray (Publishers) Ltd.. ISBN 0-7195-7231-2.
• Woodrow Wilson, compiled with his approval by Hamilton Foley; Woodrow Wilson's Case for the League of Nations, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1923 contemporary book review
• Zimmern, Alfred ; The League of Nations and the Rule of Law, 1918–1935 1936

[edit] External links

• Covenant of the League of Nations, yale.edu
• League of Nations Photo archive, indiana.edu
• League of Nations chronology
• Proposed flags for the League, atlasgeo.span.ch
• Background of the League of Nations, revision-notes.co.uk
• League of Nations timeline, worldatwar.net
• Table of Assemblies Dates of each annual assembly, links to list of members of each country's delegation
• Wilson's Final Address in Support of the League of Nations Speech made 25 September 1919
• Haile Selassie's 1936 speech to the conference after the Italian invasion of Ethiopia
• Senator Henry Cabot Lodge speaks out against the League of Nations August 1919 speech
• History (1919–1946) from the United Nations Office at Geneva

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